^^^r 

>^^? 


fl\f 


4^\r    •■ 


(      w 


gi»*qwwp?:^*y^ji:'.i»Mi 


Vl  B  RAR.Y 

OF  THL 

UNIVERSITY 

Of    ILLINOIS 


B 
B633C 


Til. Hist. Survey 


^% 


/,/  y  ^'ii 


TO 

The  Lo^al  ^epuHican  If  oter?  of  IIib  Dqited  fhk^ 

WHOSE   GALLANT    FIGHT    AT  THE    POLLS    IN    NOVEMBER,    1880. 
PLACED  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  OUR  GOVERNMENT  A  SELF- 
MADE  MAN  AND  NOBLE  PATRIOT, 

THIS  VOLUME  IS  DEDICATED, 

IN  THE    HOPE   AND   WITH   THE    EARNEST    CONVICTION   THAT    IN 

NOVEMBER,    1884,  THEY  WILL  AGAIN    STORM  THE    ENEMY'S 

WORKS,  AND  MOUNTING  THE  RAMPARTS,  SHOUT  FOR 

BLAINE,  LOGAN  AND  VICTORY! 


liii) 


The  Best  is  always  the  Cheapest — Beware  of  Worthless  Catch-penny  Bmiks. 

^S  A  MAN,   THE  NOBLEST  OF  HIS  TIMES. 

AS  A  CITIZEN,   THE  GRANDEST  OF  HIS  NATION. 

AS  A  STATESMAN,    THE  IDOL  OF  MILLIONS  OF  PEOPLE. 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 
OUR  GREATEST  LIVING   STATESMAN. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine, 

"THE    PLUMED    KNIGHT." 
EMBRACING 

A    FULL    ACCOUNT    OK    HIS    EARLY     LIFE;    AND    EFFORTS    TO    OHTAIN    AN 

EDUCATION;    HIS    CAREER  AS  A   TEACHER;    HIS  BRILLIANT   SERVICES 

AS    A    CONGRESSMAN ;     HIS    ABLE    AND     PATRIOTIC    RECORD    IN 

THE   SENATE   OF   THE    UNITED    STATES  AND   AS   SECRETARY 

OF     STATE      DURING      GARFIELD'S      ADMINISTRATION; 

HIS      MANFUL       BATTLES       WITH       RINGS      AND 

CORRUPTION       IN      HIGH      PLACES. 

BY  VINCENT  S.  COOKE, 

OF  THE    "  PHILADKLPHIA  PRESS,"  THE    DISTINGUISHED  AM)    PlilTLAK  WKITEK. 

TO  WHICH    IS  ADDED 

The  Life  of  Gen'l  John  A.  Logan. 

With  a  Full  Account  of  his  Services  as  a  General 
and  Record  as  a  Statesman. 


The  work  also  contains  an  account  of  the  election  and  administration  of  every  Picsi- 
dent  from  Washington  to  Arthur,  and  fine  portraits  of  all  of  them,  with  a  complete 
HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY,  and  a  large  amount  of  valuable 
statistical  matter,  giving  the  returns  of  the  votes  cast  at  all  our  Presidential  elections. 


Embellished  with  Fine  Steel  Portraits  of  Blaine  and  Logan  and 
Numerous  Illustrations  on  Wood. 

NATIONAL   PUBLISHING    CO., 

PHILADELPHIA,    PA.,    CHICAGO,    ILLS.,    ST.   LOUIS,    MO 


Copyrighted,  1884. 


^         JU''^ 


PREFACE. 


IT  is  the  pride  and  boast  of  Americans  that  this  is  a  coun- 
try of  self-made  men.  However  humble  may  be  the 
position  of  a  man,  it  is  within  his  power,  in  this  land  of 
Hr  equality  and  Republican  institutions,  to  attain  the  highest 
honors  within  the  gift  of  his  fellow-citizens.  Our  history 
is  full  of  the  names  of  men  who,  without  friends  or  fortune 
to  aid  them,  have  risen  by  the  force  of  their  own  abilities 
to  the  proudest  position  in  the  Republic — Washington, 
Jefferson,  Lincoln,  Garfield,  and  their  glorious  compeers, 
were  all  self-made  men,  and  carved  out  their  great  suc- 
cesses by  their  own  unaided  efforts.  Their  examples  shine 
out  brightly  to  encourage  and  cheer  others  who  are  strug- 
gling onward  in  the  road  by  which  they  climbed  to  great- 
ness. 

No  career  in  all  our  history  furnishes  a  more  brilliant 
example  of  this  than  that  of  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine. 
Starting  as  a  poor  country  boy,  without  money,  position, 
or  influence,  compelled  to  struggle  against  poverty,  he  has 
V  raised  himself  by  his  own  unaided  efforts  to  the  highest 
<^  pinnacle  of  fame.  The  poor  boy  of  forty  years  ago  is  now 
the  leader  of  the  Republican  party  in  one  of  its  most  criti- 
cal struggles,  and  is  destined  to  be  the  next  President  of 
the  United  States.  Thanks  to  the  glorious  institutions 
founded  by  our  fathers,  it  has  become  possible  for  the  gen- 

(V) 


<-z 


SCENE    AT    A     I'Ol.ll  K '  \l.      MI-.l.llNi;      IN      LOUISIANA     WHEN     HAYES 
WAS     KI.ECTKD    PRESIDENT. 


,.,iiiimi^!|^v:7^;T 


5i!nH';i!^;"3i3ni!ti!?!iii«ni'!!!i,i.; : " 


SCENE    AT    A     POLITICAL     Ml'.l .I'lNi;     IN      muiSLWA    WHEN     HAYES 
WAS    ELECTED    PRESIDENT. 


IJLAINE'S  UlRTlirLACE.  IN    WASHINGTON   CO.,  PA. 


THE  ^'PLUMED  KNIGHT." 


LIFE-STORY  OF 


HON    JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 

STATESMAN    AND   SCHOLAR. 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

THE  AMERICAN  GLADSTONE. 

e3ibracing  a  full  account  of  his  early  llfe— his 
First  Ambitious  Efforts  as  a  Teacher— Laboring 
in  the  editorial  fleld— his  brilliant  congres- 
signal  Career— His  Commanding  Presence  in  the 
United  States  Senate— Selected  by  our  Martyred 
Garfield  as  Secretary  of  State— Nominated  Amidst 
the  Wildest  Enthusiasm  for  the  Highest  Office 
IN  THE  Gift  of  the  American  Feople. 

James  Gillespie   Blaine,  the   nominee  of  the 

Republican   party   for    President   of    the    United 

States,   was    born   January    31,    1830,    in    Union 

Township,  Washington  county,  Pennsylvania.    He 

comes  from  noted  Scotch-Irish  stock,  his  ancestors 

having  been  among  the  pioneers  who  a  century 

and   a   half    ago   ascended   the   great    lime-stone 

valley  in  which   Carlisle  is  situated,  and  founded 

that    thriving    town.       The   stone    Presbyterian 
B  (17) 


18  LIFE    OF   HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

church,  which  the  second  generation  built,  is  still 
standing,  and  near  by  is  the  old-fashioned  house 
where  Mr.  Blaine's  great-grandfather.  Colonel  Eph- 
raim  Blaine,  lived  for  many  years.  This  officer  was 
originally  a  colonel  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  but 
during  the  last  four  years  of  the  Revolutionary 
war  he  was  Commissary-General  of  the  Northern 
Department,  and  during  the  terrible  winter  at 
Valley  Forge  did  his  best  to  keep  the  wolf  of 
famine  and  destitution  from  the  American  camp, 
vColonel  Ephraim  Blaine's  son,  James  Blaine,  emi- 
•grated  from  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  into  the  then 
wilderness  of  Southwestern  Pennsylvania,  and 
established  a  country  store  at  the  mouth  of  Ten 
Mile  Run,  in  Greene  county.  He  remained 
there  but  a  short  time,  and  then  moved  to  Browns- 
ville with  his  wagon-load  of  goods,  and  opened  a 
store  which  he  kept  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  James 
Blaine's  son,  "  Squire  Blaine,"  as  he  was  known  in 
the  community,  was  married  to  Mi.ss  Gillespie,  a 
devout  member  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
but  their  seven  children — five  boys  and  two  girls — 
adhered  to  the  traditional  faith  of  the  Blaines. 
The  eldest  of  these  five  sons,  James  Gillespie 
Blaine,  is  the  subject  of  this  sketch. 

Concerning  the  religious  faith  of  his  family  and 
his  own  attitude  in  religious  matters,  Mr,  Blaine 
wrote  in  later  life — March  10,  1876 — as  follows : 

My  ancestors  on  my  father's  side  were,  as  you 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  19 

know,  alwaj's  identified  with  the  Presbyterian 
church,  and  they  were  prominent  and  honored  in 
the  old  colony  of  Pennsylvania.  But  I  will  never 
consent  to  make  any  public  declaration  upon  the 
subject,  and  for  two  reasons:  first,  because  I  abhor 
the  introduction  of  anything  that  looks  like  a  re- 
ligious test  or  qualification  for  office  in  a  republic 
where  perfect  freedom  of  conscience  is  the  birth- 
right of  every  citizen ;  and,  second,  because  my 
mother  was  a  devoted  Catholic.  I  would  not  for 
a  thousand  Presidencies  speak  a  disrespectful  word 
of  my  mother's  religion,  and  no  pressure  will  draw 
me  into  any  avowal  of  hostility  or  unfriendliness 
to  Catholics,  though  I  have  never  received,  and  do 
not  expect,  any  political  support  from  them. 

The  Kennehec  Journal  (Augusta,  Maine),  about 
this  time,  said  on  the  same  subject  that  "  Mr. 
Blaine  has  been  for  nearly  twenty  years  a  con- 
sistent member  of  the  Orthodox  Congregational 
Church  in  this,  the  city  of  his  home.  Orthodox 
Congregationalism  in  Maine  is  precisely  the  same 
creed  as  Presbyterian  ism  in  Pennsylvania." 

blaine's  boyhood. 

Speaking  of  Blaine's  boyhood  the  well-known 
journalist.  Colonel  Frank  A.  Burr,  thus  wrote  of 
a  visit  to  his  early  home  in  West  Brownsville, 
Pennsylvania,  in  1882  : 

"  I  stood  beside  two  old  graves  to-day  in  this 
village,  that  are  in  the  shadow  of  the  little  church 
that  so  quickly  recalled  to  me  Longfellow's  beau- 


20  LIFE   OF    HON^.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

tiful  lines.  *  The  marble  that  marked  them  was 
much  newer  than  the  mounds,  and  the  surround- 
ings impressed  me  with  the  thought  that  a  dutiful 
and  reverent  son  had  3^ears  after,  when  means  and 
opportunity  came  that  were  wanting  when  death 
called  father  and  mother  away,  placed  a  fitting 
monument  to  mark  the  spot  where  they  slept. 
It  is  a  plain,  unpretentious  stone  that  marks  these 
graves,  and  it  was  the  names  only  that  attracted 
my  attention.     They  were  those  of 

EPHRAIM  L.    BLAINE 
AND* 
MARIA   GILLESPIE   BLAINE. 

"  ^  Who  were  these  two  people  in  life  ? '  I  asked 
of  an  old  gentleman,  who  had  wandered  along 
with  me  to  this  quiet  city  where  the  dead  sleep. 

" '  Why,  they  were  the  father  and  mother  of 
James  G.  Blaine.  I  knew  them  both  well.  Eph 
Blaine  and  I  went  to  school  together.  He  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  this  town,  and  was  squire 
here  for  many  a  year.  He  wg-s  elected  prothono- 
tary  of  the  county  in  1842,  and  moved  to  Wash- 
ington, the  county-seat.  He  married  Maria,  a 
daughter  of  old  Neal  Gillespie,  the  smartest  man 
in  this  whole  section,  and  from  his  people  James 
Gillespie  Blaine  derives  his  middle  name.  The 
Gillespies  were  among  the  most  prominent  families 
in  the  State.     The  seal  of  nature's  nobility  was 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  21 

stamped  upon  them,  one  and  all.  The  men  were 
brave  and  stalwart ;  as  strong  in  character,  too,  as 
they  were  stout  of  limb.  The  women  were  very 
handsome,  and  carried  themselves  as  proudly  as 
though  the  blood  of  a  hundred  earls  were  coursing 
through  their  veins.  The  beauty  of  old  Mrs. 
Blaine,  James'  mother,  passed  into  a  proverb. 
Even  in  her  decrepit  age  she  preserved  much  of 
her  early  attractiveness,  and  her  eye  was  like  a 
hawk's,  as  clear  and  flashing  then  as  in  the  days  of 
her  budding  womanhood.  This  was  a  peculiarity 
of  her  family,  and  she  transmitted  it  to  all  her 
children.  The  Gillespies  were  ardent,  intense 
Catholics,  and  made  their  religion  the  leading 
feature  of  their  lives.  Neal  Gillespie  owned  a 
good  deal  of  land  about  here,  and  Eph  Blaine 
built  the  brick  house  you  see  yonder  on  a  portion 
of  it,  after  his  marriage  with  Miss  Gillespie. 
There  their  first  child,  James,  was  born  in  1830. 
I  remember  him  very  well  when  he  was  a  lad  and 
used  to  paddle  about  on  the  river  and  make  mud 
pies  along  its  banks.     He  was  a  bright  lad. 

NEVER    TURNED    HIS   BACK   ON   FRIEND   OR    FOE. 

"  '  I  remember  one  little  story  about  him,  which 
I  often  heard  in  those  days,  and  which  is  inter- 
esting as  showing  how  truly,  in  his  case,  the  child 
was  father  to  the  man.  When  he  was  but  a  little 
toddler,  so  to  speak,  some  laborers  were  engaged 
digging  a  well  on  his  fiither's  premises.    The  future 


22  LIFE   OF   HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

statesman  was  caught  one  morning  peering  down 
into  the  excavation,  and  one  of  the  men,  with  the 
idea  of  frightening  him  and  thus  preventing  him 
from  again  putting  himself  in  danger,  thrust  his 
shovel  toward  him,  and  made  all  sorts  of  ugly 
faces.  Jim  ran  away,  but  only  to  nurse  his  anger 
and  await  an  opportunity  for  revenge.  Venturing 
to  the  well  a  day  or  two  after  he  had  been  driven 
away,  he  found  the  men  working  away  at  the  bot- 
tom. Improving  the  opportunity,  he  seized  a  clod 
of  earth  and  hurled  it  with  all  his  little  might  full 
at  the  head  of  his  unsuspecting  enemy,  with  the 
consolatory  remark,  "  There,  take  that."  Clod  fol- 
lowed clod  in  fast  succession,  with  accompanying 
expletives,  until  the  men  were  fairly  beside  them- 
selves with  rage  and  with  the  fear  that  the 
desperate  child  might  take  it  into  his  head  to  use 
some  of  the  stones  lying  about  him  as  messengers 
of  wrath  more  effective  than  mere  lumps  of  earth. 
Their  shouts,  however,  brought  his  mother  to  the 
scene,  and  the  little  avenger  was  unceremoniously 
hustled  off  to  the  house.  That  was  the  old  blood 
asserting  itselt.  A  Gillespie  or  a  Blaine  never 
turned  his  back  upon  friend  or  foe. 

A  century's  memories. 

'' '  That's  the  new  packet  "  James  G.  Blaine " 
that  runs  from  here  to  Pittsburgh.  The  two  peo- 
ple who  sleep  in  this  graveyard  little  thought 
when  they  died  that  they'd  have  a  son  big  enough 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  23 

to  have  a  packet  named  for  him.  They  died  when 
Jim  was  young,  and  they  didn't  leave  anything 
for  him  to  start  with  either.  Eph  BLaine  was  a 
rich  man  once.  His  grandfather  left  him  some 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  but  he  spent  it  having  a 
good  time.  He  was  not  a  money-saver,  but  be- 
lieved in  enjoying  the  world  as  he  lived.  He  used 
to  drive  fine  horses,  and  drove  'em  tandem,  too. 
Old  Neal  Gillespie  used  to  call  him  "My  gig-and- 
tandem  son-in-law."  The  Gillespies  wasn't  so  slow, 
either,  but  Eph  Blaine  led  'em  all  in  this  country. 
It's  no  wonder  Jim  Blaine  is  smart.  He  comes  of 
good  stock  on  both  sides.  All  the  Gillespies  were 
smart.  Neal  Gillespie  was  the  biggest  brained 
man  in  all  this  country.' 

" '  Do  the  Blaines  or  any  of  the  relatives  own  the 
old  homestead?' 

" '  No,  indeed.  It's  long  since  passed  into  strange 
hands.  There  was  little  of  either  the  Blaine  or  the 
Gillespie  estate  left  when  the  se*"tlement  day  came. 
The  children  all  had  to  begin  new.  None  of  either 
family  live  about  here  now.' 

"There  is  much  that  is  strange  in  the  story  that 
the  old  man  told  me,  and  much  more  that  is  inter- 
esting. We  finished  the  talk  beside  the  restless 
waters  of  the  Monongahela,  near  which  Mr.  Blaine 
was  born,  and  his  family  lived  for  years.  The 
little  brick  house  doesn't  stand  more  than  forty 
rods  from  the  river,  and  the  old  path  which  leads 
from  the  doorway  that  Blaine  helped  to  make  in 


24  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

childhood,  is  still  there.  The  best  boat  on  the 
river  now  bears  his  name,  and  the  plain  people 
love  to  talk  of  his  having  been  born  in  their  midst. 
It  is  a  queer  section  of  country  in  which  to  have 
found  the  homes  of  two  such  families  as  the  Blaines 
and  the  Gillespies.  Both  strong  houses — both  fond 
of  the  best  things  of  this  life.  Both  educated  and 
brainy.  Blaine  sprung  from  Revolutionary  stock. 
His  great-grandfather  was  a  distinguished  officer  in 
the  Revolution.  He  was  a  rich  man  and  lived  in 
Cumberland  county,  above  Carlisle.  He  left  James 
Blaine,  the  grandfather,  and  Ephraim  Blaine,  the 
father  of  the  man  of  whom  I  am  now  writing,  rich. 
The  story  goes  that  both  spent  their  money  in 
having  a  good  time.  The  grandfather  spent  many 
years  in  Europe,  and  returned  to  this  country  only 
when  he  had  become  penniless.  The  first  history 
he  made  in  this  country  began  early  in  the  present 
century.  After  he  was  poor  he  left  the  rich  and 
popular  section  of  Carlisle,  and  moved  into  the  then 
wilderness  of  the  Youghiogheny  region,  and  estab- 
lished a  country  store  at  the  mouth  of  Ten  Mile 
Run,  in  Greene  county.  He  lived  here  but  a  short 
time  when  he  came  to  Brownsville,  with  his  wagon 
load  of  goods,  and  established  a  store,  which  he 
kept  the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  Gillespie 
family  was  then  a  rich  and  powerful  family  in  the 
region.  The  strensrth  of  mind  and  character  for 
which  all  the  family  were  noted  is  still  a  proverb 
in  the  region.      The  Monongahela   river  at  this 


LIFE    or    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  25 

point  separates  the  two  counties  of  Fayette  and 
Washington.  Brownsville  is  on  the  Fayette  side 
and  West  Brownsville  on  the  Washington  side. 
They  are  both  quaint  old  towns,  and  wear  the 
mark  of  many  years.  I  don't  suppose  there  are 
5000  people  in  both,  and  the  houses  straggle  along 
the  banks  of  the  river  on  the  lowlands,  which  are 
just  high  enough  to  keep  them  out  of  the  reach  of 
the  overflow.  This  country  was  new — I  might  say 
wald — when  the  Blaines  and  the  Gillespies  came 
here.  The  rich  treasures  of  the  Youghiogheny 
region  were  floated  down  the  Ohio  river  in  rude 
keel  boats,  and  the  untold  wealth  in  the  rugged 
mountains  was  then  unknown.  Albert  Gallatin 
used  to  live  in  this  country  then,  and  his  residence 
was  but  a  few  miles  up  the  river  from  this  point. 
But  mighty  changes  have  taken  place  since  those 
days,  when  he  left  his  impress  upon  the  finances 
and  credit  of  this  country  so  that  it  can  never  be 
effaced. 

TWO    STRONG    FAMILIES. 

"There  seems  to  have  been  good  feeling  from  the 
first  between  the  Blaine  and  Gillespie  families,  and 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  special  care  to  inter- 
mingle the  family  names  as  each  son  was  born. 
The  old  man  whom  I  encountered  in  the  first  part 
of  this  story  told  me  that  nearly  every  son  in  the 
Blaine  family,  as  in  the  Gillespies,  wore  the  family 
name  or  some  part  of  his  autograph.  The  Gillespie 
family  seemed  to  run  more  to  girls  than  boys,  and 


26  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

it  seemed  to  be  their  good  fortune  to  link  their  for- 
tunes with  strong  men.  The  daughter  who  was 
next  in  age  to  Maria,  who  married  Ephraim  A. 
Blaine,  was  wedded  to  the  famous  Tom  Ewing,  of 
Ohio,  when  he  was  a  poor  lawyer  in  Lancaster, 
Pa.  That's  how  he  became  an  uncle  of  James  G. 
Blaine,  and  the  names  of  Blaine  and  Ewing  became 
joined. 

"  There  is  a  tradition  here  that  when  old  Tom 
Ewing  was  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Blaine  ap- 
plied to  him  for  a  clerkship  and  the  old  man  sent 
him  to  Kentucky  to  earn  an  honest  living  teaching 
school.  This  association  of  the  name  of  Ewing 
with  that  of  Blaine  has  given  rise  to  the  story  that 
the  Ewing  family  of  Ohio  helped  James  G.  Blaine 
to  an  education.  I  might  as  well  destroy  this 
fiction  by  telling  the  f\icts. 

"A  short  drive  brought  me  to  Washington,  the 
county-seat  of  this  county,  and  one  of  the  first 
men  I  met  was  Major  John  H.  Ewing,  an  old 
veteran  now  past  fourscore  years. 

"  '  I  married  the  sister  of  Ephraim  L.  Blaine.  He 
and  I  went  to  school  together  over  in  yonder  col- 
lege, and  I  knew  him  nearly  all  his  life.  He  was 
a  leader  in  the  mischief  of  the  school,  and  fond  of 
all  the  good  things  of  this  life.  He  was  the  hand- 
somest man  I  ever  saw,  and  he  had  a  wife  that 
was  a  match  for  him.  She  was  one  of  the  noblest 
women  I  ever  knew.  She  inherited  all  the  sterling 
traits  of  character  and  strength  of  mind  for  which 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  27 

the  Gillespies  were  noted.  So,  you  see,  Blaine 
sprang  from  the  best  of  stock  on  both  sides.  His 
father  was  Justice  of  the  Peace  over  in  West 
Brownsville  for  a  number  of  years,  and  afterwards 
Prothonotary  of  the  County.  He  was  elected  in  1842, 
and  came  here  to  live.  James  G.  was  only  about 
twelve  years  old  then,  and  almost  every  middle- 
aged  man  you  meet  on  the  streets  here  remembers 
all  about  him.' 

ON    THE    ROAD   TO   FAME. 

"  Mr.  Gow,  the  editor  of  one  of  the  papers  in 
Washington,  Pa.,  who  was  Blaine's  classmate, 
speaks  thus  of  his  school-days : 

"'Yes;  Blaine  graduated  in  the  class  of  '47, 
when  he  was  only  seventeen  years  old.  I  gradu- 
ated in  the  same  class.  We  were  thrown  a  great 
deal  together,  not  only  in  school,  but  in  society. 
He  was  a  great  favorite  in  the  best  social  circles  in 
the  town.  He  was  not  noted  as  a  leader  in  his 
class.  He  could  learn  his  lessons  too  easily.  He 
had  the  most  remarkable  memory  of  any  boy  in 
school,  and  could  commit  and  retain  his  lessons 
without  difficulty.  He  never  demonstrated  in  his 
youth,  except  by  his  wonderful  memory,  any  of 
the  great  powers  as  a  debater  and  thinker  that  he 
has  since  given  evidence  of. 

"When  a  man  has  filled  so  large  a  place  in  the  pul> 
lie  eye  as  Mr.  Blaine  has,  his  early  life  seems  a  great 
way  off.     When  you  get  where  every  other  man 


28  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

you  meet  can  tell  you  all  about  it,  then  you  seem 
to  see  it  in  a  different  light,  and  it  leaves  a  far 
different  impression  upon  your  mind.  Here,  what 
seem  to  be  to  you,  when  awa}^  traditions  far  in 
the  distant  past,  appear  like  the  recollections  of 
yesterday.  People  cannot  only  tell  you  of  his 
father  and  his  grandfather,  but  of  almost  every 
phase  of  his  life  from  boyhood  up.  The  stories  of 
his  early  struggles  and  triumphs  are  as  vivid  as 
those  of  his  later  years,  and  his  name  is  closely  as- 
sociated with  the  lore  of  the  country  side.  He 
left  here  soon  after  he  graduated,  but  how  little 
did  he  then  think  that  his  home  would  be  made  in 
the  Northland,  and  his  fame  and  fortune  won  many 
miles  away  from  the  quaint  old  town  where  he 
grew  up.  It  is  a  nice  place  for  peace  and  rest. 
The  people  are  contented  and  happy  with  their 
splendid  educational  institutions,  their  rich  acres, 
and  plenty  of  money.  He  had  close  alliances  here 
then  that  were  likely  to  bring  him  back  to  stay. 
Almost  his  first  occupation  after  graduating  was  as 
a  teacher  in  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum  in  Phil- 
adelphia. Why  he  went  from  there  to  Kentucky 
to  teach  school  has  been  a  question  often  asked  but 
never  answered.  There  is  a  tradition  here  that 
there  is  but  one  being  who  knows.  Like  other 
boys  he  had  his  friendships  and  his  loves,  and  it 
would  be  strange  if  he  had  grown  up — for  he  is 
said  to  have  been  as  handsome  a  boy  as  he  is  a 
man — without  leaving  some  impression  upon  the 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  29 

hearts  of  the  maidens  of  the  neighborhood.  If 
there  is  one  person  living  who  can  tell,  and  there 
is,  it  has  been  and  doubtless  will  be  forever  kept  as 
a  sealed  book,  so  far  as  the  details  are  concerned. 
It  was  one  of  those  youthful  misunderstandings 
that  often  come  to  two  people  who  hope  to  start 
out  on  the  voyage  of  life  together,  and  are  sepa- 
rated by  an  angry  sea  before  they  meet.  There  is 
not  even  a  suggestion  as  to  which  of  the  two  was 
at  fault  for  the  parting  of  the  ways  that  led  their 
life's  journeys  into  different  paths." 

STUDENT    AND    TEACHER. 

James  entered  Washington  College  in  1843, 
being  then  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  became  at 
once  prominent  as  a  scholar  among  the  two  or 
three  hundred  other  lads  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  and  because  of  his  splendid  physique  he 
was  also  a  leader  in  all  manly  athletic  sports.  He 
was  not  a  bookworm,  or  a  burner  of  midnight  oil, 
but  he  was  a  close  student,  and  possessed  the  happy 
faculty  of  assimilating  knowledge  from  books  and 
tutors  far  more  easily  and  quickly  than  most  of 
his  fellows.  In  debating  societies  he  held  his  own 
well,  and  was  conspicuous  by  his  ability  to  control 
and  direct  others. 

In  his  classes  he  was  always  foremost  as  a 
scholar,  and  personally  very  popular.  To  the  new 
scholars  who  entered  in  succeeding  classes  he  was 
a  hero — uniformly  kind  to  them,  ready  to  give  as- 


30  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

sistance  and  advice,  and  eager  to  make  pleasant 
their  path  in  college  life.  His  handsome  person 
and  neat  attire ;  his  ready  sympathy  and  prompt 
assistance ;  his  frank,  generous  nature,  and  his 
brave,  manly  bearing,  made  him  the  best  known, 
the  best  loved,  and  the  most  popular  boy  at  col- 
lege. He  was  the  arbiter  among  younger  boys  in 
all  their  disputes,  and  the  authority  with  those  of 
his  own  age  on  all  questions.  He  was  always  for 
the  "  under  dog  in  the  fight."  And  at  the  end  of 
the  usual  four  years'  course  at  college  he  was  grad- 
uated, in  1847,  with  the  most  distinguished  honors 
of  his  class,  and  went  forth  into  practical  life  well 
fitted  in  acquirements  and  training  to  deal  with  its 
problems,  and  bearing  as  a  crown  of  youthful 
honor  the  affection  and  esteem  of  all  his  asso- 
ciates. 

From  his  alma  mater  young  Blaine  went  to 
Blue  Lick  Springs,  Kentucky,  and  became  a  pro- 
fessor in  the  Western  Military  Institute,  in  which 
there  were  about  450  boys.  A  retired  officer,  who 
was  a  student  there  at  the  time,  relates  that  Pro- 
fessor Blaine  was  a  thin,  handsome,  earnest  young 
man,  with  the  same  fascinating  manners  he  has 
now.  He  was  popular  with  the  boys,  who  trusted 
him  and  made  friends  with  him  from  the  first.  He 
knew  the  given  names  of  every  one,  and  he  knew 
their  shortcomings  and  their  strong  points.  He 
was  a  man  of  great  personal  courage,  and  during  a 
fight  between  the  faculty  of  the  school  and  the 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  31 

owners  of  the  springs,  involving  some  questions 
about  the  removal  of  the  school,  he  behaved  in  the 
bravest  manner,  fighting  hard  but  keeping  cool. 
Revolvers  and  knives  were  freely  used,  but  Blaine 
only  used  his  well-disciplined  muscle.  Colonel 
Thornton  F.  Johnson  was  the  principal  of  the 
school,  and  his  wife  had  a  young  ladies'  school  at 
Millersburg,  twenty  miles  distant.  It  was  at  this 
phace  that  Mr.  Blaine  met  Miss  St  an  wood,  who  be- 
longed to  an  excellent  fjimily,  and  she  afterwards 
became  his  wife. 

BLAINE    TEACHING    THE   BLIND. 

"  Yes,  I  remember  young  James  G.  Blaine  dis- 
tinctly," said  William  Chapin,  the  principal  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the 
Blind  in  Philadelphia.  "  He  was  principal  teacher 
here  on  the  boys'  side  for  two  years,  and  when  he 
departed  he  left  behind  him  not  only  universal  re- 
gret at  a  serious  loss  to  the  institution,  but  an  im- 
pression of  his  personal  force  upon  the  work  and 
its  methods,  which  survives  the  lapse  of  twenty 
years." 

The  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  Instruc- 
tion of  the  Blind,  at  Twentieth  and  Race  Streets, 
is  the  second  place  in  which  Mr.  Blaine  taught 
after  his  graduation  from  Washington  College.  He 
rang  the  bell  at  the  front  door  of  the  building  one 
summer  afternoon  in  1852,  in  answer  to  an  adver- 
tisement for  a   teacher.      "  There  were   thirty  or 


32  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

forty  other  applicants,"  said  Mr.  Chapin,  "  but  Ins 
manner  was  so  winning  and  he  possessed  so  many 
manifestly  valuable  qualities  that  I  closed  an  en- 
gagement with  him  at  once.  He  was  married,  and 
his  wife  and  little  son  Walker  came  here  with  him. 
His  qualities,  which  impressed  me  most  deeply, 
were  his  culture,  the  thoroughness  of  his  education 
and  his  unfailing  self-possession.  He  was  also  a 
man  of  very  decided  will,  and  was  very  much  dis- 
posed to  argument.  He  was  young  then — only 
twenty-two — and  was  rather  impulsive,  leaping  to 
a  conclusion  very  quickly.  But  he  was  always 
ready  to  defend  his  conclusions,  however  suddenly 
he  seemed  to  have  reached  them.  We  had  many 
a  familiar  discussion  in  this  very  room,  and  his 
arguments  always  astonished  me  by  the  knowledge 
they  displayed  of  ficts  in  history  and  politics.  His 
memory  was  remarkable,  and  seemed  to  retain 
details  which  ordinary  men  would  forget. 

Blaine's  first  book. 
"  Now,  I  will  show  you  something  that  illus- 
trates how  thoroughly  Mr.  Blaine  mastered  any- 
thing he  took  hold  of,"'  said  Mr.  Chapin,  as  he  took 
from  a  desk  in  the  corner  of  the  room  a  thick 
quarto  manuscript  book,  bound  in  dark,  brown 
leather,  and  lettered  "Journal"  on  the  corner. 
"  This  book  Mr.  Blaine  compiled  with  great  labor 
from  the  minute  books  of  the  Board  of  Managers. 
It  gives  an  historical  view  of  the  institution  from 


LIFE   OF   HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  33 

the  time  of  its  foundation  up  to  the  time  of  Mr. 
Blaine's  departure.  He  did  all  the  work  in  his 
own  room,  telling  no  one  of  it  until  he  left.  Then 
he  presented  it,  through  me,  to  the  Board  of  Man- 
agers, who  were  both  surprised  and  gratified.  I 
believe  they  made  him  a  present  of  $100  as  a 
thank-offering  for  an  invaluable  work." 

Indeed,  this  book,  the  first  historical  work  of 
Mr.  Blaine,  is  a  model  of  its  kind.  On  the  title- 
page,  in  ornamental  pen-work,  executed  at  that 
time  by  Mr.  Chapin,  is  the  inscription  : 

Journal 

of  the 

Pennsylvania  Institution 

for  the 

INSTRUCTION  OF  THE  BLIND, 

from  its  foundation. 


Compiled  from  official  records 

by 

James  G.  Blaine, 
1854. 

The  methodical  character  of  the  work  is  most 
remarkable.  On  the  first  page  every  abbreviation 
used  in  the  book  is  entered  alphabetically.  The 
first  entry  reads:  *' On  this  and  the  four  following 
pages  will  be  found  some  notes  in  regard  to  the 
origin  of  the  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  In- 
struction of  the  Blind,  furnished  by  I.  Francis 
C 


34  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

Fislier,  Esq."  From  this  page  to  the  188th,  in 
which  is  the  last  entry  made  by  Mr.  Blaine,  every 
line  is  a  model  of  neatness  and  accuracy.  On 
every  page  is  a  wide  margin.  At  the  top  of  the 
margin  is  the  year,  in  ornamental  figures.  Below 
it  is  a  brief  statement  of  what  the  text  contains 
opposite  that  portion  of  the  marginal  entry.  Every 
year's  record  closes  with  an  elaborate  table,  giving 
the  attendance  of  members  of  the  board.  The  last 
pages  of  the  book  are  filled  with  alphabetical  lists 
of  officers  of  the  institution  and  statistical  tables, 
compiled  by  the  same  patient  and  untiring  hnnd. 
One  of  the  lists  is  tliat  of  the  "principal  teachers." 
No.  13  is  followed  by  the  signature,  "  Jas.  G.  Blaine, 
from  x\ugust  5,  1852,  to" — and  then,  in  another 
hand,  the  record  is  completed  with  date  November 
23,  1854. 

"  I  think  that  the  book,"  remarked  Mr.  Chapin, 
"illustrates  the  character  of  the  man  in  accurate 
mastery  of  facts  and  orderly  presentation  of  details. 
We  still  use  it  for  reference,  and  Mr.  Frank  Bat- 
tles, the  assistant  principal,  is  bringing  the  record 
down  to  the  present  time. 

"I  recall  one  incident,"  Mr.  Chapin  continued, 
"  which  indicates  Mr.  Blaine's  mode  of  discipline, 
and  shows,  too,  that  he  was  in  those  days  some- 
what impulsive.  It  was  one  of  his  duties  to  take 
charge  of  the  bovs  at  breakfast,  and  sometimes 
there  would  be  a  few  sleepy  laggards.  One  morn- 
ing a  whole  room-full  of  boys,  five  or  six  of  them, 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  oD 

failed  to  appear.  Mr.  Blaine  quietly  walked  up- 
stairs and  locked  them  in.  The  boys  had  a  screw- 
driver and  they  unfastened  the  lock ;  but  by  the 
time  they  reached  the  breakfast-room  the  tables 
had  been  cleared.  '  You  can  have  no  breakfast/ 
was  the  teacher's  announcement.  The  boys  there- 
upon declared  that  they  wouldn't  go  into  Mr. 
Blaine's  classes.  He  reported  them  to  me.  Al- 
thougli  I  thought  it  perhaps  a  little  severe  to  de- 
prive the^i  of  breakfiist,  I  felt  obliged  to  sustain 
Mr.  Blaine,  and  told  them  to  go  to  their  class- 
rooms as  usual.  They  still  refused,  and  I  suspended 
them  for  the  day.  The  next  morning  they  rose  in 
time  for  breakfast,  attended  classes,  and  the  little 
rebellion  was  over. 

"  Mr.  Blaine  taught  mathematics,  in  which  he 
excelled,  and  the  higher  branches.  His  wife  was 
universally  beloved,  and  often  read  aloud  to  the 
pupils.  When  he  went  away  to  become  editor  of 
the  Kennehec  Journal,  we  felt  that  we  had  lost  a 
man  of  large  parts,  and  we  have  watched  his  up- 
ward career  with  great  interest.  Yes,  indeed;  we 
are  all  for  Blaine  here.  He  has  called  here  a 
number  of  times  when  he  stopped  in  the  city  on 
his  way  to  and  from  Washington.  The  last  time 
he  was  here  he  heard  with  great  interest  of  the 
progress  of  D.  D.  Wood,  the  blind  organist  at  St. 
Stephen's  Church,  who  was  one  of  his  pupils,  and 
recalled  Mr.  Wood's  proficiency  in  mathematics." 


36  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

A   pupil's   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Three  persons  now  holding  positions  in  the  in- 
stitution, Michael  M.  Williams,  William  McMillan, 
and  Miss  Maria  Cormanj  were  pupils  under  Mr. 
Blaine.  Mr.  Williams  said  yesterday :  "  Every- 
body loved  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  wife.  Both  were 
always  ready  to  do  anything  for  our  amusement  in 
leisure  hours,  and  we  had  a  great  deal  of  fun,  into 
which  they  entered  heartily.  I  think  that  Mrs. 
Blaine  read  nearly  all  of  Dickens'  works  aloud  to 
us,  and  Mr.  Blaine  used  to  make  us  roar  with 
laughter  by  reading  out  of  a  book  entitled  '  Char- 
coal Sketches.' "  Mr.  Williams  led  the  visitor  to 
a  large  room  at  the  right  of  the  main  entrance  to 
the  building,  separated  by  folding  doors  from 
another  room,  and  added  :  "  In  the  evenings  he 
used  to  throw  those  doors  open,  and  sit  there 
under  the  gaslight,  reading  aloud  to  both  the  boys 
and  girls.  Then  we  would  wind  up  with  a  spelling- 
bee.  Sometimes  Mr.  Blaine  woujd  give  out  the 
words,  and  sometimes  one  of  the  big  boys  would 
do  it,  while  Mr.  Blaine  stood  up  among  the  boys. 
Then  we  would  have  great  fun  trying  to  '  spell 
the  teacher  down.' " 

After  a  few  years'  work  as  teacher  Mr.  Blaine 
returned  to  Pennsylvania  and  began  studying  law. 
He  read  law  carefully,  and  obtained  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  its  principles,  but  never  presented 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  admission  to  the  bar. 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  Oi 

EDITOR    AND    POLITICAL    LEADER. 

Miss  Stanwood  was  a  native  of  Maine,  and 
after  her  marriage  to  Mr.  Blaine  was  anxious  for 
him  to  make  that  State  his  home.  This  he  deter- 
mined to  do,  and  in  1853  the  young  couple  removed 
to  Augusta,  where  they  have  ever  since  made 
their  home.  In  the  following  year  Mr.  Blaine  en- 
tered into  partnership  with  Joseph  Baker,  a  promi- 
nent lawyer  of  that  town,  and  the  two  purchased 
The  Kennehec  Journal,  of  which  Mr.  Blaine  at 
once  became  editor.  The  Journal  was  a  weekly 
paper,  one  of  the  organs  of  the  Whig  party,  and 
exercised  considerable  political  influence.  In  1857 
Mr.  Blaine  disposed  of  his  interest  in  this  paper, 
and  became  editor  of  The  Portland  Daily  Adver- 
tiser. In  the  campaign  of  1860  he  returned  tem- 
porarily to  his  old  post  on  The  Kennehec  Journal 
on  account  of  the  illness  of  its  editor.  His  career 
in  journalism  lasted  six  years,  and  was  marked 
throughout  by  ability  and  success.  It  served  to 
give  him  a  good  introduction  to  the  world  of  poli- 
tics and  statesmanship.  In  everything  he  wrote 
Mr.  Blaine  was  vigorous  and  fearless.  He  con- 
tended always  for  a  principle.  No  amount  of  ad- 
verse opinion  could  make  him  change  his  course. 
He  was  not  obstinate  nor  illogical,  but  after  once 
forming  an  opinion,  after  carefully  reviewing  the 
causes  that  led  to  it,  he  could  not  be  swerved  by 
persuasion  nor  intimidation. 

When  the  old  Whig  party  went  to  pieces  Mr. 


38  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

Blaine  joined  hands  with  Govej^nor  Anson  P.  Mor- 
rill in  organizing  the  Republican  party  in  the  Pine 
Tree  State.  His  vigorous  attacks  upon  the  Bu- 
chanan Administration  made  him  a  power  in  the 
new  organization.  In  1858,  when  he  was  in  his 
twenty-ninth  year,  he  was  elected  to  the  Legisla- 
ture. He  served  two  years  on  the  floor  of  the  Lower 
House  and  two  years  in  the  chair,  where  he  dis- 
played the  qualities  of  parliamentary  leadership  and 
control  that  afterward  gave  him  such  renown  in  the 
National  Legislature  at  Washington.  It  is  also 
worthy  of  mention  that  he  took  an  active  part  as 
a  public  speaker  in  the  Fremont  campaign  of  1856. 

REPRESENTATIVE   IN    CONGRESS. 

In  1862  Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  for  Cono:ress 

o 

in  the  Kennebec  District,  and  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  3,000  votes.  To  this  position  he  was 
successively  elected,  in  each  succeeding  Congress, 
until  his  promotion  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
During  the  first  term  of  his  long  career  as  Repre- 
sentative he  had  for  colleagues  such  men  as  Elihu 
B.  Washburne,  Owen  Lovejoy,  George  W.  Julian, 
Godlove  S.  Orth,  Schuyler  Colfax,  James  F.  Wil- 
son. William  B.  Allison,  John  A.  Kasson,  Alex- 
ander H.  Rice,  Henry  L.  Dawes,  William  Windom, 
F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  James  Brooks,  Erastus  Corning, 
Reuben  E.  Fenton,  Francis  Kernan,  George  H. 
Pendleton,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  James  A.  Garfield, 
Samuel  J.  Randall,  William  D.  Kelley,  Thaddeus 


LIFE    OF     HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAINE.  39 

Stevens,  G.  W.  Schofiekl,  and  many  other  distin- 
guished men.  Among  these  he  soon  .was  recog- 
nized as  a  man  whose  influence  was  sure  to  be  felt 
and  to  increase  with  time. 

His  first  reputation  in  the  Lower  House  of  Con- 
gress was  that  of  an  exceedingly  industrious  com- 
mitteeman. He  was  a  member  of  the  Post  Office 
and  Military  Committees,  and  of  the  Committees 
on  Appropriations  and  Rules.  He  paid  close  at- 
tention to  the  business  of  the  committees,  and  took 
an  active  part  in  the  debates  of  the  House,  mani- 
festing practical  ability  and  genius  for  details.  The 
first  remarkable  speech  which  he  made  in  Congress 
was  on  the  subject  of  the  assumption  by  the  Gen- 
eral Government  of  the  war  debts  of  the  States,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  urged  that  the  North  was 
abundantly  able  to  carry  on  the  war  to  a  successful 
issue.  This  vigorous  speech  attracted  so  much  at- 
tention that  200,000  copies  of  it  were  circulated  in 
1864  as  a  campaign  document  by  the  Eepublican 
party.  In  January,  1868,  he  introduced  a  resolu- 
tion in  relation  to  Congressional  representation, 
which  was  referred  to  the  Reconstruction  Commit- 
tee, and  was  subsequently  made  the  basis  of  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment.  In  December,  1867,  he 
made  an  elaborate  speech  on  the  finances,  in  which 
he  analyzed  Mr.  Pendleton's  greenback  theory. 
"  The  remedy  for  our  financial  troubles,"  said  he, 
"  will  not  be  found  in  a  superabundance  of  depreci- 
ated paper  currency.     It  lies  in  the  opposite  direc- 


40  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.     BLAINE. 

tion,  and  the  sooner  the  Nation  finds  itself  on  a 
specie  basis  the  sooner  will  the  public  treasury  be 
freed  from  embarrassment  and  private  business  be 
relieved  from  discouragement.  Instead,  therefore, 
of  entering  upon  a  reckless  and  boundless  issue  of 
legal-tenders,  with  their  constant  depreciation,  if 
not  destruction,  of  value,  let  us  set  resolutely  to 
work  and  make  those  already  in  circulation  equal 
to  so  many  gold  dollars." 

At  the  opening  of  the  first  session  of  the  41st 
Congress  the  Republican  caucus  nominated  Mr. 
Blaine  for  Speaker  b}^  acclamation,  and  he  was 
elected  by  a  vote  of  136  to  57  for  Mr.  Kerr.  He 
was  re-elected,  without  opposition  in  his  own  party, 
Speaker  of  the  42d  and  43d  Congresses.  In  that 
position  his  quickness  of  perception,  decision  of 
manner,  thorough  knowledge  of  parliamentary 
law  and  usages,  and  impartial  and  judicial  mind, 
added  to  his  clear  voice  and  impressive  presence, 
made  him  a  truly  great  presiding  officer. 

The  Democratic  "  tidal  wave  "  of  1874  returned 
a  Democratic  majority  to  the  House,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  returned  to  the  floor.  There  his  parlia- 
mentary skill  and  self-possession,  together  with  his 
audacity  of  manner  and  versatility  of  talent,  made 
him  one  of  the  most  adroit  and  aggressive  leaders 
ever  enjoyed  by  a  political  party. 

UNITED    STATES    SENATOR. 

Mr.   Blaine  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  of 


LIFE     OF     HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAINE.  41 

Maine,  July  10,  1876,  to  be  United  States  Senator 
to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of 
Senator  Morrill,  who  then  became  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  He  was  subsequently  elected  for  the 
unexpired  term  and  for  the  ensuing  term  expiring 
in  1883.  On  his  appointment  he  wrote  to  the 
people  of  his  Congressional  District  a  farewell  ad 
dress,  in  which  he  said : 

Beginning  with  1862  you  have  by  continuous 
elections  sent  me  as  your  representative  to  the 
Conarress  of  the  United  States,  For  such  marked 
confidence  I  have  endeavored  to  return  the  most 
zealous  and  devoted  service  in  my  power,  and  it  is 
certainly  not  without  a  feeling  of  pain  that  I  now 
surrender  a  trust  by  which  I  have  always  felt  so 
signally  honored.  It  has  been  my  boast  in  public 
and  in  private  that  no  man  on  the  floor  of  Con- 
gress ever  represented  a  constituency  more  distin- 
guished for  intelligence,  for  patriotism,  for  public 
and  personal  virtue.  The  cordial  support  you 
have  so  uniformly  given  me  through  these  fourteen 
eventful  years  is  the  chief  honor  of  my  life.  In 
closing  the  intimate  relations  I  have  so  long  held 
with  the  people  of  this  district  it  is  a  great  satis- 
faction to  me  to  know  that  with  returnins;  health 
I  shall  enter  upon  a  field  of  duty  in  which  I  can 
still  serve  them  in  common  with  the  larger  con- 
stituency of  which  they  form  a  part. 

Commenting  upon  his  elevation  to  the  Upper 
House,  The  Kennebec  Journal,  well  representing 
the  sentiment  of  the  public  in  the  State,  said : 


42  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAIXE. 

Fourteen  vears  aao,  standinor  in  the  convention 
at  which  he  was  first  nominated,  Mr.  Blaine 
pledged  himself  to  use  his  best  services  for  the 
district,  and  to  support  to  the  best  of  his  ability 
the  policy  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  subdue  the  re- 
bellion, and  then  and  there  expressed  plainly  the 
idea  that  slavery  must  and  ought  to  be  abolished 
to  save  the  Union.  That  he  has  kept  his  pledge 
faithfully  his  constituents  know  and  feel,  and  the 
records  of  Congress  attest.  To  this  district  his 
abilities  were  freely  given,  and  as  he  rose  in  honor 
in  the  House,  and  in  the  public  estimation,  he  re- 
flected honor  and  gave  strength  to  the  constituency 
that  supported  him.  Every  step  he  made  in  ad- 
vance was  a  gain  for  them.  It  was  a  grand  thing 
for  this  district  to  have  as  its  representative  in 
Congress  for  six  years  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 
filling  the  place  next  in  importance  to  that  of  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  with  matchless  ability. 
It  was  a  grander  thing  when  he  took  the  lead  of 
the  minoritv  in  the  House  last  December,  routed 
the  Democratic  majority,  and  drove  back  in  dismay 
the  ex-Confederates  who  were  intending  and  ex- 
pecting through  the  advantage  they  had  already 
gained  to  grasp  the  supreme  power  in  the  nation, 
and  wield  it  in  the  interest  of  the  cause  of  seces- 
sion and  rebellion  revived.  For  what  he  has  done 
as  their  representative  in  Congress,  never  will  this 
Third  District  of  Maine  forget  to  honor  the  name 
of  James  G.  Blaine.  It  will  live  in  the  hearts  of 
this  people  even  as  the  name  of  Henry  Clay  is  still 
loved  by  the  people  of  his  old  district  in  Kentucky. 

His  great  prominence  in  national  affairs  made  Mr. 
Blaine  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  Senate  at  once, 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  43 

and  he  often  broke  over  the  tradition  of  the  body, 
which  requires  the  new  members  to  allow  their 
elders  to  monopolize  the  debates.  He  made  a 
strong  speech  in  favor  of  restricting  Chinese  im- 
migration, which  was  much  censured  and  much 
praised,  according  to  the  point  of  view  of  his 
critics.  He  voted  against  the  Electoral  Commission 
bill.  He  opposed  the  Bland  Silver  bill  in  a  vig- 
orous speech,  and  favored  the  coinage  of  an  honest 
silver  dollar.  The  question  of  the  restoration  of 
the  American  carrying  trade  upon  the  seas  has  re- 
ceived a  gr6at  deal  of  attention  from  him,  and  his 
speeches  and  letters  on  this  subject  have  attracted 
much  attention.  One  of  these  speeches  was  made 
at  a  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  dinner,  and 
was  accepted  as  a  masterly  presentation  of  the 
subject. 

Mr.  Blaine's  sagacity,  coolness,  and  wisdom  as  a 
party  leader  were  conspicuously  demonstrated  in 
the  measures  he  took  to  circumvent  the  Democratic 
plot  for  stealing  the  State  government  of  Maine  in 
1879  by  fraudulently  counting  out  Republican 
members  of  the  Legislature.  All  the  advantages, 
save  that  of  being  in  the  right,  were  with  his  op- 
ponents at  the  start.  His  supporters  were  eager 
to  resort  to  arms  as  the  only  means  of  obtaining 
justice,  but  they  were  restrained  by  him.  His 
plan  was  first  to  arouse  public  sentiment  by  expos- 
ing the  enormity  of  the  plot,  next  to  tangle  up  his 
antagonists  in  a  web  of  contradictions,  and  then. 


44  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAxMES   G.    BLAINE. 

after  obtaining  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  to  seize  and  hold  the  legislative  halls.  It 
was  completely  successful,  and  the  conspiracy  be- 
came impotent  and  ridiculous. 

BEFORE    TWO   NATIONAL   CONVENTIONS. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  a  candidate  for  the  Presidential 
nomination  in  1876,  and  came  within  27  votes  of 
being  successful.  His  vote  increased  from  291  on 
the  first  ballot  to  351  on  the  seventh,  but  he  was 
beaten  by  a  combination  against  him  of  the  dele- 
gates supporting  Morton,  Conkling,  Hartranft, 
Bristow,  and  Hayes,  who  united  upon  Hayes  and 
made  him  the  nominee. 

Senator  Blaine  was  one  of  the  leading  candidates 
for  the  Presidential  nomination  at  the  Republican 
National  Convention  in  Chicago,  in  June,  1880. 
Out  of  a  total  of  755  he  received  on  the  first  bal- 
lot 284  votes.  On  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
ballots  he  received  his  highest  vote,  285,  which 
very  gradually  declined  to  257  on  the  thirty-fifth 
ballot.  On  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  General  Gar- 
field was  nominated  by  a  combination  of  the  ele- 
ments opposed  to  General  Grant  and  a  third  term. 
Throughout  the  exciting  campaign  that  followed 
Senator  Blaine  worked  and  spoke  for  the  success 
of  the  Republican  ticket,  and  aided  largely  in 
bringing  about  the  victory  of  the  following  No- 
vember. 

The  following  table  exhibits  Mr.  Blaine's  vote  in 


LIFE   OF   HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 


45 


the  Cincinnati  Convention  of  1876,  and  in  the 
Chicago  Convention  of  1880  by  States.  It  is 
specially  valuable  for  reference  at  this  time : 


1876. 


1880. 


Alabama, 

17 

1 

Nebraska, 

6 

6 

Arkansas, 

11 

Nevada, 

,  , 

6 

California, 

6 

12 

New  Hampshire, 

7 

10 

Colorado, 

6 

New  Jersey, 

12 

16 

Connecticut, 

2 

3 

New  York, 

9 

17 

Delaware, 

6 

6 

North  Carolina, 

, , 

Florida, 

8 

. . 

Ohio, 

, 

9 

Georgia, 

14 

8 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

Illinois, 

85 

10 

Pennsylvania, 

30 

23 

Indiana, 

,  , 

26 

Rhode  Island, 

2 

8 

Iowa, 

22 

22 

South  Carolina, 

7 

,  ^ 

Kansas, 

10 

6 

Tennessee, 

6 

6 

Kentucky, 

. , 

1 

Texas, 

1 

2 

Louisiana, 

14 

2 

Vermont, 

,  , 

,  , 

Maine, 

14 

14 

Virginia, 

14 

3 

Mar3'land, 

16 

7 

West  Virginia, 

6 

8 

Massachusetts, 

5 

^  , 

Wisconsin, 

16 

7 

Michigan, 

21 

Territories, 

14 

14 

Minnesota, 

'9 

Mississippi, 

,  , 

4 

Total, 

351 

284 

Missouri, 

20 

AT  THE  HEAD  OF  GARFIELD  S  CABINET. 

When  in  November  of  1880 — after  the  election 
— General  Garfield  decided  upon  a  visit  to  "Wash- 
ington, Mr.  Blaine  was  in  Bangor,  Maine,  where 
he  received  a  note  from  General  Garfield  appoint- 
ing an  interview  in  Washington  about  November 
24.  He  reached  the  capital  on  the  26th,  and  on 
the  afternoon  of  that  day  called  upon  the  Presi- 
dent-elect at   the  latter's  private  residence.     For 


46  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

two  hours  they  were  closeted  without  interruption 
from  a  single  person.  At  this  conference,  General 
Garfield,  without  reservation,  tended  the  State  De- 
partment to  Mr.  Blaine.  When  Mr.  Blaine  had 
recovered  from  his  surprise  he  replied  :  "  General, 
I  was  hardly  prepared  for  this  tender  on  your  part. 
I  do  not  know  how  to  make  answer.  I  would  like 
some  time  for  reflection  and  consultation,  and  in 
the  meantime  I  will  advise  you."  General  Gar- 
field then  and  there  urged  Mr.  Blaine  to  accept, 
but  he  made  no  binding  answer  at  the  time.  Sub- 
sequently Mr.  Blaine  had  a  conference  with  his 
closest  friends,  and  the  weight  of  their  testimony 
was  that  he  should  accept  the  place.  Said  he  : 
"Gentlemen,  I  am  inclined  to  accept  General  Gar- 
field's offer;  but  meanwhile  I  will  for  a  very 
short  period  still  further  hold  it  under  advisement." 
After  this  conference  with  his  friends  the  fact  that 
General  Garfield  had  offered  the  Senator  the  Sec- 
retaryship of  State  was  communicated  to  one  or 
two  of  Senator  Blaine's  confidential  friends,  and  he 
said :  "  If  the  sentiment  of  the  country  indorses 
the  selection  General  Garfield  has  made,  I  will  ac- 
cept the  office.  Otherwise  not."  Early  in  Decem- 
ber the  announcement  was  made  in  one  or  two 
newspapers,  directly  and  absolutely,  that  Senator 
Blaine  had  been  invited  by  General  Garfield  to 
take  the  State  Department.  It  soon  became  ac- 
cepted as  a  fact.  The  universal  expression  of 
newspaper  opinion  was  that  the  selection  was   a 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  47 

good  one.     Thereupon  Senator  Blaine  wrote   the 
following  letter  of  acceptance  : 

Washington,  December  20,  1880. 

My  Dear  Garfield: — Your  generous  invitation  to 
enter  your  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State  has  been 
under  consideration  for  more  than  three  weeks. 
The  thought  had  really  never  occurred  to  my  mind 
until  at  our  late  conference  you  presented  it  with 
such  cogent  arguments  in  its  favor,  and  with  sucli 
warmth  of  personal  friendship  in  aid  of  your  kind 
offer. 

I  know  that  an  early  answer  is  desirable,  and  I 
have  waited  only  long  enough  to  consider  the  sub- 
ject in  all  its  bearings,  and  to  make  up  my  mind 
definitely  and  conclusively.  I  now  saj'  to  you,  in 
the  same  cordial  spirit  in  which  you  have  invited 
me,  that  I  accept  the  position. 

It  is  no  affectation  for  me  to  add  that  I  make 
this  decision,  not  for  the  honor  of  the  promotion  it 
gives  me  in  the  public  service,  but  because  I  think 
I  can  be  useful  to  the  country  and  to  the  party ; 
useful  to  you  as  the  responsible  leader  of  the  party 
and  the  great  head  of  the  government. 

I  am  influenced  somewhat,  perhaps,  by  the 
shower  of  letters  I  have  received  urging  me  to  ac- 
cept, written  to  me  in  consequence  of  the  mere 
unauthorized  newspaper  report  that  you  had  been 
pleased  to  offer  me  the  place.  While  I  have  re- 
ceived these  letters  from  all  sections  of  the  Union, 
I  have  been  especially  pleased  and  even  surprised 
at  the  cordial  and  widely  extended  feeling  in  my 
favor  throughout  New^  England,  where  I  had  ex- 
pected to  encounter  local  jealousy  and  perhaps 
rival  aspiration. 


48  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

In  our  new  relation  I  shall  give  all  that  I  am 
and  all  that  I  can  hope  to  be,  freely  and  joyfully, 
to  your  service.  You  need  no  pledge  of  my  loyalty 
in  heart  and  in  act.  I  should  be  false  to  myself 
did  I  not  prove  true  both  to  the  great  trust  you 
confide  to  me  and  to  your  own  personal  and  politi- 
cal fortunes  in  the  present  and  in  the  future.  Your 
administration  must  be  made  brilliantly  successful 
and  strong  in  the  confidence  and  pride  of  the 
people,  not  at  all  directing  its  energies  for  re-elec- 
tion, and  yet  compelling  that  result  by  the  logic  of 
events  and  by  the  imperious  necessities  of  the  sit- 
uation. 

To  that  most  desirable  consummation  I  feel  that, 
next  to  yourself,  I  can  possibly  contribute  as  much 
influence  as  any  other  one  man.  I  say  this  not 
from  egotism  or  vain  glory,  but  merely  as  a  deduc- 
tion from  a  plain  analysis  of  the  political  forces 
which  have  been  at  work  in  the  country  for  five 
years  past,  and  which  have  been  significantly 
shown  in  two  great  National  Conventions.  I  ac- 
cept it  as  one  of  the  happiest  circumstances  con- 
nected with  this  affair  that  in  allying  my  political 
fortunes  with  yours — or  rather  for  the  time  merg- 
ing mine  in  yours — my  heart  goes  with  my  head, 
and  that  I  carry  to  you  not  only  political  support, 
but  personal  and  devoted  friendship.  I  can  but 
regard  it  as  somewhat  remarkable  that  two  men  of 
the  same  age,  entering  Congress  at  the  same  time, 
influenced  by  the  same  aims  and  cherishing  the 
same  ambitions,  should  never,  for  a  single  moment 
in  eighteen  years  of  close  intimacy,  have  had  a 
misunderstanding  or  a  coolness,  and  that  our  friend- 
ship has  steadily  grown  with  our  growth  and 
strengthened  with  our  strength. 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  49 

It  is  this  fact  which  has  led  me  to  the  conclusion 
embodied  in  this  letter;  for  however  much,  my 
dear  Garfield,  I  might  admire  you  as  a  statesman, 
I  would  not  enter  your  Cabinet  if  I  did  not  believe 
in  you  as  a  man  and  love  you  as  a  friend. 
Always  faithfully  yours, 

James  G.  Blaine. 

MR.  Blaine's  foreign  policy. 

Mr.  Blaine's  diplomatic  career  began  with  his 
appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  on  March  5, 
1881,  and  ended  with  his  resignation  on  December 
19,  three  months  after  President  Garfield's  death. 
The  two  principal  objects  of  his  foreign  policy,  as 
defined  by  himself,  were  these :  first,  to  bring 
about  peace  and  prevent  future  wars  in  North  and 
South  America;  and,  secondly,  to  cultivate  such 
friendly  commercial  relations  with  all  American 
countries  as  would  lead  to  a  large  increase  in  the 
export  trade  of  the  United  States.  It  was  a  pacific 
policy,  and  was  wholly  in  accord  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  and  the  characteristic  traditions  of  Amer- 
ican diplomacy. 

President  Garfield  in  his  inaugural  address  had 

repeated  the  declaration  of  his  predecessor  that  it 

was  "  the  right  and  duty  of  the  United  States  to 

assert  and  maintain  such  supervision  and  authority 

over  any  inter-oceanic  canal   across  the  isthmus 

that  connects  North  and  South  America  as  will 

protect  our  national  interests."     This  policy,  which 

had  received  the  direct  approval  of  Congress,  was 
D 


50  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

vigorously  upheld  by  Secretary  Blaine.  The  Col- 
ombian Republic  had  proposed  to  the  Europe/in 
powers  to  join  in  a  guarantee  of  the  neutrality  of 
the  proposed  Panama  Canal.  One  of  President 
Garfield's  first  acts  under  the  advice  of  Secretary 
Blaine  was  to  remind  the  European  governments 
of  the  exclusive  rights  which  the  United  States 
had  secured  with  the  country  to  be  traversed  by 
the  interoceanic  waterway.  These  exclusive  rights 
a'endered  the  prior  guarantee  of  the  United  States 
government  indispensable,  and  the  Powers  were  in- 
formed that  any  foreign  guarantee  would  be  not  only 
an  unnecessary  but  unfriendly  act.-  As  the  United 
States  had  made  in  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  of 
1850  a  special  agreement  with  Great  Britain  on  this 
subject,  Secretary  Blaine  supplemented  his  memo- 
randum to  the  Powers  by  a  formal  proposal  for  the 
abrogation  of  all  provisions  of  that  convention 
which  were  not  in  accord  with  the  guarantees  and 
privileges  covenanted  for  in  the  compact  with  the 
Colombian  Republic.  In  this  State  paper,  the 
most  elaborate  of  the  series  receivino;  his  signature 
as  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Blaine  contended  that 
the  operation  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  prac- 
tically conceded  to  Great  Britain  the  control  of  any 
canal  which  might  be  constructed  in  the  isthmus, 
as  that  Power  was  required  by  its  insular  position 
and  colonial  possessions  to  maintain  a  naval  es- 
tablishment with  which  the  United  States  could 
not  compete.     As  the  American  government  had 


LIFE   OF   HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  51 

bound  itself  by  its  engagements  in  the  Clajton- 
Buhver  Treaty  not  to  fight  in  the  isthmus,  nor  to 
fortify  the  mouths  of  any  waterway  that  might  be 
constructed,  the  Secretary  argued  that  if  any 
struggle  for  the  control  of  the  canal  were  to  arise 
England  would  have  an  advantage  at  the  outset 
which  would  prove  decisive.  "  The  treaty,"  he 
remarked,  "  commands  this  government  not  to  use 
a  single  regiment  of  troops  to  protect  its  interests  in 
connection  with  the  interoceanic  canal,  but  to  sur- 
render the  transit  to  the  guardianship  and  control  of 
the  British  Navy."  The  logic  of  this  paper  was  un- 
answerable from  an  American  point  of  view.  If 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  be  anything  more  than  a  tra- 
dition, the  control  of  the  Panama  Canal  must  not 
be  allowed  to  pass  out  of  American  hands;  and 
since  the  country  having  the  most  powerful  navy 
is  the  real  guardian  of  the  freedom  of  an  inter- 
oceanic canal  under  any  system  of  international 
guarantees,  or  in  the  absence  of  treaty  law,  the 
Panama  Canal,  as  Mr.  Blaine  said,  under  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  would  be  surrendered,  if 
not  in  form  yet  in  effect,  to  the  control  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  war  between  Chili  and  Peru  had  virtually 
ended  with  the  capture  of  Lima  on  January  17, 
1881.  Pierola,  the  President,  had  succeeded  in 
rallying  a  few  followers  in  the  north,  and  Calderon, 
assuming  the  provisional  Presidency,  had  convoked 
a  Congress  in  the  vicinity  of  Lima.     The  State 


52  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

Department  made  strenuous  exertions  to  bring 
about  the  conclusion  of  an  early  peace  between 
Chili  and  the  two  prostrate  States  which  had  been 
crushed  in  war.  The  influence  of  the  government 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  victorious  Chili  in  the 
interest  of  peace  and  magnanimity ;  but  owing  to 
an  unfortunate  misapprehension  of  Mr.  Blaine's 
instructions,  the  United  States  ministers  did  not 
promote  the  ends  of  peace.  Special  envoys  were 
accordingly  sent  to  South  America,  accredited  to 
the  three  governments,  with  general  instructions 
which  should  enable  them  to  bring  those  belligerent 
Powers  into  friendly  relations.  These  envoys 
were  Mr.  Trescot  and  Mr.  Walker  Blaine,  and 
their  mission  was  to  perform  a  most  delicate  and 
important  diplomatic  duty  in  the  interest  of  peace. 
After  they  had  set  out  from  New  York  Mr.  Blaine 
resigned,  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  reversed  the  dip- 
lomatic policy  with  such  precipitate  haste  that  the 
envoys  on  arriving  at  their  destination  were  in- 
formed by  tlie  Chilian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
that  their  instructions  had  been  countermanded 
and  that  their  mission  was  an  idle  farce.  By  this 
extraordinary  reversal  of  diplomatic  methods  and 
purposes,  the  influence  of  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment on  the  South  American  coast  was  reduced 
to  so  low  a  point  as  to  become  insignificant.  Mr. 
Blaine's  policy  had  been  at  once  strong  and  pacific. 
It  was  followed  by  a  period  of  no-policy  which  en- 
abled Chili  to  make  a  conqueror's  terms  with  the 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  53 

conquered,  and  to  seize  as  much  territory  as  pleased 
its  rapacious  generals. 

The  most  conspicuous  act  of  Mr.  Blaine's  ad- 
ministration of  the  State  Department  was  his  invi- 
tation to  the  Peace  Congress.  This  plan  had  been 
decided  upon  before  the  assassination  of  President 
Garfield.  The  proposition  was  to  invite  all  the 
independent  governments  of  North  and  South 
America  to  meet  in  a  Peace  Congress  at  Washing- 
ton on  March  15,  1882.  The  representatives  of 
all  the  minor  governments  on  this  continent  were 
to  agree,  if  possible,  upon  some  comprehensive 
plan  for  averting  war  by  means  of  arbitration,  and 
for  resisting  the  intrigues  of  European  diplomacy. 
Invitations  were  sent  on  November  22,  with  the 
limitations  and  restrictions  originally  designed. 
Mr.  Frelinghuysen  lost  no  time  in  undermining 
this  Diplomatic  Congress,  and  the  meeting  never 
took  place.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  pro- 
posed Congress  would  have  had  a  most  important 
effect,  not  only  in  promoting  the  ends  of  peace,  but 
in  stimulating  American  trade  with  the  Spanish- 
American  States.  It  was  a  brilliant  conception — 
a  most  useful  project. 

Mr.  Blaine  has  described  the  Congress  as  "  an 
important  and  impressive  step  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  toward  closer  relationship  with  our 
continental  neighbors.  In  no  event  could  harm 
have  resulted  in  the  assembling  of  the  Peace  Con- 
gress.    Failure  was  next  to  impossible.     Success 


54  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

might  be  regarded  as  certain.  The  subject  to  be 
discussed  was  peace,  and  how  it  can  be  permanently 
preserved  in  North  and  Soutli  America.  The 
Labors  of  the  Congress  would  have  probably  ended 
in  a  well-digested  system  of  arbitration,  under 
which  all  troubles  between  American  States  could 
be  quickly,  effectually,  and  satisfactorily  adjusted. 
Such  a  consummation  would  have  been  worth  a 
great  struggle  and  a  great  sacrifice.  It  could  have 
been  reached  without  any  struggle,  and  would  have 
involved  no  sacrifice.  It  was  within  our  grasp. 
It  was  ours  for  the  asking.  It  would  have  been  a 
signal  victory  of  philanthropy  over  the  selfishness 
of  human  ambition;  a  complete  triumph  of  Chris- 
tian principles  as  applied  to  the  affairs  of  nations. 
It  would  have  reflected  enduring  honor  on  our  new 
country,  and  would  have  imparted  a  new  spirit  and 
a  new  brotherhood  to  all  America.  Nor  would  its 
influence  beyond  the  sea  have  been  small.  The 
example  of  seventeen  independent  nations  sol- 
emnly agreeing  to  abolish  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword,  and  to  settle  every  dispute  by  peaceful 
methods  of  adjudication,  would  have  exerted  an 
influence  to  the  utmost  confines  of  civilization,  and 
upon  the  generations  of  men  yet  to  come." 

HIS    LOVE   FOR    GARFIELD. 

On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  2,  President 
Garfield  was  to  start  from  Washington  by  the 
morning  limited  express  for  New  York,  en  route 


\ 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  5t> 

for  New  England  and  a  reunion  with  his  old  col- 
lege-mates at  the  Williams  College  Commencement. 
His  Secretary  of  State  accompanied  him  to  the 
train,  and  has  recorded  the  great,  almost  boyish, 
delight,  with  which  the  President  anticipated  his 
holiday — a  state  of  mind  in  which,  it  may  well  be 
believed,  Mr.  Blaine  joyously  sympathized.  They 
entered  the  waiting-room  at  the  station,  and  a 
moment  later  Guiteau's  revolver  had  done  its  work. 
The  country  still  vividly  remembers  the  devotion 
with  which  the  head  of  the  Cabinet  watched  at  the 
President's  bedside;  the  calm  dignity  with  which, 
during  those  long  weeks  of  suspense,  he  discharged 
the  painful  duties  of  his  position ;  the  admirable 
precision  of  the  bulletins  which  he  issued  to  the 
press  and  through  Minister  Lowell  to  the  foreign 
legations ;  and  the  perfection  of  the  replies  which 
he  dictated  to  official  expressions  of  sympathy  at 
home  and  abroad. 

On  September  6  the  President  was  removed 
from  Washington  to  Elberon,  whither  he  was  fol- 
lowed the  same  day  by  Mr.  Blaine  and  the  rest  of 
the  Cabinet.  The  apparent  improvement  in  the 
President's  condition  warranted  the  belief  that  he 
would  continue  to  gain,  and  Mr.  Blaine  went  for  a 
short  rest  to  his  home  in  Augusta.  He  was  on  his 
way  back  to  Elberon  when  the  fatal  moment  came, 
and  reached  there  the  next  morning.  It  is  the 
universal  testimony  of  press  and  people  that,  dur- 
ing the  weary  weeks  which  intervened  between 


56  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

the  President's  injury  and  death,  Mr.  Blaine's 
every  action  and  constant  demeanor  were  abso- 
lutely faultless. 

Selected  by  Congress  to  pronounce  a  formal  eu- 
logy upon  President  Garfield,  Mr.  Blaine  on  Feb- 
ruary 19,  1882,  before  President  Arthur  and  his 
Cabinet,  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  foreign  legations,  and  an  audience  of 
ladies  and  gentlemen  which  crowded  the  Hall  of 
Representatives,  delivered  a  most  just,  comprehen- 
sive, and  admirable  address  upon  the  martyr's 
great  career  and  character.  The  orator,  with  en- 
tire self-abnegation  and  reserve,  but  with  a  firm 
touch  and  in  a  style  which  rose  at  times  to  easy 
eloquence,  assigned  to  President  Garfield  his  true 
place  in  history.  Blaine's  eulogy  will  be  found  in 
another  part  of  this  work. 

BLAINE   AS   A   HISTORIAN. 

In  April  last  Mr.  Bhiine  presented  to  the  public 
the  first  volume  of  his  "  Twenty  Years  of  Con- 
gress," a  work  that  is  to  cover,  when  completed, 
the  period  from  Lincoln  to  Garfield,  with  a  review 
of  the  events  which  led  to  the  political  revolution 
of  1860.  This  work  is  in  fact  a  biography  of  the 
American  people,  everything — abstract  questions 
and  individuals — being  subordinated  in  the  effort 
to  produce  a  clear  and  strong  picture  of  the  life  of 
the  nation.  The  thoughts  of  the  people,  as  they 
varied  from  year  to  year,  their  times  of  indecision 
and  darkness,  of  swift  insight  and  heroic  resolu^ 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  57 

tion ;  their  days  of  timidity  and  weak  compromis- 
ing with  wrong,  and  their  grand  endurance  and 
unflinching  fidelity  when  the  crisis  at  last  brought 
duty  clearly  before  them ;  their  singular  sagacity 
in  decisions  of  vital  moment — all  these  are  por- 
trayed in  Mr.  Blaine's  narrative  with  clearness  and 
power.  The  story  he  tells  in  his  first  volume  is 
given  with  the  simplicity  and  compactness  of  a 
trained  journalist,  and  yet  with  sufficient  fullness 
to  make  the  picture  distinct  and  clear  in  almost 
every  detail. 

The  arrangement  of  the  first  volume  favors  the 
compact  and  intelligent  treatment  of  a  many-sided 
subject.  Chapters  I. — VIII.  review  the  main 
question  from  which  grew  the  Civil  War,  and  the 
political  revolution  of  1860.  Many  of  the  ques- 
tions with  which  Congress  afterward  had  to  deal 
could  not  have  been  treated  wisely  by  lawgivers, 
nor  intelligently  by  the  historian,  except  in  the 
light  of  the  double  conflict  between  the  slave 
power  and  anti-slavery  hostile  political  forces.  By 
careful  tracing  of  the  causes  which  had  made 
slavery  what  it  was,  and  public  opinion  in  regard 
to  slavery  what  it  was,  the  history  of  the  war  is 
rendered  far  more  compact  and  clear.  Closely  al- 
lied with  the  main  cause  of  war,  the  tariff  ques- 
tion is  reviewed  in  Chapter  IX.  Chapter  X.  opens 
with  the  election  of  1860.  Chapters  XVIII.  to 
XIX.  are  devoted  to  the  financial  history  of  the 
war,  the  levying  of  taxes,  and  the  creation  of  legal' 


58  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

tender  notes.  The  admission  of  West  Virginia  is 
considered  in  Chapter  XXL,  and  in  the  last  chap- 
ter, XXIY.,  the  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  foreign  Powers  during  the  war.  An 
appendix  of  forty-four  pages  embraces  statistics  of 
interest  and  value. 

OLD    CHARGES   REVIVED    AND   ANSWERED. 

Early  in  April,  when  Mr  Blaine's  acknowledged 
strength  throughout  the  country  had  grown  to 
large  proportions,  there  appeared  in  The  Evening 
Post,  of  New  York,  formal  charges  against  him  in 
connection  with  the  land  grant  to  the  Little  Rock 
and  Fort  Smith  Railroad  of  Arkansas.  These 
charges  had  been  made  and  met  eight  years  before, 
but  their  revival  at  a  time  when  everything  except 
the  original  misstatements  had  been  forgotten  by 
many  people  attracted  some  attention.  The  sub- 
stance of  the  charges — which  are  too  recent  to 
need  extended  reference  here — was  that  Mr.  Blaine 
had  used  his  power  as  Speaker  of  the  House  to  se- 
cure a  renewal  of  the  land  grant  to  the  railroad, 
and  had  been  rewarded  for  his  services  by  being 
made  an  agent  for  the  selling  of  the  bonds  of  the 
road,  receiving  as  his  commission  a  number  of 
bonds.  To  these  charges  Mr.  William  Walter 
Phelps  replied  at  length  in  a  letter  to  The  Post, 
which  was  printed  in  The  Tribune  of  April  27. 
Mr.  Phelps,  having  had  a  close  personal  knowledge 
of   Mr.   Blaine's  business  affairs  for  many  ^ears, 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  59 

was  well  fitted  to  reply  to  these  old  charges.  In 
its  comments  upon  Mr.  Phelps'  letter,  The  Tribune 
said  :  "  Mr.  Phelps  arrays  the  facts  with  crushing 
force,  as  if  the  country  had  forgotten  as  completely 
as  Mr.  Blaine's  defamers  have  ignored  them.  He 
not  only  states,  upon  the  honor  of  a  man  of  the 
highest  standing,  but  proves,  that  the  charges 
made  are  false.  He  proves  that  Mr.  Blaine  had 
not  the  slightest  interest,  present  or  prospective,  in 
the  Little  Rock  road  at  the  time  Congress  acted  on 
it ;  that  he  then  did  not  know  the  parties  inter- 
ested, and  that  his  friends  came  into  the  enterprise 
at  a  later  date.  He  proves  anew,  as  if  it  had  not 
been  proved  before,  that  Mr.  Blaine  acquired  an 
interest  on  precisely  the  same  terms  that  were  open 
to  others.  He  proves  that  Mr.  Blaine  regarded  him- 
self as  the  responsible  owner,  and  not  as  a  mere 
agent,  because  he  honorably  took  back  the  bonds 
which  he  had  sold.  He  proves  that  Mr.  Blaine 
had  no  interest  in  the  Northern  Pacific,  but  only 
recommended  it  to  a  friend.  He  shows  that  there 
was  no  proof  that  the  purchase  of  bonds  by  the 
Union  Pacific  was  for  Mr.  Blaine's  interest.  But 
all  this  had  been  proved  before,  again  and  again." 
Mr.  Phelps  closed  his  letter  by  showing  that  Mr. 
Blaine  was  by  no  means  possessed  of  the  wealth 
his  enemies  asserted  he  had  acquired  during  his 
public  career.  "  I  personally  know,"  he  said, 
"  that  he  was  never  the  possessor  of  the  half  of 
one  million." 


GO  LIFE    OF    HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAINE. 

HIS   DOMESTIC   CIRCLE. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  now  in  his  jfifty-fifth  year. 
Although  above  medium  height,  he  is  so  compactly 
and  powerfully  built  that  he  scarcely  seems  tall. 
His  features  are  large  and  expressive ;  he  is  slightly 
bald,  and  his  neatly-trimmed  beard  is  prematurely 
gray;  his  brows  are  lowering — his  eyes  keen.  On 
the  floor  of  Congress  he  manifested  marvellous 
power  and  nerve.  His  voice  is  rich  and  melodious ; 
his  delivery  is  fluent  and  vigorous;  his  gestures 
are  full  of  grace  and  force ;  his  self-possession  is 
never  lost.  He  has  appeared  on  the  stump  in  al- 
most every  Northern  State,  and  is  an  exceedingly 
popular  and  effective  campaign  orator.  His  facul- 
ties have  a  keen  edge ;  his  memory  is  remarkably 
retentive ;  and  his  practical  knowledge  of  men  and 
affairs  has  a  broad  range.  This  comprehensive 
knowledge,  broad  rather  than  deep,  is  one  of  the 
secrets  of  his  popularity.  He  knows  men  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  and  he  knows 
what  they  are  thinking  about.  He  has  kept 
abreast  with  the  average  thought  of  his  time — not 
above  it  or  below  it. 

HIS  VIGOROUS   MANHOOD. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  now  in  the  prime  of  a  vigorous 
manhood.  He  is  fifty-four  years  of  age.  His  once 
shattered  health  is  completely  restored.  His  eyes 
are  now  as  keen  and  clear  as  when  he  was  an  im- 
pulsive,  mischievous  boy,  while  his  voice   is   as 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  61 

ringing,  deep,  and  strong  as  in  his  palmiest  days 
as  an  orator.  Retired  from  active  politics  now  for 
over  two  years,  he  has  gained  by  the  change.  In- 
stead of  dropping  into  the  obscurity  where  falls 
the  average  public  man  relegated  to  private  life, 
he  has  held  his  own  in  the  public  mind  as  no  states- 
man ever  has  before  without  the  artificial  aid  of 
official  position.  Instead  of  resting  in  his  privacy 
Mr.  Blaine  has,  with  the  energy  of  genius,  immed- 
iately discovered  a  new  field  to  conquer.  In  the 
hard  and  untried  path  of  literature  he  has  accom- 
plished in  the  brief  period  of  one  year  as  brilliant 
a  success  as  has  ever  fallen  to  his  lot  in  active 
politics.  His  political  history,  the  first  volume  of 
which  is  now  completed,  will  do  more  to  make  his 
name  memorable  than  all  other  acts  of  his  public 
career.  Relegated  to  private  life  through  no  fault 
of  his  own,  through  the  calamity  of  Garfield's  as- 
sassination, Mr.  Blaine  has  shown  such  courage, 
such  pluck  in  subduing  the  despair  that  would 
have  overwhelmed  an  ordinary  man,  as  to  com- 
mend him  to  the  faint-hearted  forever  as  the  very 
embodiment  of  courage  which  acknowledges  no 
defeat. 

Think  of  what  has  been  Mr.  Blaine's  loss.  In 
the  winter  of  1876  he  had  taken  a  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  where  he  could  have  re- 
mained as  long  as  he  lived.  He  had  been  elected 
in  the  face  of  an  accumulation  of  every  charge  that 
had  ever  been  brought  to  bear  against  him.     The 


G2  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

New  York  Times  and  Sun  filled  their  wide  columns 
with  all  the  charges  that  had  ever  been  brought 
against  him.  He  was  stigmatized  as  the  worst  and 
most  venal  of  all  public  men.  These  papers  were 
sent  into  Maine  by  the  bale  upon  the  eve  of  the 
Senatorial  election.     What  was  the  result? 

The  Maine  Legislature  carefully  considered 
every  charge,  revised  every  story,  and  then  elected 
Mr.  Blaine  unanimously.  Stirred  up  to  the  depth 
of  indignation  at  what  they  considered  the  malig- 
nity of  these  remorseless  slanderers,  the  members 
of  the  Maine  Legislature  gave  Mr.  Blaine  the  seal 
of  their  unanimous  approval. 

That  should  put  an  end  forever  to  any  discussion 
of  Mr.  Blaine's  record.  A  man  is  never  a  prophet 
in  his  own  country.  It  is  there  that  his  faults' are 
always  magnified,  and  his  virtues  underestimated. 
If  the  members  of  the  Maine  Legislature  could 
find  nothing  in  all  that  was  said  at  that  time,  when 
the  record  of  the  charges  was  fresh  in  the  mind  of 
every  one,  what  point  is  there  now  in  a  wearisome 
rub-adub  of  dreadful  things  that  can  be  brought 
up  against  Mr,  Blaine  if  he  should  be  nominated  ? 

One  would  think  that  the  men  who  are  the 
most  agitated  about  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  record 
were  themselves  recording  angels  sitting  aloft, 
above  every  temptation  of  this  earth. 

STRONGLY   OPPOSED    TO    TRICKERY. 

Mr.  Blaine  certainly  needs  no  defence  from  the 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  63 

hands  of  any  one.  Everything  that  has  been  used 
against  him  is  so  much  burned  powder. 

But  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  correct  estimate  of 
him  one  sliould  take  his  entire  life  as  a  basis  for 
judgment.  No  man  is  perfect.  Mr.  BLaine  has 
undoubtedly  made  mistakes,  and  he  has  been 
severely  punished.  But  there  is  no  reason  why 
the  mistakes  should  be  dwelt  upon  as  the  true 
indications  of  his  character.  He  has  shown  him- 
self to  be  as  independent  in  spirit  as  any  great 
party  leader  could  have  been.  It  should  be  re- 
membered of  him  that  he  voted  against  the  jug- 
gling Electoral  Commission  bill,  which  was  de- 
manded by  the  rigid  partisans  of  that  day.  Both 
Blaine  and  Conkling,  two  of  the  highest  types  of 
the  Republicans  of  that  period,  opposed  that  bill. 

It  was  through  Mr.  Blaine's  influence  that  the 
Force  bill,  a  measure  of  his  party,  was  defeated  in 
the  House.  While  he  has  been  always  loyal  to 
his  party  when  it  was  right,  he  has  never  hesitated 
to  assert  his  independence  when  it  claimed  his 
allegiance  in  a  course  which  he  could  not  ap- 
prove. 

The  best  thing  about  Mr.  Blaine — and  it  is  one 
that  should  not  be  forgotten — is  the  fact  that  he  is 
an  American.  He  is  a  Republican  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  word.  He  is  as  much  opposed  to 
orthodox  forms  in  politics  for  form's  sake  as  Inger- 
soll  is  in  religion.  There  is  nothing  for  which  he 
has  so  sincere  a  contempt  as  for  affectation  of  any 


64  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

kind.  A  great  many  people  have  said  that  his 
removal  from  the  State  Department  was  the  onl}- 
thing  which  saved  this  country  from  becoming 
involved  in  a  war.  There  is  nothing  in  this  talk. 
It  is  certain  that  if  he  had  continued  at  the  head 
of  the  department  he  would  have  caused  the 
American  Nation  to  be  respected  in  foreign  coun- 
tries. For  a  number  of  years  the  State  Depart- 
ment has  been  dominated  by  toadies  and  tuft-hun- 
ters. The  prime  object  of  the  State  Department 
has  been  to  see  how  mild  and  inoffensive  it  could 
be  in  the  discussion  of  all  international  questions. 
According  to  Col.  IngersoU,  Blaine  substituted  the 
eagle  for  the  owl  in  the  management  of  the  depart- 
ment. Mr.  Blaine  would  not  have  involved  this 
country  in  any  war,  for,  notwithstanding  his  brill- 
iancy and  dash,  he  is  at  heart  as  conservative  as 
need  be.  People  who  are  ready  to  assert  them- 
selves rarely  have  quarrels.  The  schoolboy  who 
is  ready  to  fight  at  the  first  word  rarely  has  that  first 
word  offered  him.  Mr.  Blaine's  idea  of  having  a 
commercial  union  of  all  the  nations  upon  this  conti- 
nent merely  began  what  is  certain  to  be  a  part  of  the 
statesmanship  of  the  future.  This  country  is  suffer- 
ing to-day  from  overproduction  and  the  absence  of 
foreign  markets.  The  close  union  of  the  nations  on 
this  continent  with  reciprocity  treaties  between 
them  as  against  the  Old  World  would  have  given  a 
powerful  stimulus  to  our  depressed  trade.  Mr. 
Blaine's  American  policy  is    so  well  thought  of 


LIFE    OF     HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAIXE.  65 

that  it  will  be  one  of  the  great  issues  of  the  cam- 
paign. 

THE  CHOICE  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

There  never  was  in  the  history  of  any  canvass 
for  a  Presidential  nomination  such  an  absence  of 
personal  effort  upon  the  part  of  any  candidate  as; 
there  has  been  upon  the  part  of  Mr.  Blaine.  It  i* 
a  fact  that  even  his  enemies  here  have  to  concede' 
that  he  is  doing  nothing  and  has  done  nothing  to 
advance  his  own  interests.  One  of  the  elements 
of  weakness  of  his  present  position  is  said  to  be  the? 
fact  that  he  has  with  liini  none  of  his  old  lieuten- 
ants. The  reason  for  this  is  simple  enough.  He 
has  never  asked  any  of  them  to  do  anything. 
Senator  Philetus  Sawyer  has  said  that  he  had 
vainly  tried  to  get  from  Mr.  Blaine  one  word  of 
encouragement  to  go  ahead  and  worlc  for  him. 
Mr.  Sawyer  was  one  of  Blaine's  most  devoted 
friends.  He  has  worked  for  him  with  muscle  and 
money  at  the  last  two  conventions  and  was  more 
than  ready  to  work  for  him  this  year,  but  he  has 
never  been  able  to  get  Mr.  Blaine  to  say  that  he 
wanted  him  to  do  a  thing.  Senator  Sawyer's  ex- 
perience is  that  of  all  of  Mr.  Blaine's  friends. 
Without  encouraging  one  of  them,  he  committed 
himself  only  in  one  way,  and  that  was  he  did  not 
disapprove  of  their  works  when  they  went  ahead 
to  advance  his  interest.  He  made  a  resolution 
early  in  the  canvass  not  to  lift  his  finger  as  a  can- 
didate, nnd  to  this  he  rigidly  adhered. 
E 


66  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.     BLAINE. 

In  a  conversation  upon  the  general  subject  of 
the  canvass  Mr.  Blaine  said  that  he  would  pay 
$1,000  a  line  for  any  note  that  he  had  written 
this  year  to  any  one  on  the  subject  of  politics- 

So,  without  personal  effort,  without  official  posi- 
tion, or  without  a  single  one  of  the  advantages 
that  ordinarily  are  possessed  by  leading  candidates, 
Mr.  Blaine's  strength  grew  to  such  a  phenomenal 
de2;ree  as  to  astound  even  the  most  ardent  be- 
lievers  in  him.  He  undoubtedly  has  a  hold  upon 
popular  favor  surpassing  anything  ever  known  in 
the  history  of  modern  politics.  In  the  face  of  this 
strong,  unsolicited,  and  unguided  political  move- 
ment it  is  absurd  to  talk  about  Mr.  Blaine  having 
doubtful  ability  as  a  candidate  if  nominated.  A 
man  wdiose  mere  name,  unsupported  by  any  organ- 
ization or  machine,  can  conjure  up  such  a  popular 
support  will,  if  nominated,  make  one  of  the  most 
enthusiastic  canvasses  ever  known  in  the  history 
of  the  country.  There  is  nothing  negative  about 
Mr.  Blaine.  You  cannot  remain  neutral  with  him. 
You  are  either  very  much  for  him  or  very  much 
against  him.  Even  his  enemies  who  fight  him  the 
hardest  secretly  admire  his  brilliant  abilities.  Mr. 
Blaine  is  himself  a  fighter  who  thrives  and  grows 
upon  opposition.  If  he  is  nominated  his  individ- 
uality will  pervade  the  canvass.  He  personally 
has  more  power  to  secure  a  devoted  following  than 
any  oth^r  member  of  the  Republican  party.  In 
the   very  prime  of  his  intellectual  growth,   with 


LIFE   OF   HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  67 

strong,  vigorous  health,  he  has  a  magnetic  power 
that  is  very  great  over  every  one  with  whom  he 
comes  in  contact. 

Tliis  magnetic  power  is  the  subject  of  many 
sneers.  The  enemies  of  Blaine  deride  the  men 
who  are  fond  of  him  by  calling  them  victims  of 
this  personal  magnetism.  Analyze  this  personal 
magnetism  and  you  will  find  it  is  nothing  more 
than  the  fact  of  an  unassuming  intellectual  superi- 
ority, a  keen,  trenchant  common  sense  that  com- 
mands admiration.  Very  few  public  men  at  short 
range  fulfil  the  popular  idea.  They  are  apt  to 
prove  disappointing  through  the  exhibition  of  some 
incomplete,  undeveloped  side.  It  is  rare  enough 
that  a  public  man  of  prominence  is  a  pleasant 
companion. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  so  many-sided  as  to  be  classed 
as  a  man  of  genius.  He  is  an  orator,  a  polished 
writer,  a  student  of  historj^,  a  wide  reader  of  gen- 
eral literature,  a  successful  financier,  a  thorough 
man  of  the  world,  a  complete  master  of  the  art  of 
pleasing  in  a  social  way. 

As  a  conversationalist  Mr.  Blaine  has  few 
equals.  He  has  a  keen  appreciation  of  fun,  and 
can  tell  a  story  with  a  wonderful  simplicity. 
There  is  no  dragging  prelude,  no  verbose  details 
preceding  a  stupid  finale.  The  story  is  presented 
always  dramatically,  and  fired  almost  as  if  from  a 
gun  when  the  point  is  reached.  Mr.  Blaine's  abil- 
ity to  entertain  a  private  circle,  as  well  as  a  public 


68  LIFE   OF   HON.   JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

audience,  shows  that  he  has  great  powers  as  an 
actor.  Yet  even  in  his  private  talk  he  does  not 
fall  into  the  habit  of  the  average  public  man  of 
making  speeches  or  soliloquizing.  He  is  quite 
willing  to  listen  when  any  one  has  anything  to  say, 
and  never  appears  more  at  his  best  than  when  he 
is  taking  part  in  a  running  fire  of  bright,  sharp 
talk. 

The  dinner-table  in  the  Blaine  house  is  the 
place  where  the  gayest  of  good-natured  chafif 
rules.  From  six  to  eight  the  dinner  speeds  under 
cover  of  running  talk  upon  the  incidents  of  the 
day. 

THE   FAMILY   CIRCLE. 

Mr.  Blaine  is  very  happy  in  his  family.  None 
of  his  children  appear  to  regard  him  as  more  than 
a  big  brother.  Unless  called  out  by  a  dinner  or 
some  social  gathering,  Mr.  Blaine  is  always  at 
home.  He  belongs  to  no  club,  and  keeps  more  to 
himself  than  a  man  of  his  social  instincts  might 
be  expected  to  do.  He  does  not  even  play  the 
game  of  poker,  which  is  so  general  an  accomplish- 
ment with  public  men. 

He  has  nothing  of  the  reputation  of  a  Puritan, 
but  in  reality  his  private  life  is  as  irreproachable 
as  the  most  rigid  moralist  could  ask.  He  is  one  of 
the  few  men  in  public  life  whose  name  has  never 
been  coupled  in  the  most  indirect  way  with  any 
intrigues  with  women.  Out  in  society  he  is  a  gal- 
lant admirer  of  the  fair  sex,  but  there  is  yet  to  be 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  69 

breathed  against  him  the  first  word  of  scandal  in 
this  direction. 

He  is  a  very  temperate  man  at  the  table.  He 
occasionally  drinks  a  glass  of  wine,  but  he  never 
joined  the  whisky-drinking  ranks  in  either  the 
House  or  the  Senate.  Nothing  would  make  more 
of  a  sensation  than  his  going  into  either  of  the 
Senate  bar-rooms  to  sit  down  and  drink  whisky 
with  the  Senators,  who  think  nothing  of  drinking 
at  least  a  pint  of  whisky  every  day  of  their  lives. 
■*  Yet  one  would  not  notice  Mr.  Blaine's  temper- 
ance, as  there  is  no  assumption  of  especial  virtue 
put  on  with  it.  He  says  nothing  about  it,  and 
when  asked  to  partake  socially  with  his  public 
associates  he  alwa3's  managed  to  avoid  indulgence 
without  giving  the  idea  that  he  has  any  special 
objection  to  the  habit  or  any  desire  to  criticise  the 
habit  in  others.  During  the  last  year  of  his  liter- 
ary work  Mr.  Blaine  has  lived  with  the  greatest 
simplicity.  He  has  retired  early,  so  as  to  devote 
the  forenoon  of  his  days  to  work.  He  has  per- 
sisted in  following  the  most  rigid  system  regarding 
his  hours.  He  has  not  been  visible  to  callers  any 
day  until  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  From  then 
on  he  has  devoted  himself  to  social  talk,  riding  and 
driving,  and  light  reading. 

Mr.  Blaine  has  been  ull  his  life,  since  his  college- 
days,  a  student  of  American  history.  There  is  no 
man  in  public  or  private  life  to-day  who  is  so 
thoroughly  familiar  with  the  growth  and  progress 


70  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

of  his  own  country  as  Mr.  Blaine.  His  memory  is 
a  marvelous  one.  He  retains  without  difficulty 
everj' thing  that  he  reads,  and  rarely  errs  in  his 
historical  allusions.  It  is  a  matter  of  great  pride 
with  him  that  the  first  volume  of  his  history  has 
not  as  yet  had  any  of  its  facts  questioned.  It  is 
his  idea  that  a  man  who  w^rites  history  should 
have  no  other  object  than  the  honest  recital  of  the 
facts  connected  with  the  period  which  he  is  seek- 
ing to  describe.  Where  history  is  written  with  a 
certain  object  in  view  the  history  itself  is  too  apt 
to  be  colored  to  be  of  value  to  the  impartial  student. 
Mr.  Blaine  thinks  that  the  one  fault  of  the  brilliant 
and  great  Macaulay's  History  of  England  is  that  it 
was  written  with  the  object  of  sustaining  the  Whig 
party.  He  has  tried  in  his  work  to  have  no  object 
in  view  beyond  giving  an  impartial  record  of  the 
period  covered  by  his  history.  It  is  for  the  public 
to  decide  how  far  he  has  succeeded.  Originally  he 
had  an  idea  of  writing  his  memoirs.  This  would 
have  given  an  opportunity  for  a  closer  record  of 
personal  observation,  and  would  have  also  given 
room  for  a  lighter  vein  of  treatment.  With  his 
strong  descriptive  powers,  his  excellent  knowledge 
of  men,  and  memory  for  even  the  gossips  of  his 
time,  his  memoirs  would  have  possessed  extraor- 
dinary interest.  It  is  possible  that  Mr.  Blaine 
may  yet  write  such  a  work.  With  his  restored 
health  he  promises  to  be  a  figure  upon  the  Ameri- 
can stage  for  the  next  twenty  years. 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  71 

He  has  a  great  fund  of  personal  anecdotes  which 
he  employs  in  the  most  apt  way  upon  nearly  every 
occasion.  He  tells  his  stories  as  if  he  enjoyed  them 
himself,  and  they  very  often  emphasize  his  mean- 
ing as  no  heavier  argument  could  do. 

Summing  up,  one  finds  so  much  to  admire  in  his 
varied  information,  his  social  culture,  his  power 
and  individuality  as  a  statesman  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word,  that  one  is  constantly  tempted  in  the 
direction  of  extravagant  eulogy.  If  any  man 
wishes  to  be  Mr.  Blaine's  enemy  he  must  keep 
away  from  him  beyond  the  reach  of  his  voice,  and 
close  his  eyes  and  ears  to  anything  but  the  ancient 
stories  of  his  former  enemies,  many  of  whom  are 
to-day  his  friends.  Criticism  of  this  brilliant  and 
able  American  patriot  should  be  left  to  those  who 
know  that  they  are  better  than  he ;  by  men  who 
have  never  made  any  mistakes ;  by  those  who  have 
always  done  right,  and  whose  one  regret  in  life  is 
the  sorrowful  fact  that  the  majority  of  men  are  not 
like  unto  them  in  goodness. 

It  is  particularly  interesting  to  note  how  the 
friends  of  the  Republican  candidate  are  acquainted 
with  his  early  history,  and  speak  with  the  exact- 
ness of  a  conscientious  biographer  of  his  ancestry 
and  religious  progenitors.  An  old  friend  of  the 
family  writes  as  follows :  "  The  BLaines  were  all 
staunch  Presbyterians.  Several  were  Calvinistic 
divines.  Ephraim,  however,  fell  in  love  with  a 
lovely  Miss  Gillespie,  of  Celtic   parentage.     She 


72  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

acknowledged  the  Roman  obedience.  This  did  not 
deter  her  from  accepting  the  hand  and  name  of  a 
Blaine.  Fine,  sterling  woman  she  was,  as  mothers 
of  great  men  are  wont  to  be.  A  few  years  since  she 
and  herdaughter,  Mrs.  Robert  Walker,  wife  of  a  navy 
officer,  died  at  Elizabeth,  Pennsylvania.  Of  three 
sons  James  was  her  favorite,  and  she  prophesied 
fame  for  her  boy.  So  do  most  mothers.  Few  live 
to  see  hopes  thus  satisfactorily  realized.  First  to 
an  Ohio  school,  then  to  Washington  Presbyterian 
College — in  the  town  where  his  father  held  office — 
young  Blaine  was  sent.  He  studied  assiduously, 
and  in  1847  graduated  with  high  honors  first  of 
thirty-three  classmates.  Like  Webster  and  other 
great  Americans,  Blaine  began  his  career  by 
teaching.  His  school  was  at  Georgetown,  Ken- 
tucky, where,  in  1853,  he  became  acquainted  with 
and  married  Miss  Stanwood.  The  Stanwoods  were 
men  of  prominence  in  New  England,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  exchanged  a  pedagogue's  pursuits  for  those 
of  a  journalist.  As  the  editor  of  The  Kennebec  Jour- 
nal he  was  associated  with  Mr.  Stevens.  They 
had  the  State  printing.  This  proved  insufficient 
for  Mr.  Blaine's  support.  In  vain  he  struck  for  a 
$1200  salary.  This  prompted  him  to  assume  the 
editorship  of  The  Portland  Daily  Advertiser.  He 
soon  returned  to  Augusta,  and  made  it  his  home 
for  twenty  years.  Journalism  soon  led  him  into 
politics. 

"  Blaine  was  elected  by  the  people  member  of  the 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 


73 


Maine  Legislature  in  1858,  and  by  his  fellow- 
members  in  1860  Speaker  of  the  lower  branch  of 
that  body.  lie  availed  himself  of  that  opportun- 
ity to  perfect  the  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law 
that  enabled  him  later  to  direct  with  marked 
ability  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives. He  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress 
seven  terms  by  the  following  majorities : 


1862 3,422 

1864 4,328 

1866 6,591 

1868 3,346 


1870 2,320 

1872 3,568 

1874 2,830 


"  He  was  three  times  chosen  Speaker  of  the 
National  House  of  Representatives,  serving  in  that 
capacity  from  March  4,  1869,  to  March  4,  1875, 
He  received  the  nomination  for  the  Speakership  in 
the  Republican  caucus  each  time  by  acclamation 
(an  honor  not  enjoyed  by  any  candidate  for  the 
Speakership  before  or  since),  and  he  never  had  a 
ruling  reversed  or  overruled  by  the  House  during 
the  six  years  he  held  that  onerous  and  trying 
office.  He  was  appointed  Senator  July  8,  1876,  to 
fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Lot 
M.  Morrill  to  become  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  he  was  elected  Senator,  January  16,  1877, 
both  for  the  long  and  short  terms,  by  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  Republicans  in  the  Maine  Legis- 
lature, both  in  caucus  and  their  respective  Houses. 
He  was  made  Secretary  of  Sta-te  March  4,  1881, 


74  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

by  President  Garfield,  and  held  that  office  until 
December  12,  1881,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  F. 
T.  Frelinghuysen.  Mr.  Blaine's  public  life  began 
in  January,  1858;  it  closed  temporarily  at  the  end 
of  1881,  being  a  period  of  twenty-four  years.  It 
was  continuous.  He  was  promoted  by  the  people 
from  one  place  to  another,  and  he  never  got  he- 
fore  the  i^eojple  that  he  teas  not  elected.  His  defeats 
have  been  confined  to  two  National  Conventions 
of  his  own  party,  in  both  of  which  he  was  the  un- 
doubted choice  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from 
the  Republican  States.  The  politicians  have 
beaten  him  tw^ice,  but  the  people  never. 

"Mr.  Blaine's  present  fortune  is  one  that  has 
been  a  subject  of  a  great  deal  of  gossip.  It  has 
been  estimated  by  some  romancers  to  be  as  high  as 
$2,000,000.  This  is  an  enormous  exaggeration. 
He  is  undoubtedly  in  easy  circumstances,  and  has 
enjoyed  for  years  a  liberal  income  from  his 
Pennsylvania  coal  properties.  Mr.  Blaine  once 
said  to  a  visitor  that  he  was  richer  than  any  of  the 
so-called  millionaires  of  the  day,  because  he  had 
all  that  he  wanted.  He  is  not  an  avaricious  man. 
He  is  not  niggardly  in  his  expenditures,  neither  is 
he  lavish.  He  seems  to  have  joined  to  the  liberal 
and  hospitable  free-handedness  of  the  West  the 
conservative  carefulness  of  the  East. 

"  His  style  of  living  at  Washington  has  always 
been  comfortable,  never  extravagant. 

"  In    his    manners  Mr,   Blaine   is  essentially  a 


LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  75 

Democrat — I  mean  in  the  broad  sense  of  the  term. 
He  never  yet  in  any  of  the  various  periods  of  his 
career  has  shown  any  pride  of  place.  He  is  sim- 
ple and  unaffected.  He  harbors  few,  if  any,  re- 
sentments. The  general  public  have  supposed  him 
to  be  a  great  enemy  of  Conkling's.  This  is  not 
true.  He  would  as  willingly  shake  hands  with 
Conkling  to-morrow,  if  Conkling  were  to  meet  him 
half  way,  as  he  would  with  any  of  his  former  as- 
sociates. He  has  intense  pride,  and  a  most  fiery 
temper  when  provoked,  but  when  his  rage  explodes 
no  slumbering  resentment  is  left  behind.  He  does 
not  believe  in  the  statesmanship  of  revenge.  Upon 
this  subject  he  said  one  day  :  '  Life  is  too  short  to 
lie  in  wait  for  personal  retaliation  for  injuries  re- 
ceived. If  you  can  strike  out  a  good,  strong  blow 
at  the  time,  well  and  good.  But  the  world  moves 
too  fast  for  one  to  waste  his  life  in  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  gratify  mere  personal  revenge.' 

"If  Mr.  Blaine  should  happen  to  be  nominated  at 
Chicago  a  number  of  people  will  probably  discuss 
his  religious  views.  I  do  not  think  that  Mr. 
Blaine  himself  gives  the  subject  of  religion  any 
special  thought.  He  is  a  regular  attendant  at  the 
Presbyterian  Church  here.  His  entire  family  are 
of  the  same  belief.  His  mother,  however,  was  a 
Roman  Catholic.  Mr.  Blaine  himself  is  a  cousin 
of  Mrs.  Gen.  Sherman.  It  is  his  connection  with 
the  Ewing  family  which  has  brought  up  from  time 
to  time  the  charge  that  he  was  himself  a  Catholic. 


76  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

It  would  not  be  possible  to  obtain  from  Mr.  Blaine 
himself  any  public  denial  of  such  a  charge.  He 
does  not  believe  that  anyone  has  a  right  to  introduce 
a  religious  test  in  political  canvasses.  I  once  heard 
him  say :  '  I  have  always  been  a  member  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church.  I  have  never  been  a  Cath- 
olic ;  but  I  would  not  make  any  public  statement 
that  I  was  not  a  Catholic,  because  I  would  not  be 
made  to  appear  even  in  the  slightest  degree  as 
reflecting  upon  the  religion  of  my  mother.' 

"  In  all  the  outcry  that  has  been  made  against 
Mr.  Blaine  at  various  times  by  his  political  ene- 
mies no  one  has  been  able  to  show  that  he  ever 
defrauded  any  one.  He  has  never  been  at  the 
head  of  any  stock  enterprise  gotten  up  to  SM^ndle 
investors.  He  has  violated  no  trust  funds,  and  has 
wrecked  none  of  the  properties  with  which  he  has 
been  connected. 

"  It  is  possibly  because  Mr.  Blaine  is  known  to  be 
a  most  excellent  business  man  that  the  public 
would  expect  from  him  better  judgment  and 
greater  circumspection  in  business  management 
than  from  the  average  public  man. 

"  Were  I  called  upon,"  concludes  this  graphic 
writer,  "  to  pick  out  an  honest  man — a  man  who 
would  administer  the  affairs  of  this  great  country 
with  an  impartial  hand — a  man  who  feared  neither 
prince  nor  potentate — a  man  who  dared  to  do  right 
no  matter  what  his  enemies  said,  I  should  above 
all  others  select  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine." 


THE  "PLUMED  KNIGHT." 

HOW  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  ACQUIRED  THE  FAMOUS  TITLE. 

In  the  Cincinnati  Convention  of  1876  Colonel 
Robert  G.  IngersoU  nominated  Mr.  Blaine  for  the 
Presidency  in  an  eloquent  speech.  In  the  course 
of  it  he  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  mar- 
velous achievements  of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a 
man  worthy  of  the  past  and  prophetic  of  her 
future ;  asks  for  a  man  who  has  the  audacity  of 
genius  [applause]  ;  asks  for  a  man  who  is  the 
grandest  combination  of  heart,  conscience  and 
brain  beneath  the  flag.  [Applause.]  That  man 
is  James  G.  Blaine.  [Applause.]  For  the  Re- 
publican host  led  by  this  intrepid  man  there  can 
be  no  such  thing  as  defeat.  [Applause.]  This  is 
a  grand  year — a  year  filled  with  the  recollection 
of  the  Revolution  [applause] ;  filled  with  proud 
and  tender  memories  of  the  sacred  past ;  filled  with 
the  legends  of  liberty — a  year  in  which  the  sons  of 
freedom  will  drink  from  the  fountain  of  enthusiasm 
[applause] ;  a  year  in  which  the  people  call  for  a 
man  who  has  preserved  in  Congress  what  our  sol- 
diers won  upon  the  field  [cheers]  ;  a  year  in  which 
we  call  for  the  man  who  has  torn  from  the  throat 
of  treason  the  tongue  of  slander  [applause] ;  a  man 
that  has  snatched  the  mask  of  Democracy  from  the 
hideous  face  of  Rebellion ;  a  man  who,  like  an 
intellectual  athlete,  stood  in  the  arena  of  debate, 

(77) 


78  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

challenged  all  comers,  and  who  up  to  the  present 
moment  is  a  total  stranger  to  defeat.  [Applause.] 
Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  'plumed  knight, 
James  G.  Blaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the 
American  Congress  and  threw  his  shining  lance 
full  and  fair  against  the  brazen  forehead  of  every 
defamer  of  this  country  and  maligner  of  its  honor. 
For  the  Republican  party  to  desert  that  gallant 
man  now  is  as  though  an  army  should  desert  their 
general  upon  the  field  of  battle.  [Cheers.]  James 
G.  Blaine  is  now  and  has  been  for  years  the  bearer 
of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Republic.  [Cheers.] 
I  call  it  sacred,  because  no  human  being  can  stand 
beneath  its  folds  without  becoming  and  without 
remaining  free.     [Cheers.] 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  in  the  name  of 
the  Great  Republic,  the  only  Republic  that  ever 
existed  upon  this  earth ;  in  the  name  of  all  her 
defenders  and  of  all  her  supporters ;  in  the  name 
of  all  her  soldiers  living;  in  the  name  of  all  her 
soldiers  that  have  died  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and 
in  the  name  of  those  that  perished  in  the  skeleton 
clutches  of  famine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby 
[cheers],  whose  suffering  he  so  eloquently  remem- 
bers, Illinois  nominates  for  the  next  President  of 
this  country  that  prince  of  parliamentarians,  that 
leader  of  leaders,  James  G.  Blaine."  [Loud  and 
protracted  cheers.] 


MR.   BLAINE   OFFICIALLY   NOTIFIED   OF 
HIS  NOMINATION. 

A  Pleasing  Scene  on  the  Lawn  of  his  Homestead — 
Executing  the  Popular  Will  — The  Nomination 
Tendered  and  Accepted— A  Short  Speech  f.y  the 
Plumed  Knight  Approving  of  the  Principles  An- 
nounced BY  THE  Convention. 

Augusta,  June  21. — Nature  had  painted  the 
hiwn  with  its  loveliest  tints.  The  weather  was 
a  little  warm  for  comfort,  but  upon  the  grass  plot, 
where  the  spreading  branches  of  an  old  butternut 
tree  cast  a  welcome  shade,  the  heat  was  not  op- 
pressive. The  act  was  set  in  the  open  air  to 
escape  the  oppression  of  crowded  parlors,  because 
this  was  an  occasion  when  every  one  interested 
felt  impelled  to  do  and  appear  at  his  best.  The 
change  was  a  golden  thought,  and  the  fact  that  it 
was  made  upon  the  moment  added  a  fresh  interest 
to  the  neat  scene  that  the  players  and  spectators 
created  as  they  dropped  into  their  situations  in  the 
open  air  by  accident. 

Mr.  Blaine's  house  is  not  a  large  one,  and  was 

built  just  before  he  entered  nation;. 1  politics.       Its 

location  and  surroundings  make  up  for  any  defects 

the  unpretentious  frame  building  may  have.     The 

Capitol  building,  in  the  midst  of  its  ample  grounds, 

sits  on  a  hill  just  beyond,  and   almost  casts  its 

shadows  over  the  now  notable  place.     Before  it  a 

(79) 


80  LIFE    OF    HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAINE. 

public   grove    stretches   away   to   the    Kennebec 
river,  some  half  mile  distant. 

THE   committee's   ARRIVAL. 

It  was  11  o'clock  to  the  minute  when  the  com- 
mittee to  officially  notify  Mr.  Blaine  of  his  nomi- 
nation for  the  Presidency  appeared  at  his  residence. 
The  gateway  was  opened  and  so  was  the  front 
door,  and  the  body  passed  into  the  parlors.  One 
by  one  they  were  presented  by  Chairman  Hender- 
son to  Mrs.  Blaine,  who  had  a  kind  word  of  greet- 
ing for  all.  Perhaps  twenty  minutes  were  spent  in 
social  talk  between  guests  and  members  of  the 
committee,  Mr.  Elkins  mingling  pleasantly  in  the 
throng.  All  this  time  Mr.  Blaine  was  in  his  office 
awaiting  the  cessation  of  the  pleasant  courtesies 
and  the  summons  for  the  final  and  formal  cere- 
mony. It  was  soon  given  and  the  host  appeared 
alone  in  the  hall  door  and  took  the  arm  of  General 
Henderson. 

"  Shall  it  be  here  or  out  door?"  said  the  leader. 
*'0n  the  lawn,"  replied  several  persons  in  the  same 
breath.  The  candidate  and  the  chairman  passed 
out  of  the  door,  turned  to  the  left  upon  the  grass  plot 
and  stopped  in  the  shadows  which  the  largest  tree 
in  the  front  yard  threw  upon  the  green  sward. 
The  company  followed,  and,  as  if  by  magic,  grouped 
about  the  two  central  figures  of  the  gathering. 
They  stood  facing  the  front  street,  with  the  side- 
highway  on  their  right.     A  little  to  the  left  of 


LIFE    OF    HON.     JAMES    G.     BLAINE.  81 

Mr.  Blaine  grew  a  clump  of  cedars  and  to  the  right 
and  farther  in  front  the  favorite  shade  tree,  under 
which  the  committee  gathered  and  whose  shelter- 
ing arms  turned  aside  the  hot  rajs  of  the  sun  from, 
all. 

THE   FAMILY   GROUP. 

The  background  to  this  interesting  picture  was^. 
perhaps,  its  chief  charm.  It  was  full  of  bright 
colors,  reflected  by  the  blooming  and  tasteful  toilets 
of  the  ladies  and  children,  who  had  so  quickly 
arranged  themselves  in  a  choice  position  to  make 
the  scene  complete  and  witness  the  unusual  proceed- 
ings. Behind  Mr.  Blaine  stood  Walker,  the  eldest 
son,  holding  a  roll  of  manuscript.  A  little  f\irther 
along  was  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.,  the  youngest  boy, 
perhaps  sixteen  years  old,  and  close  to  him  his  sister 
Maggie,  a  young  woman  of  fine  promise.  Near 
her  was  Gail  Hamilton,  standing  side  by  side  with 
Mrs.  S.  B.  Elkins.  The  latter  is  the  daughter  of 
Henry  G.  Davis,  ex-United  States  Senator  from 
West  Virginia,  now  President  of  the  railroad  in, 
that  State  in  which  the  Republican  Presidential! 
candidate  is  interested. 

Davis  is  a  Democrat,  but  he  and  Elkins  helped- 
to  make  Blaine  strong  in  the  ^'  Mountain  State.!' 
Behind  the  two  ladies  were  J.  H.  Manley  and  his- 
wife,  and  Colonel  H.  S.  Osgood  and  wife,  insepar^ 
able  and  faithful  friends  of  the  Plumed  Knight. 
Near  them,  holding  a  playmate  by  the  hand,  was 
the  youngest  of  the  Blaine  household — Hattie,  a 


82  LIFE   OF   HON.   JAMES    G.   BLAINE. 

bright  little  girl  of  some  ten  years  of  age.  Just 
beyond,  and  nearest  to  the  committee,  but  only  a 
few  feet  from  her  husband,  stood  Mrs.  Blaine,  with 
Mr.  Elkins  by  her  side.  She  looked  as  if  all  in- 
tent upon  what  was  going  on. 

It  took  but  a  moment  to  get  these  characters  all 
in  place,  but  quickly  as  it  was  done  it  could  not  have 
been  better  done  if  the  situations  had  been  all  re- 
hearsed in  advance.  It  is,  indeed,  a  pity  that  the 
camera  of  an  artist  was  not  laid  upon  this  curious 
blending  of  house,  sky,  shrubbery  and  people.  It 
should  have  been  preserved.  The  movement  from 
the  house  to  the  yard  had  been  so  easily  accom- 
plished that  only  a  few,  even  of  the  passers-by, 
had  been  attracted  by  it.  Before  the  addresses 
were  over,  however,  a  few  strangers  and  neighbors 
ranged  themselves  outside  the  palings  and  looked 
intently  upon  this  significant  political  scene. 

MR.  Henderson's  address. 
Chairman  Henderson  lost  no  time  in  performing 
ihis  task  after  the  group  was  complete.     He  threw 
his  eyes  about  a  second,  then  drew  out  his  manu- 
script, and,  addressing  Mr.  Blaine,  said : 

"  Mr.  Blaine,  your  nomination  for  the  office  of 
•the  President  of  the  United  States  by  the  National 
Republican  Convention,  recently  assembled  at 
Chicago,  is  already  known  to  you.  The  gentle- 
men before  you,  constituting  the  committee  com- 
posed of  one  member  from  each  State  and  Terri- 
itory  of  tthe  country  and  one  from  the  District  of 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  83 

Columbia,  now  come  as  the  accredited  organ  of 
that  Convention  to  give  you  formal  notice  of  your 
nomination  and  to  request  }our  acceptance  thereof. 

"  It  is,  of  course,  known  to  you  that  beside  your 
own,  several  other  names  among  the  most  honored 
in  the  councils  of  the  Republican  party  were  pre- 
sented by  their  friends  as  candidates  for  this  nomi- 
nation. Between  your  friends  and  friends  of  gen- 
tlemen so  justly  entitled  to  the  respect  and  confi- 
dence of  their  political  associates  the  contest  was 
one  of  generous  rivalry,  free  from  any  taint  of 
bitterness  and  equally  free  from  the  reproach  of 
injustice.  At  an  early  stage  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Convention  it  became  manifest  tha-t  the  Re- 
publican States  whose  aid  must  be  invoked  at  last 
to  insure  success  to  the  ticket  earnestly  desired 
your  nomination.  It  was  equally  manifest  that 
the  desire  so  earnestly  expressed  by  delegates  from 
those  States  was  but  a  truthful  reflection  of  an 
irresistible  popular  demand..  It  was  not  thought 
nor  pretended  that  the  demand  had  origin  in  any 
ambitious  desires  of  your  own,  or  any  organized 
work  of  your  friends,  but  it  was  recognized  to  be, 
what  it  truthfully  is,  a  spontaneous  expression  by 
free  people  of  love  and  admiration  of  a  chosen 
leader. 

"  No  nomination  would  have  given  satisfaction 
to  every  member  of  the  party.  This  is  not  to  be 
expected  in  a  country  so  extended  in  area  and  so 
varied  in  interests.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln in  1860  disappointed  so  many  hopes  and  over- 
threw so  many  cherished  ambitions  that  for  a  short 
time  disaffection  threatened  to  ripen  in  open  re- 
volt. In  1872  the  discontent  was  so  pronounced 
as  to  impel  large  masses  of  the  party  to  organized 


84  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

opposition  to  its  nominees.  For  many  weeks  aftei 
the  nomination  of  General  Garfield  in  1880,  defeat 
seemed  almost  inevitable.  In  each  case  the  shock 
of  disappointment  was  followed  by  the  sober 
second  thought.  Individual  preferences  gradually 
yielded  to  convictions  of  public  duty.  The  prompt- 
ings of  patriotism  finally  arose  superior  to  the 
irritations  and  animosities  of  the  hour. 

"  The  party  in  every  trial  has  grown  stronger 
in  the  face  of  threatened  danger.  In  tendering 
you  the  nomination  it  gives  us  pleasure  to  remem- 
ber that  those  great  measures  which  furnished 
causes  for  party  congratulations  by  the  late  Con- 
vention at  Chicago  and  which  are  now  crystalized 
into  the  legislation  of  the  country — measures  which 
have  strengthened  and  dignified  the  nation,  while 
they  have  elevated  and  advanced  the  people — at 
all  times  and  on  all  proper  occasions  received  your 
earnest  and  valuable  support.  It  was  your  good 
fortune  to  aid  in  protecting  the  nation  against  the 
assaults  of  armed  treasons.  You  were  present  and 
helped  to  unloose  the  shackles  of  the  slave,  you 
assisted  in  placing  new  guarantees  of  freedom  in 
the  Federal  Constitution,  your  voice  was  potent  in 
preserving  national  faith  when  false  theories  of 
finance  would  have  blasted  national  and  individual 
prosperity.  We  kindly  remember  you  as  the  fast 
friend  of  honest  money  and  commercial  integrity. 

"  In  all  that  pertains  to  security  and  repose  of 
capital,  dignity  of  labor,  manhood,  elevation  and 
freedom  of  the  people,  the  right  of  the  oppressed 
to  demand  and  the  duty  of  the  Government  to 
afibrd  protection,  your  public  acts  have  received 
the  unqualified  endorsement  of  popular  approval. 
But  we  are  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  parties, 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G,    BLAINE.  85 

like  individuals,  cannot  live  entirely  on  the  past, 
however  splendid  the  record.  The  present  is  ever 
charged  with  its  immediate  cares,  and  the  future 
presses  on  with  its  new  duties,  its  perplexing  re- 
sponsibilities. Parties,  like  individuals  however, 
that  are  free  from  stain  of  violated  faith  in  the 
past,  are  fairly  entitled  to  the  presumption  of  sin- 
cerity in  their  promises  for  the  future. 

"Among  the  promises  made  by  the  party  in  its 
late  Convention  at  Chicago  are  economy  and  purity 
of  administration  ;  protection  of  the  citizens,  native 
and  naturalized,  at  home  and  abroad ;  prompt 
restoration  of  the  navy ;  wise  reduction  of  the 
surplus  revenue;  the  relieving  of  the  taxpayers 
without  injuring  the  laborer;  the  preservation  of 
the  public  lands  for  actual  settlers;  that  all  import 
duties,  when  necessary  at  all,  be  levied  not  for 
revenue  only,  but  for  the  double  purpose  of  revenue 
and  protection ;  the  regulation  of  international 
commerce,  the  settlement  of  international  dilTcr- 
ences  by  peaceful  arbitration,  but  coupled  with  the 
reassertion  and  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine 
as  interpreted  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic; 
perseverance  in  the  good  work  of  civil  service 
reform  to  the  end  that  the  dan2;ers  to  free  institu- 
tions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official  patron- 
age may  be  wisely  and  effectually  avoided;  an 
honest  currency,  based  on  coin  of  intrinsic  value, 
adding  strength  to  the  public  credit  and  giving 
renewed  vitality  to  every  branch  of  American  in- 
dustry. 

"  Mr.  Blaine,  during  the  last  twenty-three  ^^ears 
the  RepubUcan  party  has  builded  a  new  republic, 
a  republic  far  more  splendid  than  that  originally 
designed  by  our  fathers.     Its  proportions,  already 


86  LIFE    OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

grand,  may  yet  be  enlarged,  its  foundations  may 
yet  be  strengthened  and  its  columns  be  adorned 
with  beauty  more  resplendent  still.  To  you,  as 
its  architect  in  chief,  will  soon  be  assigned  this 
grateful  work. 

MR.    BLAINE'S   reply. 

Mr.  Blaine  never  looked  better  than  when  lis- 
tening to  these  remarks,  except  when  he  replied 
to  them.  During  the  delivery  he  stood  erect  with 
his  arms  folded.  His  countenance  was  clear,  his 
eye  bright,  his  posture  superb,  and  he  seemed  the 
picture  of  health.  Now  and  then  he  would  throw 
a  glance  over  the  committee  in  front  of  him,  as  if 
searching  for  a  familiar  face,  but  this  seemed  to  be 
done  to  rest  the  eye  from  looking  constantly  at 
one  object,  for  there  was  no  sign  of  recognition 
upon  his  strongly  marked  features.  He  was  in 
strikinci:  contrast  to  the  man  who  was  deliverins; 
to  him  the  commission  of  party  leader  voted  by  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  Henderson  looked  thinner  and  taller  than 
ever  by  the  side  of  the  perfect  figure  of  the  man 
who  waited  upon  his  words.  He  seemed  to  grow 
as  he  read.  When  he  had  finished,  Mr.  Blaine 
turned  about  and  took  from  his  son's  hand  the  roll 
of  paper  upon  which  was  written  his  reply,  and 
said: 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentleman  of  the  National 
Committee — I  receive,  not  without  deep  sensibility, 


LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  87 

your  official  notice  of  the  action  of  the  National 
Convention  already  brought  to  my  knowledge 
through  the  public  press.  I  appreciate  more  pro- 
foundly than  I  can  express  the  honor  which  is 
implied  in  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  by 
the  Republican  party  of  the  nation,  speaking 
through  the  authoritative  voice  of  duly  accredited 
delegates.  To  be  selected  as  a  candidate  by  such 
an  assemblage  from  a  list  of  eminent  statesmen, 
whose  names  w^ere  presented,  fills  me  with  embar- 
rassment. I  can  only  express  my  gratitude  for  so 
signal  an  honor  and  my  desire  to  prove  worthy  of 
the  great  trust  reposed  in  me. 

"  In  accepting  the  nomination,  as  T  now  do,  I  am 
impressed — I  am  also  oppressed — with  a  sense  of 
the  labor  and  responsibility  which  attach  to  my 
position.  The  burden  is  lightened,  however,  by 
the  host  of  earnest  men  who  support  my  candidacy, 
many  of  whom  add,  as  does  your  honorable  com- 
mittee, cheer  of  personal  friendship  to  pledge  of 
political  fealty.  A  more  formal  acceptance  will 
naturally  be  expected,  and  will,  in  due  season,  be 
communicated.  It  may,  however,  not  be  inappro- 
priate at  this  time  to  say  I  have  already  made  a 
careful  study  of  the  principles  announced  by  the 
National  Convention,  and  that,  in  wdiole  and  in 
detail,  they  have  my  heartiest  sympathy  and  meet 
my  unqualified  approval. 

"Apart  from  your  official  errand,  gentlemen,  I 
am  extremely  happy  to  welcome  you  all  to  my 
house.  With  many  of  you  I  have  already  shared 
duties  of  public  service  and  have  enjoyed  most 
cordial  friendship.  I  trust  3^our  journey  from  all 
parts  of  the  great  republic  has  been  agreeable,  and 
that  during  your  stay  in  Maine  you  will  feel  you 


88  LIFE   OF    HON.    JAMES   G.    BLAINE. 

are  not  among  strangers,  but  with  friends.  Invok- 
ing blessings  of  God  upon  the  great  cause  which 
we  jointly  represent,  let  us  turn  to  the  future  with- 
out fear  and  with  manly  hearts. 

now   THE   LEADER    APPEARED. 

At  times  during  the  delivery  of  these  remarks 
Mr.  Blaine  seemed  to  warm,  as  he  often  has  done, 
with  the  fire  of  debate.  He  certainly  was  never 
happier  or  more  impressive,  even  during  his  eulogy 
on  Garfield.  His  attitude  and  the  emphasis  he 
often  put  upon  the  words  spoken  to-day  were  re- 
marked by  every  one  present,  and  the  tension  of 
close  attention  to  his  manners  and  speech  was  so 
marked  that  there  was  an  instinctive  murmur  of 
relief  when  the  last  word  was  lost  upon  the  wings 
of  the  whispering  wind. 

Then  friends  gathered  about  and  the  warmth  of 
the  greeting  almost  brought  tears  to  his  eyes.  He 
quickly  mingled  with  the  crowd,  shaking  hands 
right  and  left. 

It  was  picturesque  and  dramatic  by  turns.  The 
reception  on  the  lawn  lasted  nearly  half  an  hour, 
when  all  bid  the  candidate  and  his  family  good- 
bye. There  were  three  cheers  for  the  next  Presi- 
dent and  three  for  the  next  lady  of  the  White 
House,  and  the  ceremony  was  over. 


EULOGY  OF  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD, 

By  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 

DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTA 

TIVES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  FEBRUARY  27,  1S82. 


On  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  February,  1882,  an 
eulogy  was  delivered  before  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
by  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Garfield,  on  the 
murdered  President.  The  scene  at  the  Capitol  was 
a  very  impressive  one,  and  will  linger  long  in  the 
memory  of  those  who  witnessed  it.  The  bright  morn- 
ing sunshine  brought  forth  thousands,  who  flocked 
Capitolward  long  before  the  hour  announced  for  the 
opening  of  the  doors.  There  were  a  number  of  Con- 
gressmen early  on  the  ground,  actively  engaged  in  plac- 
ing their  ladies  and  other  friends.  At  half-past  10  the 
galleries  were  literally  packed,  and  those  who  came 
afterwards  had  to  be  content  with  occasional  unsatis- 
factory glimpses  through  the  open  doors.  It  appeared 
that  the  seating  capacity  had  been  greatly  over-esti- 
mated. Notwithstanding  the  reiterated  announcements 
of  the  press  that  none  without  tickets  would  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  Capitol  buildings,  there  were  hundreds 
there  merely  to  be  turned  away. 

The  scene  within  was  inspiriting,  yet  of  a  sombre 
tinge.  Four-fifths  of  the  immense  audience  were  ladies 
and  these  were  mostly  dressed  in  black  or  sober  colors. 
Only  here  and  there  a  flower  on  a  bonnet,  a  single 
ribbon  or  bow  at  a  feminine  throat  made  an  obtrusive 
show  of  color.  This  universal  black  made  the  thou- 
sands of  white  faces  stand  out  in  bold  relief  with  an 
efiect  which  was  startling.  The  array  of  fur-lined 
circulars  and  other  wraps  that  were  hung  over  the 
cornice  and  dangled  in  front,  contrary  to  the  rules  of 
(89) 


90  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

the  House,  made  a  ludicrous  picture.  In  the  Diplo- 
matic gallery,  clad  in  purple  and  black  velvets  and 
other  rich  but  sober  fabrics,  was  a  distinguished  assem- 
blage of  ladies.  The  Countess  Lewenhaupt,  wife  of 
the  Swedish  Minister;  Mrs.  and  Miss  Preston,  wife 
and  daughter  of  the  Haytian  Minister;  Viscountess 
Das  Nogueiros,  wife  of  the  Minister  from  Portugal; 
Senora  Don  Francisco  Barca,  Spain;  Senor  Dom  Simon 
Camacho,  Venezuela,  and  others,  were  specially  notable. 
In  the  President's  gallery  sat  Mrs.  Blaine,  the  wife  of 
the  distinguished  orator  of  the  day  and  the  cynosure 
of  all  eyes.  She  had  scarcely  got  seated  when  a  page 
entered  and  presented  her  with  a  bouquet  of  beautiful 
flowers.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  attired  in  rich  blacl<^  velvet 
and  circular  lined  with  leopard  skin,  which  was  allowed 
to  fall  ov^er  the  gallery  rail.  She  was  accompanied  by 
Mrs.  Matthews  and  Miss  Dodge  and  Mrs.  Justice  Field. 
Mrs.  David  Dudley  Field,  Mrs.  Bradley,  Mrs.  Brewster, 
Mrs.  Frelinghuysen  and  Mrs.  G.  W.  Curtis  were  near 
her.  While  these  s-alleries  were  being;  filled  the  Marine 
Band,  stationed  in  the  lobby  back  of  the  Speaker's 
desk,  poured  forth  the  sweetest  airs,  the  partial  con- 
cealment giving  the  music  the  charm  of  coming  from 
some  vast  music  box. 

On  the  floor  about  half  the  members  of  the  House 
had  gathered  by  eleven  o'clock.  Most  of  them  ap- 
peared to  be  contemplating  the  great  painting  of  Gar- 
field that  hung  above  the  Speaker's  chair,  while  the 
rest  ogled  the  ladies  in  the  galleries  and  joined  in  con- 
versation. A  loud  buzz  of  subdued  voices  from  two  or 
three  thousand  persons  filled  the  chamber.  Three 
figures  occupied  conspicuous  places  on  the  front  seats 
and  these  were  the  venerable  figure  of  Washington's 
great  man,  W.  W.  Corcoran,  the  lean  figure  of  Cyrus 
W.  Field  and  the  shrivelled-up  figure  of  the  historian, 
George  Bancroft.     They  came  in  early  and  sat  there 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  91 

alone.  Immediately  back  of  them,  on  both  sides  the 
main  aisle,  the  desks  had  been  removed  and  the  vacant 
chairs  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  Senators  and  other 
dignitaries.  The  General  of  the  Army  came  in  first 
by  the  main  door  and  he  and  stubby  Phil  Sheridan 
made  a  funny  pair  to  come  down  the  aisle  together. 
They  were  followed  by  the  princely  General  Hancock, 
"The  Superb,"  and  Generals  Howard  and  Meigs.  All 
were  in  full  uniform.  They  attracted  a  storm  of  eyes 
and  were  made  the  immediate  focus  of  a  thousand 
opera-ghasses.  Not  very  long,  how^ever,  for  that  body 
which  always  claims  priority  in  attractiveness  very  soon 
entered  from  the  Speaker's  lobby.  The  full  diplomatic 
corps,  in  all  its  royal  splendor  of  gold  lace  and  its 
courtly  decorations,  filed  in  and  took  the  second  row 
of  seats  in  the  semicircle.  The  foreign  gentlemen 
always  form  a  picturesque  group,  but  never  so  much  as 
when  clustered  together  among  thousands  of  people  in 
solemn  conventional  black.  The  red  fez  and  gold  em- 
broidery of  the  Turks  were  in  curious  contrast  with 
the  loose,  plain  purple  robes  of  the  Chinese.  The 
representatives  of  the  Japanese  Government  appeared 
in  American  full  dress,  swallow-tails,  white  ties  and 
gloves,  like  the  ordinary  American  gentleman  and 
ordinary  American  waiter.  The  members  of  the  Diplo- 
matic Corps  wore  the  regulation  costumes  of  their 
respective  countries  and  were  marshaled  by  Mr,  Allen, 
the  Hawaiian  Minister,  who  is  now  known  as  the  dean 
since  the  departure  of  Sir  Edward  Thornton.  While 
everybody  was  picking  out  the  prettiest  uniform  in 
came  Doctor  Bliss,  walking  down  the  main  aisle  alone, 
his  presence  recalling  the  painful  cause  of  this  august 
gathering.  The  doctor  seemed  conscious  of  the  general 
curiosity  and  hastily  passed  down  and  slipped  into  a 
side  seat  just  back  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Shortly 
afterward  Judge  Cox,  Judge  Hagner,  Judge  Wiley  and 


92  blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

Marshal  Henry  came  in  and  sat  near  him.  Before  in- 
terest had  ceased  in  these  reminders  of  Garfield  and 
his  assassin  Admiral  Porter  and  Rear  Admirals  Rogers 
and  Worden  were  escorted  to  corresponding  seats  on 
the  opposite  side,  sitting  immediately  behind  the  great 
generals.  They  were  also  resplendent  in  the  showy 
uniform  of  the  American  navy  that  is  to  be. 

When  the  House  was  called  to  order  at  noon  the 
seats  set  aside  for  the  Senate,  Cabinet  and  others  were 
still  vacant,  though  every  other  seat  was  occupied,  and 
the  space  outside  the  rail  was  crowded  with  ex-Con- 
gressmen and  the  lesser  dignitaries.  The  House  Clerk, 
however,  had  scarcely  read  the  resolutions  which  ap- 
pointed the  occasion  before  the  Senate  was  announced. 
President  Davis  waddled  upon  the  stand  and  reached 
out  for  the  gavel  in  his  business-like  way,  the  House 
remaining  standing  until  the  Senators  were  seated. 
The  Supreme  Court,  in  full  black  robes,  quickly  fol- 
lowed the  Senate,  and  then  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet  were  announced.  The  President  came  in 
leaning  on  the  arm  of  Senator  Sherman,,  who  was, 
with  McKinley,  of  the  House,  acting  for  the  joint 
committee.  The  announcement  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  was  greeted  by  general  applause. 
He  was  seated  at  the  corner  of  the  aisle  on  the  first 
row  of  seats  to  the  Speaker's  right  and  next  to  Cyrus 
W.  Field.  Arthur  didn't  seem  to  know  just  what  to 
do  with  his  hat  for  half  a  second.  Field  offered  to 
take  it,  but  the  President  finally  found  relief  in  placing 
it  under  his  seat.  Frelinghuysen  sat  opposite  the 
President  across  the  aisle,  next  him  Secretary  Folger, 
who  sat  bolt  upright  in  his  straight-backed  chair,  and 
next  sat  Secretary  Robert  Lincoln,  who  rested  on  the 
small  of  his  back  in  a  very  ungraceful  but  comfortable 
way,  while  beyond  Lincoln  were  Attorney-General 
Brewster,  Hunt,  Postmaster-General  Howe  and  Secre- 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  93 

tary  Kirkwood,  The  President  wore  a  Prince  Albert 
coat,  with  a  low-cut  rolling  collar,  a  high  vest,  showing 
only  his  black  scarf,  surmounted  by  a  blacli  pin.  His 
gloves  were  black,  undressed  kid  and  his  shoes  were 
topped  by  black  cloth  gaiters.  Attorney-General 
Brewster  wore  a  bright  blue  scarf  and  carried  a  crush 
hat.  Secretary  Kirkwood  also  carried  a  crush  hat, 
known  in  Iowa  as, a  slouch,  the  only  slouch  visible  in 
the  Cabinet. 

Soon  after  the  President  was  seated  and  last  of  all 
came  James  G.  Blaine,  the  orator  of  the  day.  The 
announcement  of  his  name  was  followed  by  a  storm  of 
applause  which,  by  the  side  of  that  which  greeted  the 
President,  seemed  like  a  whirlwind  of  enthusiasm. 
Blaine  came  down  the  aisle  escorted  on  either  side  by 
Senator  Sherman  and  Representative  McKinley.  He 
was  followed  by  William  E.  Chandler,  Emmons  Blaine 
and  the  ex-Premier's  private  secretary,  who  bore  in  his 
right  hand  a  huge  white  envelope  containing  the  great 
address.  Mr.  Blaine  advanced  to  the  rostrum,  where 
he  was  warmly  greeted  by  Vice-President  Davis,  and 
then  took  his  seat  at  the  middle  of  the  Clerk's  desk. 
On  the  left  of  th^  orator  sat  Representative  McKinley 
and  Clerk  McPherson,  representing  the  authority  and 
dignity  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  On  the  right 
sat  Senator  Sherman  and  Secretary  Shober,  represent- 
ing the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  Senate.  On  the 
desk  in  front  of  the  orator  was  a  glass  of  water,  on  his 
left  a  silver  pitcher  and  a  brace  of  gold-lined  goblets 
The  address  was  preceded  by  a  brief  prayer  from 
Chaplain  Power,  nearly  everybody  on  the  floor  rising 
to  their  feet  and  this  example  being  followed  to  some 
extent  in  the  galleries.  When  Mr.  Blaine  began,  the 
vast  assemblage  was  almost  deathly  quiet,  for  the 
speaker's  voice  was  low  and  not  very  clear.  As  he  got 
warmed  up,  however,  in  reciting  the  military  and  civic 


94  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

honors  of  his  late  beloved  chief  his  voice  came  out, 
round  and  full,  with  its  old  power.  The  attention  of 
the  audience  was  captured  at  the  start.  Nobody  got 
up,  nobody  wearied,  nobody  did  aught  but  listen  to 
catch  the  orator's  every  word. 

When  Mr.  Blaine  reached  that  portion  of  his  speech 
in  which  he  alluded  to  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
shootinsr  of  Garfield  there  was  a  visible  strainins:  to 
catch  the  full  import  of  his  words.  It  was  a  very 
delicate  subject  and  the  orator,  with  rare  tact  and 
judgment,  trod  daintily  on  the  ground.  It  was  notice- 
able that  at  this  point  the  President  leaned  slightly 
forward,  shifted  his  feet  about  and  fumbled  his  watch- 
chain  and  his  glasses  in  an  abstracted  wn.y,  fully  bound 
up  in  his  intentness  on  the  language  of  the  orator. 
The  intensity  of  feeling  in  the  entire  audience  was  un- 
consciously illustrated  in  the  Ions;  breath  of  relief  that 
swept  over  the  human  sea  w^hen  Mr.  Blaine  turned 
from  the  subject  to  treat  of  the  religious  character  of 
the  illustrious  deceased.  Every  one  straightened  up 
and  looked  at  his  neighbor,  as  much  as  to  say:  "Well, 
I'm  glad  that  is  over." 

At  the  close,  instead  of  the  brilliant  rhetoric  of  the 
plumed  knight,  as  nearly  everybody  had  anticipated, 
there  was  the  simplest  and  most  touching  appeal  for 
human  sympathy  for  the  poor  sufferer  by  the  sea. 
The  speaker's  eyes  were  suffused  with  tears  as  he 
recited  the  simple  story.  In  fact  he  almost  broke 
down.  The  sympathetic  eyes  of  President  Arthur 
filled,  his  mouth  twitched,  and  he  thought  it  not  un- 
manly to  dash  away  a  tear  with  a  sweep  of  his  hand. 
There  were  a  good  many  other  eyes  wet  in  that  vast 
audience  and  many  women  in  the  galleries  sobbed 
outright.  When  the  final  sentence  was  spoken  and 
the  orator  sat  down,  round  after  round  of  applause 
burst  forth. 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  95 

THE    EULOaY    IN    FULL. 

Ex-Secretary  Blaine's  Eloquent  and  Dignified  Tribute  to  the  Memory  of  hia 

Dead  Chief. 

Mr.  President:  For  the  second  time  in  this  genera- 
tion the  great  departments  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  are  assembled  in  the  Hall  of  Represent- 
atives to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of  a  murdered 
President.  Lincoln  fell  at  the  close  of  a  mighty  strug- 
gle in  which  the  passions  of  men  had  been  deeply 
stirred.  The  tragical  termination  of  his  great  life 
added  but  another  to  the  lengthened  succession  of 
horrors  which  had  marked  so  many  lintels  with  the 
blood  of  the  first  born.  Garfield  was  slain  in  a  day  of 
peace,  when  brother  had  been  reconciled  to  brother 
and  when  an2:er  and  hate  had  been  banished  from  the 
land.  "Whoever  shall  hereafter  draw  the  portrait  of 
murder,  if  he  will  show  it  as  it  has  been  exhibited 
where  such  example  was  last  to  have  been  looked  for, 
let  him  not  give  it  the  grim  visage  of  Moloch,  the 
brow  knitted  by  revenge,  the  face  black  with  settled 
hate.  Let  him  draw,  rather,  a  decorous,  smooth-faced, 
bloodless  demon;  not  so  much  an  example  of  human 
nature  in  its  depravity  and  in  its  paroxysms  of  crime 
as  an  infernal  being,  a  fiend  in  the  ordinary  display 
and  development  of  his  character." 

From  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  till 
the  uprising  against  Charles  First  about  twenty  thou- 
sand emigrants  came  from  old  England  to  New  Eng- 
land. As  they  came  in  pursuit  of  intellectual  freedom 
and  ecclesiastical  independence  rather  than  for  worldly 
honor  and  profit,  the  emigration  naturally  ceased  when 
the  contest  for  religious  liberty  began  in  earnest  at 
home.  The  man  who  struck  his  most  effective  blow 
for  freedom  of  conscience  by  sailing  for  the  Colonies  in 
1620  would  have  been  accounted  a  deserter  to  leave 


96  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

after  1640.  The  opportunity  had  then  come  on  the 
soil  of  En2;land  for  that  lirreat  contest  which  established 
the  authority  of  Parliament,  gave  religious  freedom  to 
the  people,  sent  Charles  to  the  block  and  committed 
to  the  hands  of  Oliver  Cromwell  the  supreme  executive 
authority  of  England,  The  English  emigration  was 
never  renewed,  and  from  these  twenty  thousand  men, 
with  a  small  emigration  from  Scotland  and  from 
France,  are  descended  the  vast  numbers  who  have 
New  England  blood  in  their  veins. 

In  1685  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  by 
Louis  Xiy.  scattered  to  other  countries  four  hundred 
thousand  Protestants,  who  were  among  the  most  in- 
telligent and  enterprising  of  French  subjects — mer- 
chants of  capital,  skilled  manufacturers  and  handi- 
craftsmen, superior  at  the  time  to  all  others  in 
Europe.  A  considerable  number  of  these  Huguenot 
French  came  to  America ;  a  few  landed  in  New  Eng- 
land and  became  honorably  prominent  in  its  history. 
Their  names  have  in  large  part  become  anglicized  or 
have  disappeared,  but  their  blood  is  traceable  in  many 
of  the  most  reputable  families,  and  their  ftime  is 
perpetuated  in  honorable  memorials  and  useful 
institutions. 

From  these  two  sources,  the  English  Puritan  and 
the  French  Huguenot,  came  the  late  President — his 
father,  Abram  Garfield,  being  descended  from  the  one, 
and  his  mother,  Eliza  Ballou,  from  the  other. 

It  was  good  stock  on  both  sides — none  better,  none 
braver,  none  truer.  There  was  in  it  an  inheritance  of 
courage,  of  manliness,  of  imperishable  love  of  liberty, 
of  undying  adherence  to  principle.  Garfield  was 
proud  of  his  blood ;  and,  with  as  nmch  satisfaction  as 
if  he  were  a  British  nobleman  reading  his  stately 
ancestral  record  in  Burke's  Peerage,  he  spoke  of  him- 
self as  ninth  in  descent  from  those   who  would  not 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  97 

endure  tlie  oppression  of  the  Stuarts  and  seventh  in 
descent  from  the  brave  French  Protestants  who  refused 
to  submit  to  tyranny  even  from  the  Grand  Monarque. 

General  Garfield  delighted  to  dwell  on  these  traits, 
and  during  his  only  visit  to  England  he  busied  him- 
self in  discovering  every  trace  of  his  forefathers  in 
parish  registries  and  on  ancient  army  rolls.  Sitting 
with  a  friend  in  the  gallery  of  the  House  of  Commons 
one  night  after  a  long  day's  labor  in  this  field  of 
research,  he  said,  with  evident  elation,  that  in  every 
war  in  which  for  three  centuries  patriots  of  English 
blood  had  struck  sturdy  blows  for  constitutional 
government  and  human  liberty  his  family  had  been 
represented.  They  were  at  Marstoii  Moor,  at  Naseby 
and  at  Preston ;  they  were  at  Bunker  Hill,  at  Saratoga 
and  at  Monmouth,  and  in  his  own  person  had  battled 
for  the  same  great  cause  in  the  war  which  preserved 
the  Union  of  the  States. 

Losing  his  father  before  he  was  two  years  old,  the 
early  life  of  Garfield  was  one  of  privation,  but  its 
poverty  has  been  made  indelicately  and  unjustly  prom- 
inent. Thousands  of  readers  have  imagined  him  as 
the  ragged,  starving  child  whose  reality  too  often  greets 
the  eye  in  the  squalid  sections  of  our  large  cities. 
General  Garfield's  infancy  and  youth  had  none  of 
their  destitution,  none  of  their  pitiful  features  appeal- 
ing to  the  tender  heart  and  to  the  open  hand  of 
charity.  He  was  a  poor  boy  in  the  same  sense  in 
which  Henry  Clay  was  a.  poor  boy ;  in  which  Andrew 
Jackson  was  a  poor  boy  ;  in  which  Daniel  Webster 
was  a  poor  boy ;  in  the  sense  in  which  a  large  majority 
of  the  eminent  men  of  America  in  all  generations  have 
been  poor  boys.  Before  a  great  multitude  of  men,  in  a 
public  speech,  Mr.  Webster  bore  this  testimony  : 

"  It  did  not  happen  to  me  to  be  born  in  a  log  cabin, 
but  my  elder  brothers  and  sisters  were  born  in  a  log 
G 


98  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

cabin  raised  amid  the  snow  drifts  of  New  Hampshire, 
at  a  period  so  early  that  when  the  smoke  rose  first 
from  its  rude  chimney  and  curled  over  tiie  frozen 
hills  there  was  no  similar  evidence  of  a  white  man's 
habitation  between  it  and  the  settlements  on  the 
rivers  of  Canada.  Its  remains  still  exist,  I  make  to 
it  an  annual  visit.  I  carry  my  children  to  it  to  teach 
them  the  hardships  endured  by  the  generations  which 
have  gone  before  them.  I  love  to  dwell  on  the  tender 
recollections,  the  kindred  ties,  the  early  affections  and 
the  touching  narratives  and  incidents  which  mingle 
with  all  I  know  of  this  primitive  family  abode." 

With  the  requisite  change  of  scene  the  same  words 
would  aptly  portray  the  early  days  of  Garfield.  The 
poverty  of  the  frontier,  wdiere  all  are  engaged  in  a 
common  struggle  and  where  a  common  sympathy  and 
hearty  co-operation  lighten  the  burdens  of  each,  is  a 
very  different  poverty — different  in  kind,  different  in 
influence  and  effect — from  that  conscious  and  humili- 
ating indigence  which  is  every  day  forced  to  contrast 
itself  with  neighboring  wealth,  on  which  it  feels  a 
sense  of  grinding  dependence.  The  poverty  of  the 
frontier  is  indeed  no  poverty.  It  is  but  the  beginning 
of  wealth,  and  has  the  boundless  possibilities  of  the 
future  always  opening  before  it.  No  man  ever  grew 
up  in  the  agricultural  regions  of  the  West,  where  a 
house-raising,  or  even  a  corn-husking,  is  a  matter  of 
-common  interest  and  helpfulness,  with  any  other  feel- 
ing than  that  of  broad-minded,  generous  independence. 
This  honorable  independence  marked  the  youth  of 
Garfield  as  it  marks  the  youth  of  millions  of  the  best 
blood  and  brain  now  training  for  the  future  citizenship 
and  future  government  of  the  Republic.  Garfield  was 
born  heir  to  land,  to  the  title  of  freeholder  which  has 
been  the  patent  and  passport  of  self-respect  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race  ever  since  Hengist  and  Horsa  landed 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  99 

on  the  shores  of  England.  His  adventure  on  the 
canal — an  alternative  between  that  and  the  deck  of  a 
Lake  Erie  schooner — was  a  farmer  boy's  device  for 
earning  money,  just  as  the  New  England  lad  begins  a 
possibly  great  career  by  sailing  before  the  mast  on  a 
coasting  vessel  or  on  a  merchantman  bound  to  the 
farther  India  or  to  the  China  Seas. 

No  manly  man  feels  anything  of  shame  in  looking 
back  to  early  struggles  with  adverse  circumstances, 
and  no  man  feels  a  worthier  pride  than  when  he  has 
conquered  the  obstacles  to  his  progress.  But  no  one 
of  noble  mould  desires  to  be  looked  upon  as  having 
occupied  a  menial  position,  as  having  been  repressed 
by  a  feeling  of  inferiority,  or  as  having  suffered  the 
evils  of  poverty  until  relief  was  found  at  the  hand  of 
charity.  General  Garfield's  youth  presented  no  hard- 
ships which  family  love  and  family  energy  did  not 
overcome,  subjected  him  to  no  privations  which  he 
did  not  cheerfully  accept,  and  left  no  memories  save 
those  which  were  recalled  with  delight  and  transmitted 
with  profit  and  with  pride. 

Garfield's  early  opportunities  for  securing  an  educa- 
tion were  extremely  limited,  and  yet  were  sufficient  to 
develop  in  him  an  intense  desire  to  learn.  He  could 
read  at  three  years  of  age,  and  each  winter  he  had  the 
advantage  of  the  district  school.  He  read  all  the 
books  to  be  found  within  the  circle  of  his  acquaintance; 
some  of  them  he  got  by  heart.  While  yet  in  child- 
hood he  was  a  constant  student  of  the  Bible  and  be 
came  familiar  with  its  literature.  The  dignity  and 
earnestness  of  his  speech  in  his  maturer  life  gave  evi- 
dence of  this  early  training.  At  eighteen  years  of  age 
he  was  able  to  teach  school,  and  thenceforward  his 
ambition  was  to  obtain  a  college  education.  To  this 
end  he  bent  all  his  efforts,  working  in  the  harvest  field, 
at  the  carpenter's  bench^  and,  in   the  winter  season, 


100  Elaine's  eulogy  of  gaufield. 

teaching  the  common  schools  of  the  neighborhood. 
While  thus  laboriously  occupied  he  found  time  to 
prosecute  his  studies,  and  was  so  successful  that  at 
twenty-two  j^ears  of  age  he  was  able  to  enter  the  junior 
class  tit  Williams  College,  then  under  the  presidency 
of  the  venerable  and  honored  Mark  Hopkins,  who,  in 
the  fullness  of  his  powers,  survives  the  eminent  pupil 
lo  whom  he  was  of  inestimable  service. 

The  history  of  Garfield's  life  to  this  period  presents 
no  novel  features.  He  had  undoubtedly  shown  perse- 
verance, self-reliance,  self-sacrifice  and  ambition — 
qualities  which,  be  it  said  for  the  honor  of  our  country, 
are  everywhere  to  be  found  among  the  young  men  of 
America.  But  from  his  graduation  at  Williams  onward 
to  the  hour  of  his  tragical  death  Garfield's  career  was 
eminent  and  exceptional.  Slowly  working  through 
his  educational  period,  receiving  his  diploma  when 
twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  seemed  at  one  bound  to 
spring  into  conspicuous  and  brilliant  success.  Within 
six  years  he  was  successively  president  of  a  college. 
State  Senator  of  Ohio,  Major  General  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  and  Representative-elect  to  the 
National  Congress.  A  combination  of  honors  so  varied, 
so  elevated,  within  a  period  so  brief  and  to  a  man  so 
young,  is  without  precedent  or  parallel  in  the  history 
of  the  country. 

Garfield's  army  life  was  begun  with  no  other  military 
knowledge  than  such  as  he  had  hastily  gained  from 
books  in  the  few  months  preceding  his  march  to  the 
held.  Stepping  from  civil  life  to  the  head  of  a  regi- 
ment, the  first  order  he  received  when  ready  to  cross 
the  Ohio  was  to  assume  command  of  a  brigade  and  to 
operate  as  an  independent  force  in  Eastern  Kentucky. 
His  immediate  duty  was  to  check  the  advance  of 
Humphrey  Marshall,  who  was  marching  down  the  Big 
!pandy  with  the  intention  of  occupying  in  conDection 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  101 

with  other  Confederate  forces  the  entire  territory  of 
Kentucky  and  of  precipitating  the  State  into  secession. 
This  was  at  the  close  of  the  year  1861.  Seldom,  if 
ever,  has  a  young  college  professor  been  thrown  into  a 
more  embarrassing  and  discouraging  position.  He 
knew  just  enough  of  military  science,  as  he  expressed 
it  himself,  to  measure  the  extent  of  his  ignorance,  and 
with  a  handful  of  men  he  was  marching  in  rough  win- 
ter weather  into  a  strange  country  among  a  hostile 
population  to  confront  a  largely  superior  force  under 
the  command  of  a  distinguished  graduate  of  West 
Point,  who  had  seen  active  and  important  service  in 
two  preceding  wars. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  is  matter  of  history. 
The  skill,  the  endurance,  the  extraordinary  energy 
shown  by  Garfield,  the  courage  he  imparted  to  his 
men,  raw  and  untried  as  himself,  the  measures  he 
adopted  to  increase  his  force  and  to  create  in  the 
enemy's  mind  exaggerated  estimates  of  his  numbers, 
bore  perfect  fruit  in  the  routing  of  Marshall,  the  capture 
of  his  camp,  the  dispersion  of  his  force  and  the  eman- 
cipation of  an  important  territory  from  the  control  of 
the  rebellion.  Coming  at  the  close  of  a  long  series  of 
disasters  to  the  Union  arms,  Garfield's  victory  had  an 
unusual  and  extraneous  importance  and  in  the  popular 
judgment  elevated  the  young  commander  to  the  rank 
of  a  military  hero.  With  less  than  two  thousand  men 
in  his  entire  command,  with  a  mobilized  force  of  only 
eleven  hundred,  without  cannon,  he  had  met  an  army 
of  five  thousand  and  defeated  them — driving  Marshall's 
forces  successively  from  two  strongholds  of  their  own 
selection,  fortified  with  abundant  artillery.  Major 
General  Buell,  commanding  the  Department  of  the 
Ohio,  an  experienced  and  able  soldier  of  the  regular 
army,  published  an  order  of  thanks  and  congratulation 
on  the   brilliant  result  of  the   Big  Sandy  campaign, 


102  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

which  would  have  turned  trie  head  of  a  less  cool  and 
sensible  man  than  Garfield.  Buell  declared  that  his 
services  had  called  into  action  the  highest  qualities  of 
a  soldier,  and  President  Lincoln  supplemented  these 
words  of  praise  by  the  more  substantial  leward  of  a 
brigadier  general's  commission,  to  bear  date  from  the 
day  of  his  decisive  victory  over  Marshall. 

The  subsequent  military  career  of  Garfield  fully  sus- 
tained its  brilliant  beginning.  With  his  new  commis- 
sion he  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  a  brigade  in 
the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  and  took  part  in  the  second  and 
decisive  day's  fight  in  the  great  battle  of  Shiloh.  The 
remainder  of  the  year  1862  was  not  especially  eventful 
to  Garfield,  as  it  was  not  to  the  armies  with  which  he 
was  serving.  His  practical  sense  was  called  into  exer- 
cise in  completing  the  task,  assigned  him  by  General 
Buell,  of  reconstructing  bridges  and  re-establishing 
lines  of  railway  communication  for  the  army.  His 
occupation  in  this  useful  but  not  brilliant  field  was 
varied  by  service  on  courts-martial  of  importance,  in 
which  department  of  duty  he  won  a  valuable  reputa- 
tion, attracting  the  notice  and  securing  the  approval 
of  the  able  and  eminent  Judge  Advocate  General  of 
the  Army.  That  of  itself  was  warrant  to  honorable 
fame;  for  among  the  great  men  who  in  those  trying 
days  gave  themselves,  with  entire  devotion,  to  the  ser- 
vice of  their  country,  one  who  brought  to  that  service 
the  ripest  learning,  the  most  fervid  eloquence,  the  most 
varied  attainments,  who  labored  with  modesty  and 
shunned  applause,  who  in  the  day  of  triumph  sat  re- 
served and  silent  and  grateful — as  Francis  Deak  in  the 
hour  of  Hungary's  deliverance — was  Joseph  Holt,  of 
Kentucky,  who  in  his  honorable  retirement  enjoys  the 
respect  and  veneration  of  all  who  love  the  Union  of 
the  States. 

Early  in  1863  Garfield  was  assigned  to  the  highly 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  103 

important  and  responsible  post  of  chief  of  staff  to 
General  Rosecrans,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberhmd.  Perhaps  in  a  great  military  cam- 
paign no  subordinate  officer  requires  sounder  judgment 
and  quicker  knowledge  of  men  than  the  chief  of  staff 
to  the  commanding  general.  An  indiscreet  man  in 
such  a  position  can  sow  more  discord,  breed  more 
jealousy  and  disseminate  more  strife  than  any  other 
officer  in  the  entire  organization.  When  General  Gar- 
field assumed  his  new  duties  he  found  various  troubles 
already  well  developed  and  seriously  affecting  the  value 
and  efficiency  of  tiie  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  The 
energy,  the  impartiality  and  the  tact  with  which  he 
sought  to  allay  these  dissensions  and  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  his  new  and  trying  position  will  always  re- 
main one  of  the  most  striking  proofs  of  his  great  ver- 
satility. His  military  duties  closed  on  the  memorable 
field  of  Chickamauga,  a  field  which,  however  disastrous 
to  the  Union  arms,  gave  to  him  the  occasion  of  winning 
imperishable  laurels.  The  very  rare  distinction  was 
accorded  him  of  a  great  promotion  for  his  bravery  on 
afield  that  was  lost.  President  Lincoln  appointed  him 
a  major-general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  for 
gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  in  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga. 

The  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was  reorganized  under 
the  command  of  General  Thomas,  who  promptly  of- 
fered Garfield  one  of  its  divisions.  He  was  extremely 
desirous  to  accept  the  position,  but  was  embarrassed  by 
the  fiict  that  he  had  a  year  before  been  elected  to  Con- 
gress and  the  time  when  he  must  take  his  seat  was 
drawing  near.  He  preferred  to  remain  in  the  military 
service  and  had  within  his  own  breast  the  largest  con- 
fidence of  success  in  the  wider  field  which  his  new 
rank  opened  to  him.  Balancing  the  arguments  on  the 
uue  side  and  the  other,  anxious  to  determine  what  was 


104  Blaine's  eulcgy  of  garfield. 

for  the  best,  desirous  above  all  things  to  do  his  patriotic 
duty,  he  was  decisively  influenced  by  the  advice  of 
President  Lincoln  and  Secretary  Stanton,  both  of  whom 
assured  him  that  he  could  at  that  time  be  of  especial 
value  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  resigned 
his  commission  of  major-general  on  the  5th  day  of 
December,  18G3,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  7th.  He  had  served  two  years 
and  four  months  in  the  army  and  had  just  completed 
his  thirty-second  year. 

The  Thirtv-eio'hth  Congress  is  pre-eminentlv  entitled 
in  history  to  the  designation  of  the  War  Congress.  It 
was  elected  while  the  war  was  flagrant  and  every 
member  was  chosen  upon  the  issues  involved  in  the 
continuance  of  the  struggle.  The  Thirty-seventh  Con- 
gress had,  indeed,  legislated  to  a  large  extent  on  war 
measures,  but  it  was  chosen  before  any  one  believed 
that  secession  of  the  States  would  be  actually  at- 
tempted. The  magnitude  of  tlie  work  which  fell  upon 
its  successor  was  unprecedented,  both  in  respect  to  the 
vast  sums  of  money  raised  for  the  support  of  the  army 
and  navy,  and  of  the  new  and  extraordinary  powers  of 
legislation  which  it  was  forced  to  exercise.  Only 
twenty-four  States  were  represented,  and  one  hundred 
and  eighty-two  members  were  upon  its  roll.  Among 
these  were  many  distuiguished  party  leaders  on  both 
sides,  veterans  in  the  public  service,  with  established 
reputations  for  ability  and  with  that  skill  which  comes 
only  from  parliamentary  experience.  Into  this  as- 
semblage of  men  Garfield  entered  without  special  prep- 
aration, and  it  might  almost  be  said  unexpectedly.  The 
question  of  taking  connnand  of  a  division  of  troops  un- 
der General  Thomas  or  taking  his  seat  in  Congress  was 
kept  open  till  the  last  moment — so  late,  indeed,  that  the 
resignation  of  his  military  commission  and  his  appear- 
ance in  the  House  were  almost  contemporaneous.     He 


BLAIJS^e's   eulogy   of   GARFIELD.  105' 

wore  the  uniform  of  a  major-general  of  the  United 
States  Arm}'  on  Saturday,  and  on  Monday,  in  civilian's 
dress,  he  answered  to  the  roll-call  as  a  Representative 
in  Congress  from  the  State  of  Ohio, 

He  was  especially  fortunate  in  the  constituency  which 
elected  him.  Descended  almost  entirely  from  New 
England  stock,  the  men  of  the  Ashtabula  district  were 
intensely  radical  on  all  questions  relating  to  human 
rights.  Well  educated,  thrifty,  thoroughly  intelligent 
in  affliirs,  acutely  discerning  of  character,  not  quick  to 
bestow  confidence  and  slow  to  withdraw  it,  they  were 
at  once  the  most  helpful  and  most  exacting  of  sup- 
porters. Their  tenacious  trust  in  men  in  whom  they 
have  once  confided  is  illustrated  by  the  unparalleled 
fact  that  Elisha  Whittlesey,  Joshua  R.  Giddmgs  and 
James  A.  Garfield  represented  the  district  for  fifty-four 
years. 

There  is  no  test  of  a  man's  ability  in  any  depart- 
ment of  public  life  more  severe  than  service  in  the 
House  of  Representatives;  there  is  no  place  where  so 
little  deference  is  paid  to  reputation  previously  ac- 
quired, or  to  eminence  won  outside;  no  place  where  so 
little  consideration  is  shown  to  the  feelings  or  the  fail- 
ures of  beginners.  What  a  man  gains  in  the  House  he 
gains  by  sheer  force  of  his  own  character,  and  if  he 
loses  and  falls  back,  he  must  expect  no  mercy  and  will 
receive  no  sympathy.  It  is  a  field  in  which  the  sur- 
vival of  the  strongest  is  the  recognized  rule,  and  where 
no  pretence  can  deceive  and  no  glamour  can  mislead. 
The  real  man  is  discovered,  his  worth  is  impartially 
weighed,  his  rank  is  irreversibly  decreed. 

With  possibly  a  single  exception,  Garfield  was  the 
youngest  member  in  the  House  when  he  entered  and 
was  but  seven  years  from  his  college  graduation.  But 
he  had  not  been  in  his  seat  sixty  days  before  his  abil- 
ity was  recognized  and  his  place  conceded.    He  stepped 


106  BLAINE'S    EULOGY    OF    GARFIELD, 

to  the  front  with  the  confidence  of  one  who  belonged 
there.  The  House  was  crowded  with  strong  men  of 
both  parties ;  nineteen  of  tliem  have  since  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  Senate  and  many  of  them  have  served 
with  distinction  in  the  Gubernatorial  chairs  of  their  re- 
spective States  and  on  foreign  missions  of  great  conse- 
quence; but  among  them  all  none  grew  so  rapidl}^, 
none  so  firmly,  as  Garfield.  As  is  said  by  Trevelyan 
of  his  parliamentary  hero,  Garfield  succeeded  *'  because 
all  the  world  in  concert  could  not  have  kept  him  in  the 
background,  and  because  when  once  in  the  front  he 
played  his  part  with  a  prompt  intrepidity  and  a  com- 
manding ease  that  were  but  the  outward  symptoms  of 
the  immense  reserves  of  energy  on  which  it  was  in  his 
power  to  draw."  Indeed,  the  apparently  reserved  force 
which  Garfield  possessed  was  one  of  his  great  charac- 
teristics. He  never  did  so  well  but  that  it  seemed  he 
could  easily  have  done  better.  He  never  expended  so 
much  strenjfth  but  that  he  seemed  to  be  holdins;  addi- 
tional  power  at  call.  This  is  one  of  the  happiest  and 
rarest  distinctions  of  an  effective  debater,  and  often 
counts  for  as  much  in  persuading  an  assembly  as  the 
eloquent  and  elaborate  argument. 

The  great  measure  of  Garfield's  fame  was  filled  by 
his  service  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  His  mil- 
itary life,  illustrated  by  honorable  performance  and 
rich  in  promise,  was,  as  he  himself  felt,  prematurely 
terminated  and  necessarily  incomplete.  Speculation  as 
to  what  he  might  have  done  in  a  field  where  the  great 
prizes  are  so  few  cannot  be  profitable.  It  is  sufficient 
to  say  that  as  a  soldier  he  did  his  duty  bravely;  he  did 
it  intelligently ;  he  won  an  enviable  fame,  and  he  re- 
tired from  the  service  without  blot  or  breath  against 
him.  As  a  lawyer,  though  admirably  equipped  lor  the 
profession,  he  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  entered  on 
its   practice.      The  few  efforts   he   made   at   the  bar 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  107 

were  distinguished  by  the  same  high  order  of  talent 
which  he  exhibited  on  every  field  where  he  was  put  to 
the  test,  and  if  a  man  may  be  accepted  as  a  competent 
judge  of  his  own  capacities  and  adaptations,  the  law 
was  the  profession  to  which  Garfield  should  have  de- 
voted himself  But  fate  ordained  otherwise,  and  liis 
reputation  in  history  will  rest  largely  upon  his  service 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  That  service  was 
exceptionally  long.  He  was  nine  times  consecutively 
chosen  to  the  House,  an  honor  enjoyed  by  not  more 
than  six  other  Representatives  of  the  more  than  five 
thousand  who  have  been  elected  from  the  organization 
of  the  government  to  this  hour. 

As  a  parliamentary  orator,  as  a  debater  on  an  issue 
squarely  joined,  where  the  position  had  been  chosen 
and  the  ground  laid  out,  Garfield  must  be  assigned  a 
very  high  rank.  More,  perhaps,  than  any  man  with 
whom  he  was  associated  in  public  life,  he  gave  careful 
and  systematic  study  to  public  questions,  and  he  came 
to  every  discussion  in  which  he  took  part  with  elabor- 
ate and  complete  preparation.  He  was  a  steady  and 
indefatigable  worker.  Those  who  imagine  that  talent 
or  genius  can  supply  the  place  or  achieve  the  results 
of  labor  will  find  no  encouragement  in  Garfield's  life. 
In  preliminary  work  he  was  apt,  rapid  and  skilful.  He 
possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  power  of  readily  absorb- 
ing ideas  and  facts,  and,  like  Dr.  Johnson,  had  the  art 
of  getting  from  a  book  all  that  was  of  value  m  it  by  a 
reading  apparently  so  quick  and  cursory  that  it  seemed 
like  a  mere  glance  at  the  table  of  contents.  He  was  a  pre- 
eminently fair  and  candid  man  in  debate,  took  no  petty 
advantage,  stooped  to  no  unworthy  methods,  avoided 
personal  allusions,  rarely  appealed  to  prejudice,  did  not 
seek  to  inflame  passion.  He  had  a  quicker  eye  for  the 
strong  point  of  his  adversary  than  for  his  weak  point, 
and  on  his  own  side  he  so  marshaled  his  weighty  argu- 


108  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.: 

ments  as  to  make  his  hearers  forget  any  possible  lack 
in  the  complete  strength  of  his  position.  He  had  a 
habit  of  stating  his  opponent's  side  with  such  amplitude 
of  fairness  and  such  liberality  of  concession  that  his 
followers  often  complained  that  he  was  giving  his  case 
away.  But  never  in  his  prolonged  participation  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  House  did  he  give  his  case  away  or 
fail  in  the  judgment  of  competent  and  impartial  listen- 
ers to  gain  the  mastery. 

These  characteristics,  which  marked  Garfield  as  a 
great  debater,  did  not,  however,  make  him  a  great  par- 
liamentary leader.  A  parliamentary  leader,  as  that 
term  is  understood  wherever  free  representative  gov- 
ernment exists,  is  necessarily  and  very  strictly  the  or- 
gan of  his  party.  An  ardent  American  defined  the 
instinctive  warmth  of  patriotism  when  he  offered  the 
toast :  "  Our  country,  always  right,  but  right  or  wrong, 
our  country."  The  parliamentary  leader  who  has  a 
body  of  followers  that  will  do  and  dare  and  die  for  the 
cause  is  one  who  believes  his  party  always  right,  but 
right  or  wrong,  is  for  his  party.  No  more  important 
or  exacting  duty  devolves  upon  him  than  the  selection 
of  the  field  and  the  time  for  contest.  He  must  know 
not  merely  how  to  strike,  but  where  to  strike  and  when 
to  strike.  He  often  skilfully  avoids  the  strength  of  his 
opponent's  position,  and  scatters  confusion  in  his  ranks 
by  attacking  an  exposed  point  when  really  the  right- 
eousness of  the  cause  and  the  strength  of  logical  in- 
trenchment  are  against  him.  He  conquers  often  both 
against  the  right  and  the  heavy  battalions ;  as  when 
young  Charles  Fox,  in  the  days  of  iiis  toryism,  carried 
the  House  of  Commons  against  justice,  against  its  im- 
memorial rights,  against  his  own  convictions,  if  indeed 
at  that  period  Fox  had  convictions,  and,  in  the  interest 
of  a  corrupt  administration,  in  obedience  to  a  tyrannical 
sovereign,   drove   Wilkes  from  the  seat  to  which  the 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  109 

electors  of  Middlesex  had  chosen  him,  and  installed 
Luttrell  in  defiance,  not  merely  of  law,  but  of  public 
decency.  For  an  achievement  of  that  kind  Garfield 
was  disqualified — disqualified  by  the  texture  of  his 
mind,  by  the  honesty  of  his  heart,  by  his  conscience, 
and  by  every  instinct  and  aspiration  of  his  nature. 

The  three  most  distinguished  parliamentary  leaders 
hitherto  developed  in  this  country  are  Mr.  Clay,  Mr. 
Dousrlas  and  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens.  Each  was  a  man 
of  consummate  ability,  of  great  earnestness,  of  intense 
personality,  differing  widely  each  from  the  others,  and 
yet  with  a  single  trait  in  common — the  power  to  com- 
mand. In  the  give  and  take  of  daily  discussion;  in 
the  art  of  controlling  and  consolidating  reluctant  and 
refractory  followers;  in  the  skill  to  overcome  all  forms 
of  opposition  and  to  meet  with  competency  and  courage 
the  varying  phases  of  unlooked-for  assault  or  unsus- 
pected defection,  it  would  be  difficult  to  rank  with  these 
a  fourth  name  in  all  our  Congressional  history.  But 
of  these  Mr.  Clay  was  the  greatest.  It  would,  perhaps, 
be  impossible  to  find  in  the  parliamentary  annals  of  the 
world  a  parallel  to  Mr.  Clay  in  1841,  when  at  sixty- 
four  years  of  age  he  took  the  control  of  the  Whig  party 
from  the  President  who  had  received  their  suffrages, 
against  the  power  of  Webster  in  the  Cabinet,  against 
the  eloquence  of  Choate  in  the  Senate,  against  the 
herculean  efforts  of  Caleb  Cushing  and  Henry  A.  Wise 
in  the  House.  In  unshared  leadership,  in  the  pride 
and  plenitude  of  power,  he  hurled  against  John  Tyler 
with  deepest  scorn  the  mass  of  that  conquering  column 
which  had  swept  over  the  land  in  1840  and  drove  his 
a,dministration  to  seek  shelter  behind  the  lines  of  his 
political  foes.  Mr.  Douglas  achieved  a  victory  scarcely 
less  wonderful  when,  in  1854,  against  the  secret  desires 
of  a  strong  administration,  against  the  wise  counsel  of 
the  older  chiefs,  against  the  conservative  instincts  and 


110  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

even  the  moral  sense  of  the  country,  he  forced  a  rehic- 
tant  Congress  into  a  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise. 
Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  in  his  contests  from  1865  to 
1868,  actually  advanced  his  parliamentary  leadership 
until  Congress  tied  the  hands  of  the  President  and 
governed  the  country  by  its  own  will,  leaving  only 
perfunctory  duties  to  be  discharged  by  the  Executive. 
With  two  hundred  millions  of  patronage  in  his  hands 
at  the  opening  of  the  contest,  aided  by  the  active  force 
of  Seward  in  the  Cabinet  and  the  moral  power  of 
Chase  on  the  bench,  Andrew  Johnson  could  not  com- 
mand the  support  of  one-third  in  either  house  against 
the  Parliamentary  uprising  of  which  Thaddeus  Stevens 
was  the  animating  spirit  and  the  unquestioned  leader. 

From  these  three  great  men  Garfield  differed  radi- 
cally, differed  in  the  quality  of  his  mind,  in  tempera- 
ment, in  the  form  and  phase  of  ambition.  He  could 
not  do  what  they  did,  but  he  could  do  vvhat  they  could 
not,  and  in  the  breadth  of  his  Congressional  work  he 
left  that  which  will  longer  exert  a  potential  influence 
among  men,  and  which,  measured  by  the  severe  test  of 
posthumous  criticism,  will  secure  a  more  enduring  and 
more  enviable  fame. 

Those  unfamiliar  with  Garfield's  industry  and  igno- 
rant of  the  details  of  his  work  may  in  some  degree 
measure  them  by  the  annals  of  Congress.  No  one  of 
the  generation  of  public  men  to  which  he  belonged  haS 
contributed  so  much  that  will  be  valuable  for  future 
reference.  His  speeches  are  numerous,  many  of  them 
brilliant,  all  of  them  well  studied,  carefully  phrased 
and  exhaustive  of  the  subject  under  consideration. 
Collected  from  the  scattered  pages  of  ninety  royal  | 
octavo  volumes  of  the  Congressional  Record  they  would 
present  an  invaluable  compendium  of  the  political 
history  of  the  most  important  era  through  which  the 
national  government  has  ever  passed.     When  the  his- 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  Ill 

tory  of  this  period  shall  be  impartially  written,  when 
war  legislation,  measures  of  reconstruction,  protection 
of  human  rights,  amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
maintenance  of  public  credit,  steps  toward  specie  re- 
sumption, true  theories  of  revenue  may  be  reviewed, 
unsurrounded  by  prejudice  and  disconnected  from  par- 
tisanism,  the  speeches  of  Garfield  will  be  estimated  at 
their  true  value,  and  will  be  found  to  comprise  a  vast 
magazine  of  fact  and  argument,  of  clear  analysis  and 
sound  conclusion.  Indeed,  if  no  other  authority  were 
accessible,  his  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  December,  1863,  to  June,  1880,  would  give  a 
well-connected  history  and  complete  defense  of  the  im- 
portant legislation  of  the  seventeen  eventful  years  that 
constitute  his  parliamentary  life.  Far  beyond  that, 
his  speeches  would  be  found  to  forecast  many  great 
measures,  yet  to  be  completed — measures  which  he 
knew  were  beyond  the  public  opinion  of  the  hour,  but 
which  he  confidently  believed  would  secure  popular 
approval  within  the  period  of  his  own  lifetime  and  by 
the  aid  of  his  own  efforts. 

Differing,  as  Garfield  does,  from  the  brilliant  parlia- 
mentary leaders,  it  is  not  easy  to  find  his  counterpart 
anywhere  in  the  record  of  American  public  life.  He 
perhaps  more  clearly  resembles  Mr.  Seward  in  his 
supreme  fViith  in  the  all-conquering  power  of  a  principle. 
He  had  the  love  of  learning  and  the  patient  industry 
of  investigation  to  which  John  Quincy  Adams  owes  his 
prominence  and  his  Presidency.  He  had  some  of  those 
ponderous  elements  of  mind  which  distinguished  Mr. 
Webster  and  which,  indeed,  in  all  our  public  life  have 
left  the  great  Massachusetts  Senator  without  an  intel- 
lectual peer. 

In  English  parliamentary  history,  as  in  our  own,  the 
leaders  in  the  House  of  Commons  present  points  of 
essential  difference  from  Garfield.      But  some  of  his 


112  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

methods  recall  the  best  features  in  the  strong,  inde- 
pendent course  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  and  striking  re- 
semblances are  discernible  in  that  most  promising  of 
modern  Conservatives,  who  died  too  early  for  his  coun- 
try and  his  fame,  the  Lord  George  Bentinck.  He  had 
all  of  Burke's  love  for  the  sublime  and  the  beautiful, 
with  possibly  something  of  his  superabundance,  and 
in  his  faith  and  his  magnanimity,  in  his  power  of  state- 
ment, in  his  subtle  analysis,  in  his  faultless  logic,  in  his 
love  of  literature,  in  his  wealth  and  world  of  illustra- 
tion, one  is  reminded  of  that  great  English  statesman 
of  to-day,  who,  confronted  with  obstacles  that  would 
daunt  any  but  the  dauntless,  reviled  by  those  whom  he 
would  relieve  as  bitterly  as  by  those  whose  supposed 
rights  he  is  forced  to  invade,  still  labors  with  serene 
courage  for  the  amelioration  of  Ireland  and  for  the 
honor  of  the  English  name. 

Garfield's  nomination  to  the  Presidency,  while  not 
predicted  or  anticipated,  was  not  a  surprise  to  the 
country.  His  prominence  in  Congress,  his  solid  quali- 
ties, his  wide  reputation,  strengthened  by  his  then 
recent  election  as  Senator  from  Ohio,  kept  him  in  the 
public  eye  as  a  man  occupying  the  very  highest  rank 
among  those  entitled  to  be  called  statesmen.  It  was 
not  mere  chance  that  brought  him  this  high  honor. 
"We  must,"  says  Mr.  Emerson,  "reckon  success  a  con- 
stitutional trait.  If  Eric  is  in  robust  health  and  has 
slept  well  and  is  at  the  top  of  his  condition  and  thirty 
years  old  at  his  departure  from  Greenland  he  will  steer 
west  and  his  ships  will  reach  New  Foundland.  But 
take  Eric  out  and  put  in  a  stronger  and  bolder  man  and 
the  ships  will  sail  six  hundred,  one  thousand,  fifteen 
hundred  miles  fiirther  and  reach  Labrador  and  New 
England.     There  is  no  chance  in  results." 

As  a  candidate  Garfield  steadily  grew  in  popular 
favor.     He  was  met  with  a  storm  of  detraction  at  the 


BLAIXE's    eulogy   of   GARFIELD.  113 

very  hour  of  his  nomination,  and  it  continued  with  in- 
creasing volume  and  momentum  until  the  close  of  his 
victorious  campaign : 

No  might  nor  greatness  in  mortality 
Can  censure  'scape ;  back-wounding  calumny 
Tlie  whitest  virtue  strikes.     What  kings  so  strong 
Can  tie  the  gall  up  in  the  slanderous  tongue. 

Under  it  all  he  was  calm  and  strong  and  confident; 
never  lost  his  self-possession,  did  no  unwise  act,  spoke 
no  hasty  or  ill-considered  word.  Indeed  nothing  in  his- 
whole  life  is  more  remarkable  or  more  creditable  than 
his  bearing  through  those  five  full  months  of  vitupera- 
tion— a  prolonged  agony  of  trial  to  a  sensitive  man,  a. 
constant  and  cruel  draft  upon  the  powers  of  moral  en- 
durance. The  great  mass  of  these  unjust  imputations- 
passed  unnoticed  and,  with  the  general  debris  of  the 
campaign,  fell  into  oblivion.  But  in  a  few  instances 
the  iron  entered  his  soul  and  he  died  with  the  injury 
unforsfotten  if  not  unfor";iven. 

One  aspect  of  Garfield's  candidacy  was-unprecedented. 
Never  before,  in  the  history  of  partisan  contests  in  this 
country,  had  a  successful  Presidential  candidate  spoken 
freely  on  passing  events  and  current  issues.  To  at- 
tempt anything  of  the  kind  seemed  novel,  rash  and 
even  desperate.  The  older  class  of  voters  recalled^  the 
unfortunate  Alabama  letter,  in.  which  Mr.  Clay  was 
supposed  to  have  signed  his  political  death  warrant. 
They  remembered  also  the  hot-tempered  effusion  by 
which  General  Scott  lost  a  large  share  of  his  popularity 
before  his  nomination,  and  the  unfortunate  speeches- 
which  rapidly  consumed  the  remainder.  The  younger 
voters  had  seen  Mr.  Greeley  in  a  series  of  vigorous  and 
original  addresses,  preparing  the  pathway  for  his  own 
defeat.  Unmindful  of  these  warnings,  unheeding  the 
advice  of  friends,  Garfield  spoke  to  large  crowds  as  he 
H 


114  Blaine's  eulcgt  of  gaefield. 

journeyed  to  and  from  New  York  in  August,  to  a  great 
multitude  in  that  city,  to  delegations  and  deputations 
of  every  kind  that  called  at  Mentor  during  the  sum- 
mer and  autumn.  With  innumerable  critics,  watch- 
ful and  eager  to  catch  a  phrase  that  might  be  turned 
into  odium  or  ridicule,  or  a  sentence  that  might  be 
distorted  to  his  own  or  his  party's  injury,  Garfield  did 
not  trip  or  halt  in  any  one  of  his  seventy  speeches. 
This  seems  all  the  more  remarkable  Avhen  it  is  re- 
membered that  he  did  not  Avrite  what  he  said,  and 
yet  spoke  with  such  logical  consecutiveness  of  thought 
and  such  admirable  precision  of  phrase  as  to  defy  the 
accident  of  misreport  and  the  malignity  of  misrepre- 
sentation. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  Presidential  life,  Garfield's 
experience  did  not  yield  him  pleasure  or  satisfaction. 
The  duties  that  engross  so  large  a  portion  of  the  Presi- 
dent's time  were  distasteful  to  him,  and  were  unfavor- 
ably contrasted  with  his  legislative  work,  "  I  have 
been  dealing  all  these  years  with  ideas,"  he  impatiently 
exclaimed  one  day,  "  and  here  I  am  dealing  only  with 
persons.  I  have  been  heretofore  treating  of  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  government,  and  here  I  am  con- 
sidering all  day  whether  A  or  B  shall  be  appointed  to 
this  or  that  office."  He  was  earnestly  seeking  some 
practical  way  of  correcting  the  evils  arising  from  the 
distribution  of  overgrown  and  unwieldy  patronage — 
evils  always  appreciated  and  often  discussed  by  him, 
])ut  whose  magnitude  had  been  more  deeply  impressed 
upon  his  mind  since  his  accession  to  the  Presidency. 
Had  he  lived,  a  comprehensive  improvement  in  the 
mode  of  appointment  and  in  the  tenure  of  office  would 
have  been  proposed  by  him,  and  with  the  aid  of  Con- 
gress no  doubt  perfected. 

But  while  many  of  the  Executive  duties  were  not 
grateful  to  him,  he  was  assiduous  and  conscientious  in 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  115 

their  discharge.  From  the  very  outset  he  exhibited 
administrative  talent  of  a  high  order.  He  grasped  the 
hehn  of  office  with  the  hand  of  a  master.  In  this  re- 
spect, indeed,  he  constantly  surprised  many  who  were 
most  intimately  associated  with  him  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  especially  those  who  had  feared  that  he 
might  be  lacking  in  the  executive  fticulty.  His  dispo- 
sition of  business  was  orderly  and  rapid.  His  power 
of  analysis  and  his  skill  in  classification  enabled  him 
to  dispatch  a  vast  mass  of  detail  with  singular 
promptness  and  ease.  His  Cabinet  meetings  were  ad- 
mirably conducted.  His  clear  presentation  of  official 
subjects,  his  well-considered  suggestion  of  topics  on 
which  discussion  was  invited,  his  quick  decision  when 
all  had  been  heard,  combined  to  show  a  thorousrhness 
of  mental  training  as  rare  as  his  natural  ability  and  his 
facile  adaptation  to  a  new  and  enlarged  field  of  labor. 

With  perfect  comprehension  of  all  the  inheritances 
of  the  war,  with  a  cool  calculation  of  the  obstacles  in 
his  way,  impelled  always  by  a  generous  enthusiasm, 
Garfield  conceived  that  much  might  be  done  by  his 
administration  towards  restoring  harmony  between  the 
different  sections  of  the  Union.  He  was  anxious  to  go 
South  and  speak  to  the  people.  As  early  as  April  he 
had  ineffectually  endeavored  to  arrange  for  a  trip  to 
Nashville,  whither  he  had  been  cordially  invited,  and 
he  was  again  disappointed  a  few  weeks  later  to  find 
that  he  could  not  go  to  South  Carolina  to  attend  the 
centennial  celebration  of  the  victory  of  the  Cowpens. 
But  for  the  autumn  he  definitely  counted  on  being 
present  at  three  memorable  assemblies  in  the  South — 
the  celebration  at  Yorktown,  the  opening  of  the  Cotton 
Exposition  at  Atlanta,  and  the  meeting  of  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland  at  Chattanooga.  He  was  already 
turning  over  in  his  mind  his  address  for  each  occasion, 
and  the  three  taken  together,  he  said  to  a  friend,  gave 


116  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

him  the  exact  scope  and  verge  which  he  needed.  At 
Yorktown  he  would  have  before  him  the  associations 
of  a  hundred  years  that  bound  the  South  and  the 
North  in  the  sacred  memory  of  a  common  danger  and 
a  common  victory.  At  Atlanta  he  would  present  the 
material  interests  and  the  industrial  development 
which  appealed  to  the  thrift  and  independence  of  every 
household,  and  which  should  unite  the  two  sections  by 
the  instinct  of  self-interest  and  self-defense.  At  Chat- 
tanooga he  would  revive  memories  of  the  war  only  to 
show  that  after  all  its  disaster  and  all  its  suflfering  the 
country  was  stronger  and  greater,  the  Union  rendered 
indissoluble,  and  the  future,  through  the  agony  and 
blood  of  one  generation,  made  brighter  and  better  for 
all. 

Garfield's  ambition  for  the  success  of  his  administra- 
tion was  high.  With  strong  caution  and  conservatism 
in  his  nature,  he  was  in  no  danger  of  attempting  rash 
experiments  or  of  resorting  to  the  empiricism  of  states- 
manship. But  he  believed  that  renewed  and  closer  at- 
tention should  be  given  to  questions  affecting  the  ma- 
terial interests  and  commercial  prospects  of  fifty 
millions  of  people.  He  believed  that  our  continental 
relations,  extensive  and  undeveloped  as  they  are,  in- 
volved responsibility,  and  could  be  cultivated  into 
profitable  friendship  or  be  abandoned  to  harmful  indif- 
ference or  lasting  enmity.  He  believed  with  equal 
confidence  that  an  essential  forerunner  to  a  new  era  of 
national  progress  must  be  a  feeling  of  contentment  in 
every  section  of  the  Union,  and  a  generous  belief  that- 
the  benefits  and  burdens  of  government  would  be  com- 
mon to  all.  Himself  a  conspicuous  illustration  of  what 
ability  and  ambition  may  do  under  republican  institu- 
tions, he  loved  his  country  with  a  passion  of  patriotic 
devotion,  and  every  waking  thought  was  given  to  her 
advancement.     He  was  an  American  in  all  his  aspira- 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  117 

tions,  and  he  looked  to  the  destiny  and  influence  of  the 
United  States  with  the  philosophic  composure  of  Jeffer- 
son and  the  demonstrative  confidence  of  John  Adams. 

The  political  events  which  disturbed  the  President's 
serenity  for  many  weeks  before  that  fateful  day  in  July 
form  an  important  chapter  in  his  career,  and,  in  his 
own  judgment,  involved  questions  of  principle  and  of 
right  which  are  vitally  essential  to  the  constitutional 
administration  of  the  Federal  Government.  It  would* 
be  out  of  place  here  and  now  to  speak  the  language  of 
controversy ;  but  the  events  referred  to,  however  they 
may  continue  to  be  source  of  contention  with  others, 
have  become,  so  far  as  Garfield  is  concerned,  as  much 
a  matter  of  history  as  his  heroism  at  Chickamauga  or 
his  illustrious  service  in  the  House.  Detail  is  not 
needful,  and  personal  antagonism  shall  not  be  rekindled 
by  any  word  uttered  to-day.  The  motives  of  those  op- 
posing him  are  not  to  be  here  adversely  interpreted  nor 
their  course  harshly  characterized.  But  of  the  dead 
President  this  is  to  be  said,  and  said  because  his  own 
speech  is  forever  silenced,  and  he  can  be  no  more 
heard  except  through  the  fidelity  and  the  love  of  survi- 
ving friends  :  From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  con- 
troversy he  so  much  deplored,  the  President  was  never 
for  one  moment  actuated  by  any  motive  of  gain  to  him- 
self or  of  loss  to  others.  Least  of  all  men  did  he  har- 
bor revenge,  rarely  did  he  even  show  resentment,  and 
malice  was  not  in  his  nature.  He  was  congenially 
employed  only  in  the  exchange  of  good  offices  and  the 
doing  of  kindly  deeds. 

There  was  not  an  hour,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
trouble  till  the  fatal  shot  entered  his  body,  when  tlie 
President  would  not  gladly,  for  the  sake  of  restoring 
harmony,  have  retraced  any  step  he  had  taken  if  such 
retracing  had  merely  involved  consequences  personal  to 
himself.     The  pride   of  consistency  or  any  supposed 


118  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

sense  of  humiliation  that  might  result  from  surrender- 
ing his  position  had  not  a  feather's  weight  with  him. 
No  man  was  ever  less  subject  to  such  influences  from 
within  or  from  without.  But  after  most  anxious  de- 
liberation and  the  coolest  survey  of  all  the  circum- 
stances, he  solemnly  believed  that  the  true  preroga- 
tives of  the  Executive  were  involved  in  the  issue  which 
had  been  raised,  and  that  he  would  be  unfaithful  to  his 
supreme  obligation  if  he  failed  to  maintain,  in  all  their 
vigor,  the  constitutional  rights  and  dignities  of  his 
great  office.  He  believed  this  in  all  the  convictions  of 
conscience  when  in  sound  and  vigorous  health,  and  he 
believed  it  in  his  suffering  and  prostration  in  the  last 
conscious  thought  which  his  wearied  mind  bestowed  on 
the  transitory  struggles  of  life. 

More  than  this  need  not  be  said.  Less  than  this 
could  not  be  said.  Justice  to  the  dead,  the  highest  ob- 
ligation that  devolves  upon  the  living,  demands  the 
declaration  that  in  all  the  bearings  of  the  subject, 
actual  or  possible,  the  President  was  content  in  his 
mind,  justified  in  his  conscience,  immovable  in  his  con- 
clusions. 

The  religious  element  in  Garfield's  character  was 
deep  and  earnest.  In  his  early  youth  he  espoused  the 
faith  of  the  Disciples,  a  sect  of  that  great  Baptist  Com- 
munion which  in  different  ecclesiastical  establishments 
is  so  numerous  and  so  influential  throughout  all  parts 
of  the  United  States.  But  the  broadening  tendency 
of  his  mind  and  his  active  spirit  of  inquiry  were  early 
apparent  and  carried  him  beyond  the  dogmas  of  sect 
and  the  restraints  of  association.  In  selecting  a  college 
in  which  to  continue  his  education,  he  rejected  Beth- 
any, though  presided  over  by  Alexander  Campbell,  the 
greatest  preacher  of  his  church.  His  reasons  were 
characteristic :  first,  that  Bethany  leaned  too  heavily 
toward  slavery ;  and,  second,  that  being  himself  a  Dis- 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  119 

ciple  and  the  son  of  Disciple  parents,  he  had  little  ac- 
quaintance with  people  of  other  beliefs,  and  he  thought 
it  would  make  him  more  liberal,  quoting  his  own 
words,  both  in  his  religious  and  general  views,  to  go 
into  a  new  circle  and  be  under  new  influences. 

The  liberal  tendency  which  he  anticipated  as  the 
result  of  wider  culture  was  fully  realized.  He  was 
emancipated  from  mere  sectarian  belief,  and  with  eager 
interest  pushed  his  investigations  in  the  direction  of 
modern  progressive  thought.  He  followed  with  quick- 
ening step  in  the  paths  of  exploration  and  speculation 
so  fearlessly  trodden  by  Darwin,  by  Huxley,  by 
Tjndall  and  by  other  living  scientists  of  the  radical 
and  advanced  type.  His  own  church,  binding  its  dis- 
ciples by  no  fortnulated  creed,  but  accepting  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  as  the  word  of  God  with  unbiased 
liberality  of  private  interpretation,  favored,  if  it  did 
not  stimulate,  the  spirit  of  investigation.  Its  mem- 
bers profess  with  sincerity,  and  profess  only  to  be  of 
one  mind  and  one  faith  with  those  who  inmiediately 
followed  the  Master,  and  who  were  first  called  Chris- 
tians at  Antioch. 

But  however  high  Garfield  reasoned  of  "  fixed  fate, 
free-will,  foreknowledge  absolute,"  he  was  never  separ- 
ated from  the  Church  of  the  Disciples  in  his  affections 
and  in  his  associations.  For  him  it  held  the  ark  of  the 
covenant.  To  him  it  was  the  gate  of  heaven.  The 
world  of  religious  belief  is  full  of  solecisms  and  contra- 
dictions. A  philosophic  observer  declares  that  men  by 
the  thousand  will  die  in  defence  of  a  creed  whose  doc- 
trines they  do  not  comprehend,  and  whose  tenets  they 
habitually  violate.  It  is  equally  true  that  men  by  the 
thousand  will  clins;  to  church  organizations  with  in- 
stinctive  and  undying  fidelity  when  their  belief  in  ma- 
turer  years  is  radically  different  from  that  which  in- 
J^pired  them  as  neophytes. 


120  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield/ 

But  after  this  range  of  speculation  and  this  latitude 
of  doubt,  Garfield  came  back  ahvjiys  with  freshness  and 
delight  to  the  simpler  instincts  of  religious  faith,  which, 
earliest  implanted,  longest  survive.  Not  many  weeks 
before  his  assassination,  walking  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac  w^ith  a  friend,  and  conversing  on  those  topics 
of  personal  religion  concerning  which  noble  natures 
have  an  unconquerable  reserve,  he  said  that  he  found 
the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  simple  petitions  learned  in 
infancy  infinitely  restful  to  him,  not  merely  in  their 
stated  repetition,  but  in  their  casual  and  frequent  re- 
call as  he  went  about  the  daily  duties  of  life.  Certain 
texts  of  Scripture  had  a  very  strong  hold  on  his  mem- 
ory and  his  heart.  He  heard,  while  in  Edinburgh 
some  years  ago,  an  eminent  Scotch  preacher  who  pre- 
faced his  sermon  with  reading  the  eighth  chapter  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  which  book  had  been  the  sub- 
ject of  careful  study  with  Garfield  during  all  his  re- 
ligious life.  He  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  elocution 
of  the  preacher,  and  declared  that  it  had  imparted  a 
new  and  deeper  meaning  to  the  majestic  utterances  of 
St.  Paul.  He  referred  often  in  after  years  to  that 
memorable  service,  and  dwelt  with  exaltation  of  feel- 
ing upon  the  radiant  promise  and  the  assured  hope 
with  which  the  great  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was 
"  persuaded  that  neither  death,  nor  life,  nor  angels,  nor 
principalities,  nor  powers,  nor  things  present,  nor 
things  to  come,  nor  height,  nor  depth,  nor  any  other 
creature,  shall  be  able  to  separate  us  from  the  love  of 
God,  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord." 

The  crowning  characteristic  of  General  Garfield's  re- 
ligious opinions,  as,  indeed,  of  all  his  opinions,  was  his 
liberality.  In  all  things  he  had  charity.  Tolerance 
was  of  his  nature.  He  respected  in  others  the  qualities 
which  he  possessed  himself — sincerity  of  conviction  and 
frankness  of  expression.     With  him  the  inquiry  was 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  121 

not  so  much  what  a  man  believes,  but  does  he  believe 
it  ?  The  lines  of  his  friendship  and  his  confidence  en- 
circled men  of  every  creed  and  men  of  no  creed,  and.  to 
the  end  of  his  life  on  his  ever-lengthening  list  of  friends 
were  to  be  found  the  names  of  a  pious  Catholic  priest 
and  of  an  honest-minded  and  generous-hearted  free- 
thinker. 

On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  second,  the  Pres- 
ident was  a  contented  and  happy  man — not  in  an  ordi- 
nary degree,  but  joyfully,  almost  boyishly  happy.  On 
his  way  to  the  raih'oad  station,  to  which  he  drove 
slowly,  in  conscious  enjoyment  of  the  beautiful  morn- 
ing, with  an  unwonted  sense  of  leisure  and  a  keen  an- 
ticipation of  pleasure,  his  talk  was  all  in  the  grateful 
and  gratulatory  vein.  He  felt  that  after  four  months 
of. trial  his  administration  was  strong  in  its  grasp  of  af- 
fairs, strong  in  popular  favor  and  destined  to  grow 
stronger ;  that  grave  difficulties  confronting  him  at  his 
inauguration  had  been  safely  passed  ;  that  trouble  lay 
behind  him,  and  not  before  him ;  that  he  was  soon  to 
meet  the  wife  whom  he  loved,  now  recovering  from  an 
illness  which  had  but  lately  disquieted  and  at  times 
almost  unnerved  him ;  that  he  was  going  to  his  alma 
mater  to  renew  the  most  cherished  associations  of  his 
young  manhood,  and  to  exchange  greetings  with  those 
whose  deepening  interest  had  followed  every  step  of  his 
upward  progress  from  the  day  he  entered  upon  liis  col- 
lege course  until  he  had  attained  the  loftiest  elevation 
in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen. 

Surely,  if  happiness  can  ever  come  from  the  honors 
or  triumphs  of  this  world,  on  that  quiet  July  morning 
James  A.  Garfield  may  well  have  been  a  happy  man. 
No  foreboding  of  evil  haunted  him ;  no  slightest  pre- 
monition of  danger  clouded  his  sky.  His  terrible  fate 
was  upon  him  in  an  instant.  One  moment  he  stood 
erect,  strong,  confident  in  the  years  stretching  peace- 


122  Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 

fully  out  before  him.  The  next  he  lay  wounded, 
bleeding,  helpless,  doomed  to  weary  weeks  of  torture, 
to  silence  and  the  grave. 

Great  in   life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in  death. 
For  no  cause,  in   the  very  frenzy  of  wantonness  and 
wickedness,  by  the  red  hand  of  murder,  he  was  thrust 
from    the    full   tide   of   this  world's   interest,  from    its 
hopes,   its    aspirations,   its   victories,  into   the    visible 
presence  of  death — and  he  did  not  quail.     Not  alone 
for  the  one  short  moment  in  which,  stunned  and  dazed, 
he  could  give  up  life,  hardly  aware  of  its  relinquish- 
ment, but   through   days  of  deadly  languor,   through 
weeks  of  agony,  that  was  not  less  agony  because  si- 
lently  borne,   with   clear  sight   and   calm   courage  he 
looked   into  his  open   grave.     What  blight  and   ruin 
met   his   anguished   eyes   whose   lips   may   tell — what 
brilliant,  broken   plans,  what  baffled,   high   ambitions, 
what  sundering  of  strong,  warm  manhood's  friendships, 
what  bitter  rending  of  sweet  household  ties!     Behind 
him  a  proud,  expectant  nation,  a  great  host  of  sustain- 
ing friends,  a  cherished  and  happy  mother,  wearing  the 
full,  rich  honors  of  her  early  toil  and  tears ;  the  wife  of 
his  youth,  whose  whole  life  lay  in   his;   the  little  boys 
not  yet  emerged  from  childhood's  day  of  frolic ;  the 
fair,  young  daughter;   the  sturdy  sons  just  springing 
into   closest  companionship,   claiming    every   day  and 
every  day  rewarding  a  father's  love  and  care;   and  in 
his  heart  the  eager,  rejoicing  power  to  meet  all  de- 
mands.    Before    him,   desolation    and  sjreat   darkness! 
And  his  soul  was  not  shaken.     His  countrymen  were 
thrilled  with  instant,  profound  and  universal  sympathy. 
Masterful  in  his  mortal  weakness,  he  became  the  centre 
of  a  nation's  love,  enshrined  in  the  prayers  of  a  world. 
But  all  the  love  and  all  the  sympathy  could  not  share 
with  him  his  suffering.     He  trod  the  wine-press  alone. 
With  unfaltering  front  he  faced  death.     With  unfail- 


Blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield.  123 

ing  tenderness  he  took  leave  of  life.  Above  the  de- 
moniac hiss  of  the  assassin's  ballet  he  heard  the  voice 
of  God.  With  simple  resignation  he  bowed  to  the 
Divine  decree. 

As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea 
returned.  The  stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to 
him  the  wearisome  hospital  of  pain,  and  he  begged  to 
be  taken  from  its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive, 
stifling  air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness. 
Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a  great  people  bore  the 
pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live 
or  to  die,  as  God  should  will,  within  sight  of  its 
heaving  billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold  voices. 
With  wan,  fevered  face  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling 
breeze,  he  looked  out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean's 
changing  wonders;  on  its  far  sails,  whitening  in  the 
morning  light ;  on  its  restless  waves,  rolling  shoreward 
to  break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun ;  on  the  red 
clouds  of  evening,  arching  low  to  the  horizon ;  on  the 
serene  and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let  us  think 
that  his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which  only 
the  rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe 
that  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world  he  heard  the 
great  waves  breaking  on  a  further  shore,  and  felt  al- 
ready upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal 
mornino:. 


124        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

CHAPTER  III. 

OPPOSITION    TO     MR.     ADAMS. 

The  period  at  length  arrived  for  a  signal  demon- 
stration. Among  the  petitions  presented  by  Mr. 
Adams,  to  bring  the  subject  to  a  head,  was  one 
signed  by  forty-six  inhabitants  of  Haverhill,  Massa- 
chusetts, praying  for  the  adoption  of  measures 
peaceably  to  dissolve  the  Union,  assigning  as  one 
of  the  reasons  the  inequality  of  benefits  conferred 
upon  the  different  sections,  one  section  being  annu- 
ally drained  to  sustain  the  views  and  course  of  an- 
other, without  adequate  return,  which  he  moved  to 
a  select  committee,  with  instructions  to  report  an 
answer,  showing  reasons  why  the  prayer  should 
not  be  granted.  Notwithstanding  the  nature  of 
the  instructions,  the  chivalry,  including  Mr.  Wise, 
appeared  to  think  it  a  favorable  opportunity  to 
retaliate  upon  Mr.  Adams,  and  if  possible  to  inflict 
punishment  upon  him  for  persisting  in  his  deter- 
mined course.  Mr.  Gilmore,  of  Virginia,  particu- 
larly, was  sagacious  enough  to  exhibit  his  indigna- 
tion at  the  sage  of  Quincy.  He  introduced  a 
resolution  declaring  that,  in  presenting  a  petition 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Adams  had 
justly  incurred  the  censure  of  the  House.  But 
Mr.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  wished  to  subject  him 
to  severer  discipline.      He  offered  as  a  substitute 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        125 

two  resolutions,  one  declaring  Mr,  Adams  guilty 
of  an  offense  involving  in  its  consequence  high 
treason  ;  and  the  other  declaring  him  deserving  of 
expulsion,  but  as  an  act  of  "grace  and  mercy," 
their  severest  censures  only  were  to  be  inflicted. 

In  the  debate  on  these  resolutions  which  ensued, 
it  became  evident  that  the  representatives  of  the 
local  despotism  in  Congress  were  indulging  in  new- 
born hopes  of  a  speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  under 
that  administration,  in  consequence  of  the  stand 
which  the  President  had  taken  in  regard  to  the 
tariff  question.  They  appeared  to  feel  assured  that 
the  President  was  now  their  convenient  man  for 
the  approaching  emergency ;  and  that  they  had 
only  to  surround  him  with  leading  advisers,  and  to 
invest  the  proposition  with  partisan  importance,  in 
order  to  precipitate  it  to  a  result.  Hence  in  debat- 
ing Mr.  Gilmer's  resolution,  they  alleged  that  there 
were  combinations  of  philanthropists  in  Great 
Britain,  who  Avere  meditating  the  overthrow  of 
Southern  institutions,  and  that  defensive  measures, 
among  them  the  speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  were 
rendered  necessary.  Mr.  Wise  insisted  that  the 
Hon.  Seth  M.  Gates,  then  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  was  an  agent  of  the  incendi- 
aries, as  he  termed  them,  who  stood  ready  with  his 
torch  to  fire  the  magazine,  and  blow  the  Union 
into  fragments. 

In  relation  to  Mr.  Adams,  whom  it  was  proposed 
to  censure,  Mr.  Wise  remarked  that  he  was  time- 


126        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

honored  .and  hoary,  but  not  with  wisdom  ;  that  he 
had  the  power  of  age,  station,  fame,  and  eloquence ; 
and  that  all  were  greatly  mistaken  who  thought 
him  mad.  Mr.  Adams,  thought  Mr.  Wise,  might 
truly  say,  "  I  am  not  mad,  most  noble  Festus,"  even 
if  he  did  not  speak  the  words  of  truth  and  sober- 
ness; that  for  himself  he  did  not  believe  him  mad, 
but  thought  him  more  wicked  than  weak,  and  the 
agent  of  persons  who  meditated  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  He  was  astute  in  design,  obstinate 
and  zealous  in  power,  and  terrible  in  action;  and 
therefore  well  adapted  to  accomplish  his  treason- 
able purposes. 

To  this  Mr.  Adams  very  complacently  replied 
that  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Marshall  accused  him 
of  crimes  over  which  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction, 
and,  therefore,  they  would  probably  find  it  conve- 
nient to  confine  themselves  to  a  "  contempt"  under 
Mr.  Gilmer's  resolution  ;  that  it  might  be  profitable 
to  advert  to  precedents,  and,  perhaps,  to  the  trial 
in  the  House  four  or  five  years  before,  when  a  man 
(Mr.  Wise)  came  into  it  with  his  hands  and  face 
dripping  with  the  blood  of  murder,  the  blotches  of 
which  were  yet  hanging  on  to  him;  and  that,  when 
the  question  was  put  in  that  case,  it  was  decided, 
myself  voting  in  the  affirmative,  that  the  accused 
should  be  sent  where  he  could  have  an  impartial 
trial ;  that  it  was  very  probable  that  he  saved  the 
blood-stained  man  at  that  time.  (Mr.  Wise  in- 
quired whether  his  character  and  conduct  were  in- 


HISTORY     OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY.        127 

volved  in  the  issue,  and  whether  a  man  who 
defended  him  then  would  be  permitted  to  now 
charge  him  with  murder?) 

"I  did  not  defend  him,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  "on 
the  merits  of  the  case,  for  I  never  believed  that  he 
was  not  guilty,  nor  that  the  man  who  pulled  the 
trigger  against  Cilley  was  not  an  instrument  in  his 
hands ;  but  I  contended  that  the  House  had  not 
the  power  to  try  him.  It  was  not  then  an  impar- 
tial tribunal." 

This  illusion  to  the  Cilley  affair  was  unlooked 
for  by  Mr.  Wise ;  it  was  a  surprise  upon  him,  as  he 
had  not  estimated  correctly  the  power  of  the  states- 
man he  had  undertaken  to  demolish.  He  had 
carefully  watched  for  an  opportunity  to  assail  Mr. 
Adams,  under  circumstances  where  his  missiles 
would  not  be  likely  to  recoil.  He  had  selected 
this  opportunity  as  one  which  appeared  adventi- 
tious; but  when  he  found  himself  confronted  with 
the  ghost  of  the  murdered  Cilley,  he  perceived  his 
fatal  mistake.  His  friends  anxiously  interposed  to 
remove  him  from  the  field  which  he  had  selected  for 
the  fight.  Mr.  Adams,  commiserating  his  situation, 
mercifully  forbore  to  punish  him  further. 

"  I  came  from  a  soil,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  in  con- 
tinuation, "  that  bears  not  a  slave.  I  represent 
here  the  descendants  of  Winslow,  Carver,  Alden 
and  Bedford,  the  first  who  alighted  on  the  rock  of 
Plymouth  ;  and  representing  these  men,  the  free 
people  of  Massachusetts,  I  am  come  here  to   be 


128  GENERAL  JOHN   A.    LOGAN. 

tliusiasm  is  but  a  sorry  compensation  for  lack  of 
numbers.  The  soldiers  did  their  best.  Inch  by 
inch  the  ground  was  contested.  Overpowered,  how- 
ever, and  outflanked,  the  two  brigades  were  turned 
and  forced  from  their  position.  Meanwhile  Buck- 
ner,  who  had  moved  his  troops  over  from  the  ex- 
treme Confederate  right,  formed  them  in  front  of 
McClernand's  left  brigade,  Colonel  W.  H.  Wallace. 
It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  whole  hostile  mass — 
the  entire  concentrated  strength  of  the  Confederate 
army — was  pressing  upon  McClernand's  Division, 
the  right  wing  of  the  Union  army.  The  left 
brigade  soon  followed  the  example  of  the  other  two 
— it  fell  back  from  its  position ;  and  by  nine  o'clock 
the  entire  position  occupied  in  the  beginning  of  the 
contest  by  the  right  wing  of  the  National  army 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  Confederates.  The 
Wynn's  Ferry  road  was  open. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  up  those  harrowing 
scenes  of  distress ;  the  freezing  to  death  of  hun- 
dreds of  the  brave  men  under  Logan's  and 
Wallace's  commands.  Donelson  was  taken  and 
followed  by  the  evacuation  of  Bowling  Green. 
The  National  troops  had  gained  a  most  important 
victory,  although  at  the  cost  of  many  precious 
lives. 

The  battle  of  Champion  Hills — the  subject  of 
illustration — was  a  struggle  which,  while  disastrous 
to  the  Union  cause,  brought  out  all  the  intrepidity 
emd  bold  dash  in   General  Logan's   character.     It 


GENERAL   J04IN    A.    LOGAN.  129 

was  the  morning  of  May  16th.  General  Grant  was 
at  the  front.  Knowing  that  McClernand  would 
soon  be  up,  and  having  no  fear  of  the  result,  Grant 
sent  first  one  and  then  another  brigade,  of 
Croker's  division,  of  McPherson's  corps,  to  the  aid 
of  Hovey,  who  gallantly  renewed  the  conflict. 
Meanwhile,  Logan's  division  was  operating  with 
great  effect  on  the  enemy's  left  and  rear.  When 
Hovey  called  for  more  troops,  Logan  rode  up  to 
General  Grant,  and  told  him  that  if  Hovey  could 
make  another  dash  at  the  enemy,  he  could  come 
up  where  he  then  was,  and  capture  the  greater 
part  of  the  opposing  army.  Grant  rode  forward,  and 
cheered  the  troops  who  had  been  so  gallantly  en- 
gaged, urging  them  again  to  the  attack,  and  explain- 
ing the  position  of  Logan's  division.  Logan  con- 
tinued to  press  heavily  on  Pemberton's  left.  General 
C.  L.  Stevenson,  Hovey  holding  his  ground  in  the 
centre.  About  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Stevenson's  line,  which  for  some  time  had  been 
yielding  under  Logan's  pressure,  broke,  and  fell  back 
in  disorder.  The  battle  was  won.  Loring,  who 
commanded  on  the  Confederate  right,  had  already 
left  the  field,  leaving  his  cannon  behind  him. 
When  his  left  gave  out,  Pemberton's  heart  sank 
within  him  ;  and  he  ordered  a  retreat  of  his  whole 
army.  McClernand,  with  Carr's  division,  followed 
by  that  of  Osterhaus,  arrived  on  the  field  only  in 
time  to  pursue  the  retreating  foe.  The  battle  of 
Champion  Hills  was  fought  and  won  by  Hovey's 
I 


130         GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

division,  of  McClernand's  corps,  and  by  Logan's 
and  Quimby's,  commanded  by  Croker,  of  McPher- 
son's  corps.  It  was  a  bloody  and  most  unequal 
strife,  the  Nationals  from  the  outset  being  greatly 
outnumbered.  The  National  loss  amounted  to 
nearly  2,500,  of  whom  some  430  were  killed.  The 
loss  sustained  by  the  Confederates  must  have  been 
even  more  severe  ;  for,  in  addition  to  the  killed  and 
wounded,  2,000  were  made  prisoners. 

During  the  summer  of  1862,  General  Logan  was 
repeatedly  urged  to  "  run  for  Congress,"  but  his  re- 
ply was  worthy  a  hero:  "  I  have  entered  the  field 
to  die,  if  need  be,  for  this  Government,  and 
never  expect  to  return  to  peaceful  pursuits  until 
the  object  of  this  war  of  preservation  has  become 
a  fact  established."  His  personal  bravery  and 
military  skill  were  so  conspicuous  in  Grant's  North- 
ern Mississippi  movements,  where  he  commanded 
a  division  of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps,  under 
Gen.  McPherson,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
Major-General,  November  26th,  1862.  He  was 
present  in  every  fight,  his  daring  bravery  animat- 
ing his  men  to  the  most  heroic  deeds.  He  was  in 
command  of  McPherson's  centre  June  25th,  when 
the  assault  upon  Vicksburg  was  made,  immediately 
following  the  mine  explosion.  His  column  led  the 
entrance  into  the  city,  and  he  became  its  first 
military  Governor. 

In  November,  1863,  Gen,  Logan  succeeded  Gen. 
Sherman    in    command    of    the    Fifteenth    Army 


GENERAL  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  131 

Corps;  and  the  following  May  he  joined  Sherman 
as  the  Georgia  campaign  was  opening.  Logan  led 
the  advance  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  at 
Resaca,  whipped  Hardee's  trained  veterans  at  Dal- 
las, and  drove  the  enemy  from  Kenesaw  Mountain. 
July  22d,  he  was  in  the  fierce  battle  before  Atlanta, 
which  cost  the  gallant  McPherson  his  life.  In  his 
report  of  the  battle  Gen.  Sherman  said :  "  Gen. 
Logan  succeeded  him  (McPherson),  and  commanded 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  through  this  desperate 
battle  with  the  same  success  and  ability  that  had 
characterized  him  in  the  command  of  a  corps  or 
division." 

In  the  autumn  of  1864,  after  the  fall  of  At- 
lanta, he  returned  to  Illinois,  temporarily,  to  take 
part  in  the  Presidential  campaign,  doing  yeoman 
service  for  the  re-election  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He 
then  rejoined  the  army,  and  accompanied  Sherman 
in  his  "  march  to  the  sea,"  and  continued  with  him 
until  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Joseph  Johnson,  April 
26th,  1865.  Gen.  Logan  took  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  the  23d  of  October,  tender- 
ing his  resignation  just  as  soon  as  active  service 
was  over,  being  unwilling  to  draw  pay  unless  on 
duty  in  the  field.  President  Johnson  quickly  ten- 
dered him  the  mission  to  Mexico,  which  he 
declined. 

The  Republicans  of  his  district  sent  him  to  the 
Fortieth  Congress,  where  he  served  in  the  impeach- 
ment trial  of   President  Johnson.      Re-elected  to 


132  GENERAL   JOHN    A.    LOGAN. 

the  Forty-first  Congress,  he  was  made  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  In  this  com- 
mittee he  was  of  great  use  to  the  nation,  his  ex- 
perience in  the  field  having  been  invaluable  to  him 
in  regard  to  military  legislation.  He  was  re- 
elected to  the  Forty-second  Congress,  but  before  it 
was  time  to  take  his  seat  the  Illinois  Legislature 
chose  him  United  States  Senator  for  the  full  term, 
commencing  March  4th,  1871.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  third  session  of  the  Forty-second 
Congress  he  became  Chairman  of  the  Military 
Committee,  succeeding  Vice-President  Wilson. 

At  the  close  of  his  Senatorial  term  he  returned 
to  Illinois,  to  practice  law  in  Chicago.  He  had 
not  got  fairly  settled,  however,  before  he  was  again 
elected  United  States  Senator,  and  took  his  seat 
March  18th,  1879 ;  his  present  term  will  expire 
March  3d,  1885.  He  led  the  Illinois  delegation  in 
the  National  Convention  held  in  Chicago  in  1880, 
and  was  one  of  the  most  determined  of  the  306 
who  followed  the  fortunes  of  "  The  Old  Command- 
er," Gen.  Grant.  Gen.  Logan  is  a  brilliant  de- 
bater, and  having  taken  his  position,  never  beats 
a  retreat.  He  has  made  many  bright  speeches 
which  have  attracted  national  attention,  and  by 
his  course  in  the  Fitz-John  Porter  case  has  riveted 
the  eyes  of  the  people  upon  him.  His  wife,  who 
was  Miss  Mary  S.  Cunningham,  of  Shawneetown, 
Illinois,  and  to  whom  he  was  married  November 
27th,  1855,  is  a  worthy  helpmate,  and  is  almost  as 


GENERAL   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  133 

popular  in  Illinois  as  her  distinguished  husband. 
The  General  has  been  foremost  in  all  legislation  for 
the  benefit  of  the  soldiers  of  the  late  war,  and  pos- 
sesses the  confidence  of  the  rank  and  file  to  a  re- 
markable degree.  Whatever  may  betide  him 
politically  in  the  future,  it  is  very  certain  that  for 
all  time  his  name  will  shine  bright  in  the  galaxy 
of  heroes  of  the  late  war. 

However  men  may  differ  as  to  the  calibre  of 
John  A.  Logan's  statesmanship,  no  one  will  deny 
that  he  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  in  pub- 
lic life,  with  a  remarkable  career  behind  him  and 
a  remarkable  hold  upon  the  masses  of  the  people. 
His  lack  of  culture  is  sneered  at  by  those  who  are 
not  generous  enough  to  consider  that  it  is  his  mis- 
fortune rather  than  his  fault;  but  among  those 
who  are  situated  as  he  once  was  he  stands  as  an 
illustration  of  the  possibilities  every  lad  in  this 
country  has  before  him. 

Logan  was  developed  by  the  war.  The  cavalry 
bugler  sounded  the  key-note  of  his  character,  and 
in  an  Atmosphere  of  dust  and  powder  he  grew 
great.  A  country  lawyer,  who  found  his  highest 
ambition  in  stirring  the  languid  blood  of  the  crimi- 
nal jury,  sprang  suddenly  to  the  head  of  an  array, 
without  previous  military  education,  by  the  mere 
force  of  his  courage  and  his  martial  instincts.  He 
was  the  representative  of  the  loyal  millions,  the 
beau  ideal  of  the  volunteer  soldier,  and  as  such  in 
history  will  he  live.     He  rose  alone.     He  was  no 


134  GENERAL    JOHN   A.    LOGAN. 

man's  protege  and  the  satellite  of  no  sun.  His 
success  was  won  against  opposition,  and  was  ac- 
knowledged because  it  was  deserved. 

If  the  war  had  not  developed  him  some  other 
opportunity  would  have  brought  him  out.  Even 
the  darkness  of  the  Illinois  Egypt  could  not  have 
shrouded  his  light.  His  zeal  and  industry,  his 
force  of  character,  and  the  qualities  of  leadership 
with  which  nature  gifted  him  could  not  have  been 
suppressed,  but  the  war  offered  an  opportunity  that 
brought  him  suddenly  and  favorably  to  the  public 
view,  and  he  earned  a  place  of  which  the  future 
cannot  deprive  him, 

GENERAL    LOGAN's   ANCESTRY. 

The  story  that  he  has  Indian  blood  in  his  veins 
is  a  myth,  founded  upon  the  color  of  his  skin  and 
hair,  and  is  totally  untrue,  unless  the  fabled  kings 
of  Ireland  were  related  to  the  North  American 
savage.  His  father  was  a  physician,  John  Logan 
by  name,  and  came  to  America  from  Ireland  only 
three  years  before  the  Senator  was  born.  His 
mother  was  Elizabeth  Jenkins,  and  her  fiimily 
lived  in  Tennessee.  Logan  was  born  at  Murphys- 
boro,  a  little  town  among  the  hills  that  hem  in  the 
Mississippi  river,  and  was  the  eldest  of  eleven 
children.  The  9th  of  February  last  Logan  was 
fifty-eight  years  old. 

His  early  education  was  such  only  as  the  fron- 
tier afforded,  and  was  gained  at  his  mother's  knee 


GENERAL    JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  135 

and  in  the  log  school-house  where  an  itinerant 
teacher  at  intervals  presided.  When  he  was  eigh- 
teen years  old  he  was  sent  to  the  nearest  school, 
called  Shiloh  Academy,  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Methodist  Church,  and  graduated  from  it  into 
the  Mexican  War.  He  joined  the  First  Illinois 
regiment  as  a  private,  but  the  military  instinct  de- 
veloped, and  he  afterward  became  a  lieutenant  and 
served  both  as  adjutant  and  quartermaster  of  his 
regiment.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he  went  into 
the  law-office  of  his  uncle,  Alexander  Jenkins,  who 
was  a  great  man  in  Southern  Illinois,  a  Jacksonian 
Democrat,  and  at  one  time  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  his  State. 

It  was  the  love  of  contest  that  took  him  at  once 
into  politics,  and  in  1851  he  was  elected  clerk  of 
Jackson  county.  By  means  of  the  revenues  of 
this  office  he  was  enabled  to  carry  on  his  law 
studies,  and  took  a  course  of  lectures  at  Louisville 
during  the  following  year,  which  constituted  and 
completed  his  legal  education.  At  once,  upon  his 
return  from  Louisville,  in  1852,  he  was  elected 
Prosecuting- Attorney  of  Jackson  county,  and  went 
to  the  State  Legislature  in  the  following  year; 
being  re-elected  and  gaining  a  local  leadership  in 
the  Democratic  party,  which  was  recognized  by  his 
appointment  as  a  Presidential  Elector  on  the 
Buchanan  ticket  in  1856. 


136  GENERAL   JOHN    A.    LOGAN. 

HIS    NATURAL    ELOQUENCE. 

At  this  point  he  began  his  career  as  a  stump 
orator,  and  his  speeches  were  considered  remarka- 
ble examples  of  eloquence,  giving  him  a  reputation 
that  sent  him  to  Congress  in  1858.  He  was  an 
earnest  Douglas  man,  and  being  renominated  to 
Congress  in  1860,  stumped  the  State  with  great 
success. 

Right  here  came  a  critical  period  in  his  career, 
and  although  there  are  men  who  still  assert  that 
his  sympathy  was  with  the  secessionists,  there  is 
plenty  of  evidence  that  the  South  had  no  claim 
upon  him :  that,  whatever  his  original  sentiments 
may  have  been,  his  public  utterances  were  always 
loyal,  and  that  when  the  crisis  came  he  was  on 
the  right  side.  The  country  he  lived  in  was  full 
of  Southern  sympathizers,  his  mother's  family  were 
secessionists,  and  his  surroundings  made  loyalty 
unpopular.  The  story  that  he  tendered  his  ser- 
vices to  Jefferson  Davis  is  contradicted  by  that 
gentleman,  who  says  he  never  heard  of  Logan  until 
more  than  a  year  after  the  war  began. 

There  are  several  witnesses  to  the  fact  that  in 
November,  1860,  when  Lincoln's  election  was 
Assured,  and  threats  were  freely  made  that  he 
should  not  be  inaugurated,  Logan  publicly  declared 
that  he  would  shoulder  a  musket  and  escort  the 
"  Rail-Splitter  "  to  the  White  House. 

While  he  was  in  Washington  attending  the 
/ailed  session  of  Congress  in  the  summer  of  1861, 


GENERAL    JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  137 

he  went  to  the  front,  as  many  Representatives  did, 
to  visit  the  army  in  Virginia,  and  being  the  guest 
of  Colonel  Richardson  when  the  battle  of  Bull  Run 
took  place,  he  was  given  a  musket  and  fought 
through  that  eventful  July  day  as  a  private  in  the 
ranks. 

GOING    INTO    THE    ARMY. 

When  Congress  adjourned  in  August  he  went 
home  and  at  once  raised  a  regiment  (the  Thirty- 
first  Illinois),  which  went  into  battle  at  Belmont, 
two  months  after  they  were  mustered  into  the 
army.  In  the  siege  of  Fort  Donelson  Logan  ac- 
tively engaged,  and  was  badly  wounded  in  the  left 
arm.  His  gallantry  here  and  at  Belmont  made 
him  a  Brigadier-General,  and  from  this  time  his 
star  rose  rapidly.  He  was  given  command  of  a 
division  in  McPherson's  corps,  and  made  a  Major- 
General  before  he  had  been  a  year  in  the  army. 

In  1862  he  declined  a  renomination  for  Congress, 
believing  that  he  could  serve  his  country  best  in 
the  field. 

In  Grant's  winter  campaign  in  Mississippi,  and 
in  the  siege  of  Vicksburg,  Logan  bore  a  conspicu- 
ous part,  and  his  bravery  as  a  leader  was  pro- 
verbial. 

When  Grant  was  sent  to  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  yielded  to  Sherman  the  command 
of  the  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  Logan  succeeded 
the  latter  as  commander  of  the  famous  Fifteenth 
army  corps,  and  followed  Sherman  in  the  march 


138  GENERAL    JOHN   A.    LOGAN. 

to  the  sea.  In  the  desperate  assault  upon  Hood, 
at  Atlanta,  Logan  fought  as  he  never  fought 
before,  and  when  McPherson  fell  he  took  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  with  resistless 
fury  avenged  the  death  of  the  beloved  commander. 

CLOSE   OF    THE    CAMPAIGN. 

The  displacement  of  Logan  from  a  position 
which  he  had  earned,  and  the  promotion  of  How- 
ard to  McPherson's  place,  was  a  blow  from  which 
the  General  never  will  recover.  It  came  very  near 
depriving  the  army  of  one  of  its  most  gallant  and 
valuable  officers.  He  considered  it  a  cruel  and 
uncalled  for  humiliation,  and  but  for  the  entreaties 
of  friends  would  have  tendered  his  resignation. 
But  he  remained  with  the  army  until  the  evacua- 
tion of  Atlanta,  when  he  went  to  Illinois  to  stump 
the  State  for  Lincoln.  After  the  election  he  re- 
turned to  camp,  and  led  his  corps  in  the  remarka- 
ble campaign  through  the  Carolinas.  After  the 
surrender  of  Johnston  he  marched  his  men  to 
Alexandria,  and  rode  at  their  head  in  the  grand 
review  at  Washington. 

After  being  mustered  out  of  the  army  he  was 
tendered  the  Mexican  mission  by  President  John- 
son, but  declined  it,  and,  covered  with  glory,  re- 
turned to  his  home  in  Illinois,  where  his  political 
career  was  resumed.  He  was  nominated  and 
elected  as  a  Congressman-at-Large  from  Illinois, 
and  served  as  such  until  his  election  to  the  Senate 


GENERAL    JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  139 

to  fill  the  seat  of  Richard  Yates,  in  1870.  During 
his  service  in  the  House  he  was  an  active  par- 
ticipant in  the  debates,  and  took  strong  grounds  in 
favor  of  the  radical  reconstruction  policy  of  Thad- 
deus  Stevens.  In  1869  he  was  one  of  the  man- 
agers on  the  part  of  the  House  in  the  Johnson  im- 
peachment trial. 

His  first  term  as  Senator  of  the  United  States 
expired  in  1877,  when  he  was  defeated  for  re- 
election by  disaffected  members  of  his  own  party 
in  the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  and  David  Davis  was 
chosen  in  his  stead.  The  Republicans  had  but 
two  majority  on  joint  ballot  in  this  Legislature, 
and  there  were  three  Representatives  from  the 
city  of  Chicago  who  voted  with  the  Democrats  for 
David  Davis.  In  1878,  however,  he  was  more 
successful,  and  succeeded  to  the  seat  of  Richard  J. 
Oglesby. 

THE  FRIEND  OF  THE  SOLDIER. 

General  Logan  has  always  been  an  active  man 
at  all  military  reunions,  and  was  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic, 
which  originated  at  Decatur,  Illinois.  He  was  the 
first  National  Commander  of  that  organization, 
and  as  such  issued  the  order  in  1868  for  the  deco- 
ration of  the  graves  of  Union  soldiers  the  30th  of 
May. 

His  financial  views  have  always  been  the  sub- 
ject of  more  or  less  criticism  in  the  Eastern  press, 
but  they  have  usually  represented  the  sentiments 


140        GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

of  his  constituency.  In  186G  he  made  his  first 
financial  speech,  in  which  he  took  strong  grounds 
in  favor  of  the  payment  of  the  national  debt,  both 
bonds  and  greenbacks,  in  gold  coin.  This  position 
he  held  until  the  inflation  fever  of  1874,  when  he 
followed  the  popular  Western  movement  and  voted 
for  the  inflation  bill,  which  Grant  vetoed.  But  in 
the  following  year  he  was  a  member  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Finance,  and  favored  the  Sherman 
Resumption  act,  which  went  into  efiect  January 
1st,  1879. 

General  Logan  was  always  a  leader  in  securing 
pension  legislation ;  was  one  of  the  most  urgent 
advocates  of  the  arrears  of  pension  bill,  and  has 
never  failed  at  each  meeting  of  Congress  to  present 
a  bill  for  the  equalization  of  bounties.  He  now  has 
a  measure  to  pension  every  man  who  saw  active 
service  in  the  war.  He  has  been  radical  on  the 
subject  of  internal  improvements,  has  always  voted 
for  liberal  appropriations  for  rivers  and  harbors, 
and  has  given  his  support  to  railroad  land-grant 
measures.  His  personal  honesty,  however,  has 
never  been  doubted,  and  his  poverty  is  the  best 
evidence  of  his  integrity.  Having  been  in  public 
life  almost  since  he  reached  his  majority,  and  hav- 
ing given  his  entire  time  to  politics,  he  has  had  no 
time  to  engage  in  lucrative  employment,  and  his 
entire  property  consists  of  a  residence  on  Calumet 
avenue  in  Chicago,  which  is  worth  from  $25,000  to 
$30,000,  and  a  farm  at  his  old  home  in  Southern 
Illinois. 


GENERAL    JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  141 

HIS   DOMESTIC    LIFE. 

General  Logan  resides  in  Washington,  at  a 
boarding-bouse  on  Twelftb  street,  occupying  two 
modest  rooms,  tbe  same  in  wbicb  be  baa  lived  for 
twelve  years.  In  bis  domestic  relations  General 
Logan  lias  been  one  of  tbe  most  bappy  and  for- 
tunate of  men.  In  1855  be  married  Miss  Mary 
Cunningbam,  of  Sbawneetown,  Illinois,  and  sbe 
has  proven  a  most  valuable  helpmeet,  being  as 
good,  if  not  a  better  politician  than  himself,  and  a 
lady  of  great  refinement  as  well  as  intellectual 
force.  There  is  no  woman  in  public  life  who 
possesses  more  admirable  traits  than  Mrs.  Logan, 
and,  what  is  unusual,  her  popularity  with  her  own 
sex  is  quite  as  great  as  with  tbe  other.  She  can 
write  a  speech  on  finance  or  dictate  tbe  action  of 
a  political  caucus  with  as  much  ease  and  grace  as 
she  can  preside  at  a  dinner  party  or  receive  the 
guests  at  a  ball — and  has  been  known  to  perform 
all  of  these  difficult  duties  the  same  day. 

No  one  whose  intimacy  with  tbe  Logan  family 
has  given  him  a  knowledge  of  its  past,  will  deny 
to  Mrs.  Logan  the  credit  of  being  her  husband's 
most  energetic  advocate  and  judicious  adviser,  and 
at  tbe  same  time  a  devoted  mother.  She  has  two 
children,  a  daughter,  who  is  the  wife  of  Paymaster 
Tucker,  of  the  army,  now  stationed  at  Santa  Fe, 
and  a  son.  Manning,  who  is  a  cadet  at  West  Point, 
having  inherited  his  father's  military  ambition. 
Both  of  them  have  been  educated  by  her  or  under 


142         GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

her  personal  supervision ;  both  have  been  con- 
stantly at  her  side ;  in  the  camp,  during  war  time^ 
and  in  the  most  exciting  political  campaigns,  she 
has  never  for  a  moment  neglected  the  duties  of  her 
household  or  forgotten  her  children's  claims.  As 
a  society  woman  she  is  graceful  and  accomplished ; 
in  charities  she  is  always  active  and  generous ;  in 
religion  she  is  a  devout  Methodist;  and  what  she 
cannot  do,  and  do  well,  has  never  yet  been  dis- 
covered. 

POPULAR   WITH   THE    MASSES. 

General  Logan's  popularity  is  with  the  masses. 
In  the  country,  among  the  farmers,  and  particu- 
larly with  the  veterans  of  the  war,  he  is  very 
strong. 

Logan  has  the  reputation  of  being  a  chronic 
growler,  and  General  Grant  once  said  that  he  "was 
never  at  peace  except  in  war."  He  thrives  on 
opposition,  and  is  never  so  cool  or  so  good-natured 
as  when  he  is  in  the  midst  of  an  exciting  contest. 
General  Grant,  when  he  was  in  the  White  House, 
once  described  his  characteristics  by  comparing  him 
with  the  late  Oliver  P.  Morton.  "  Morton  will 
come  to  me,"  said  Grant,  "  with  two  requests.  I 
will  grant  one  of  them,  and  he  will  go  away  boast- 
ing of  his  influence  with  the  administration. 
Logan  will  come  with  thirteen  requests.  I  will 
grant  twelve  of  them,  and  he  will  go  away  swear- 
ing that  his  wishes  are  never  complied  with." 

To  sum  him  up  in  a  word,  the  Republican  can- 


GENERAL   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  143 

didate  for  Vice-President  of  these  United  States  is 
a  man  of  strong  convictions,  a  fearless  soldier,  and 
an  honest  American  patriot.  He  is  as  brave  in 
his  beliefs  to-day  as  he  was  when  he  stood  in  front 
of  rebel  shot  and  shell,  and  he  stands  ready  now, 
as  he  did  then,  to  give  up  his  life  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union. 


JAMES  G.  BUIE'S  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

All  National  Issues  Ably  and  Thoroughly  Discussed — His 
Views  on  Pkotection  and  on  Commerce — A  Foreign  Policy 
OF  Peace,  Friendship  and  Commercial  Enlargement — Im- 
partial Appointment?  in  the  Civil  Service. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  name  any  document  in  the  long 
and  glorious  history  of  the  Republic  which  surpasses  this 
in  masterly  grasp  of  many  great  questions,  in  profound, 
solid  reasoning.  Yet  it  comes  not  from  a  chief  magistrate, 
already  crowned  with  a  nation's  highest  honors,  but  from 
a  candidate  in  the  midst  of  a  strange  bitterness.  No  op- 
ponent can  complain  that  Mr.  Blaine  has  ever  evaded  or 
dodged  any  important  question.  With  singular  candor, 
nowhere  shrinking  from  the  avowal  of  opinions  in  some 
quarters  unpopular,  and  nowhere  swerving  from  his  own 
known  opinions  to  court  the  favor  of  any,  Mr.  Blaine 
treats  every  question  earnestly  and  yet  as  calmly  as  if  he 
had  no  personal  interest  at  stake.  The  following  is  the 
full  text  of  the  letter : 

Augusta,  Me.,  July  15,  1884, 
The  Hon.  John  B.  Henderson  and  Others  of  the  Com- 
mittee, etc.,  etc. 

Gentlemen  :  In  accepting  the  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency, tendered  me  by  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion, I  beg  to  express  a  deep  sense  of  the  honor  which  is 
conferred  and  of  the  duty  which  is  imposed.  I  venture  to 
accompany  the  acceptance  with  some  observations  upon 
the  questions  involved  in  the  contest,  questions  whose 

(145) 


146  Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 

settlement  may  affect  the  future  of  the  nation  favorably 
or  unfavorably  for  a  long  series  of  years. 

In  enumerating  the  issues  upon  which  the  Republican 
party  appeals  for  popular  support,  the  convention  has  been 
singularly  explicit  and  felicitous.  It  has  properly  given 
the  leading  position  to  the  industrial  interests  of  the  coun- 
try as  affected  by  the  tariff  on  imports.  On  that  question 
the  two  political  parties  are  radically  in  conflict.  Almost 
the  first  act  of  the  Republicans,  when  they  came  into 
power  in  1861,  was  the  establishment  of  the  principle  of 
protection  to  American  labor  and  to  American  capital.  This 
principle  the  Republican  party  has  ever  since  steadily 
maintained,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  Democratic  party 
in  Congress  has  for  fifty  years  persistently  warred  upon  it. 
Twice  wdthin  that  period  our  opponents  have  destroyed 
tariffs  arranged  for  protection,  and  since  the  close  of  the 
■civil  war,  whenever  they  have  controlled  the  House  of 
JRepresentatives,  hostile  legislation  has  been  attempted — 
never  more  conspicuously  than  in  their  principal  measure 
at  the  late  session  of  Congress. 

THE   TARIFF   QUESTION. 

Revenue  laws  are  in  their  very  nature  subject  to  frequent 
revision  in  order  that  they  may  be  adapted  to  changes  and 
modifications  of  trade.  The  Republican  party  is  not  con- 
tending for  the  permanency  of  any  particular  statute.  The 
issue  between  the  two  parties  does  not  have  reference  to  a 
specific  law.  It  is  far  broader  and  far  deeper.  It  involves 
a  principle  of  wide  application  and  beneficent  influence, 
against  a  theory  which  we  believe  to  be  unsound  in  con- 
ception and  inevitably  hurtful  in  practice.  In  the  many 
tariff  revisions  which  have  been  necessary  for  the  past 
twenty-three  years,  or  which  may  hereafter  become  neces- 
sary, the  Republican  party  has  maintained  and  will  main- 
tain the  policy  of  protection  to  American  industry,  while 
our  opponents  insist  upon  a  revision  which  practically 
destroys  that  policy.  The  issue  is  thus  distinct,  well  de- 
fined and  unavoidable.  The  pending  election  may  deter- 
mine the  fate  of  protection  for  a  generation.  The  over- 
throw of  the  policy  means  a  large  and  permanent  reduction 
in  the  wages  of  the  American  laborer,  besides  involving 
the  loss  of  vast  amounts  of  American  capital  invested  in 
manufacturing    enterprises.      The   value   of   the   present 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.  147 

revenue  sj^stem  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  is  not 
a  matter  of  theory  and  I  shall  submit  no  argument  to  sus- 
tain it.  I  only  invite  attention  to  certain  facts  of  official 
record  which  seem  to  constitute  a  demonstration.   , 

In  the  census  of  1850  an  effort  was  made,  for  the  first 
time  in  our  history,  to  obtain  a  valuation  of  all  the  prop- 
erty in  the  United  States.  The  attempt  was  in  large 
degree  unsuccessful.  Partly  from  lack  of  time,  partly 
from  prejudice  among  many  who  thought  the  inquiries 
foreshadowed  a  new  scheme  of  taxation,  the  returns  were 
incomplete  and  unsatisfactory.  Little  more  was  done  than 
to  consolidate  the  local  valuation  used  in  the  States  for 
purposes  of  assessment  and  that,  as  every  one  knows, 
differs  widely  from  a  complete  exhibit  of  all  the  property. 

In  the  census  of  1860,  however,  the  work  was  done  with 
great  thoroughness,  the  distinction  between  "assessed" 
value  and  "  true "  value  being  carefully  observed.  The 
grand  result  was  that  the  "  true  value  "  of  all  the  property 
in  the  States  and  Territories  (excluding  slaves)  amounted 
to  fourteen  thousand  millions  of  dollars  ($14,000,000,000. 
This  aggregate  was  the  net  result  of  the  labor  and  the 
savings  of  all  the  people  within  the  area  of  the  United 
States  from  the  time  the  first  British  colonist  landed  in 
1607  down  to  the  year  1860.  It  represented  the  fruit  of 
the  toil  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

After  1860  the  business  of  the  country  was  encouraged 
and  developed  by  a  protective  tariff.  At  the  end  of 
twenty  years  the  total  property  of  the  United  States,  as  re- 
turned by  the  census  of  1880,  amounted  to  the  enormous 
aggregate  of  forty-four  thousand  millions  of  dollars  ($44,- 
000,000,000).  This  great  result  was  attained,  notwithstand- 
ing the  fact  that  countless  millions  had  in  the  interval 
been  wasted  in  the  progress  of  a  bloody  war.  It  thus 
appears  tliat  while  our  population  between  1860  and  1880 
increased  sixty  per  cent,  the  aggregate  property  of  the 
country  increased  two  hundred  and  fourteen  per  cent. — 
showing  a  vastly  enhanced  wealth  per  capita  among  the 
people.  Thirty  thousand  millions  of  dollars  ($30,000^000,- 
000)  had  been  added  during  these  twenty  years  to  the 
permanent  wealth  of  the  nation. 

These  results  are  regarded  by  the  older  nations  of  the 
world  as  phenomenal.  That  our  country  should  sur- 
mount the  peril  and  the  cost  of  a  gigantic  war,  and  for  an 


148        HISTORY    OF    THE    EEPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

under  all  and  any  circumstances,  and  you  may  rest 
assured,  he  will  have  none  in  his  cabinet  that  are 
aspiring  to  the  Presidency.  I  write  in  confidence, 
and  will  soon  again  write  you.  You  may  rest 
assured  in  my  friendship — all  the  politicians  on 
earth  can  never  shake  it.  I  wish  to  see  you  the 
organ  of  the  Democratic  party  as  long  as  you  own 
a  paper,  and  as  long  as  the  party  is  true  to  itself, 
you  will  be  its  organ,  and  true  to  its  principles. 
"I  am  very  weak,  and  must  close. 

[Signed]  "Andrew   Jackson." 

On  hearing  this  communication  read,  they  were 
able  to  perceive  that  General  Jackson  had  been 
completely  betrayed  by  Mr.  Polk. 

Further  denouements  were  attentively  looked  for 
until  it  was  ascertained  that  James  Buchanan  had 
been  selected  by  Mr.  Polk  for  Secretary  of  State, 
instead  of  Silas  Wright,  of  New  York,  the  states- 
man of  all  others,  under  the  circumstances,  most 
entitled  to  that  honor,  and  that  William  Marcy, 
the  political  enemy  of  Mr.  Wright,  had  been 
selected  for  his  Secretary  of  War.  This  plainly 
signified  that  although  Mr.  Polk  was  indebted  to 
Mr.  Wright  and  his  friends  in  New  York  for  his 
election,  he  had  resolved  to  repay  the  boon  by 
"crushing  them  out"  so  effectually  that  they  would 
be  unable  to  bring  him  (Mr.  Wright)  forward  in 
1848,  as  a  candidate  for  the  succession. 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.         149 

CHAPTER  YII. 

NULLIFICATION    SCHEMES. 

Perceiving  that  it  was  definitely  arranged  to 
put  the  Democratic  ship  on  the  nullification  tack, 
the  old-line  Democrats,  and  the  friends  of  Silas 
Wright,  especially,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  became 
reluctant  passengers  in  the  projected  voyage.  Al- 
though they  were  partially  committed  to  annexa- 
tion by  resolves  of  Democratic  conventions,  they 
determined  at  once  that  in  whatever  they  did  in 
relation  to  that  subject,  their  action  should  enure 
to  the  benefit  of  freedom  rather  than  slavery;  that 
they  would  oppose  annexation  by  all  processes, 
other  than  by  treaty  negotiated  pursuant  to  a 
special  law,  hoping  that  when  a  treat}^  should  be 
concluded,  there  would  not  be  found  a  two-third 
vote  in  the  Senate  to  confirm  it.  Hence  their  six 
consecutive  votes  upon  and  against  the  House 
resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  given  on 
the  25th  of  January,  1845. 

About  the  first  of  April,  Mr.  Blair  received  an- 
other letter  from  General  Jackson,  dated  at  the 
Hermitage,  February  28th,  1845. 

"i/y  dear  Blair: — For  the  first  time  on  the  23d 
instant,  I  was  informed  that  Colonel  LauGflilin  had 
gone  to  the  city  of  Washington  to  become  inter- 
ested in  the  Madisonian.      If  this  is  true,  it  will 


150  blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 


AGRICULTURE   AND    THE    TARIFF. 

The  agricultural  interest  is  by  far  the  largest  in  the  na- 
tion, and  is  entitled  in  every  adjustment  of  revenue  laws 
to  the  first  consideration.  Any  policy  hostile  to  the  full- 
est development  of  agriculture  in  the  United  States  must 
be  abandoned.  Realizing  this  fact,  the  opponents  of  the 
present  system  of  revenue  have  labored  very  earnestly  to 
persuade  the  farmers  of  the  United  States  that  they  are 
robbed  by  a  protective  tariff,  and  the  effort  is  thus  made 
to  consolidate  their  vast  influence  in  favor  of  free  trade. 
But  happily  the  farmers  of  America  are  intelligent,  and 
cannot  be  misled  by  sophistry  when  conclusive  facts  are 
before  them.  They  see  plainly  that  during  the  past 
twenty-four  years  wealth  has  not  been  acquired  in  one 
section  or  by  one  interest  at  the  expense  of  another  sec- 
tion or  another  interest.  They  see  that  the  agricultural 
States  have  made  even  more  rapid  progress  than  the  man- 
ufacturing States, 

The  farmers  see  that  in  1860  Massachusetts  and  Illinois 
had  about  the  same  wealth — between  eight  and  nine  hun- 
dred million  dollars  each — and  that  in  1880  Massachusetts 
had  advanced  to  twenty-six  hundred  millions,  while  Illi- 
nois had  advanced  to  thirty-two  hundred  millions.  They 
see  that  New  Jersey  and  Iowa  were  just  equal  in  popula- 
tion in  1860,  and  that  in  twenty  years  the  wealth  of  New 
Jersey  was  increased  by  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  of  dollars,  while  the  wealth  of  Iowa  was  in- 
creased by  the  sum  of  fifteen  hundred  millions.  They 
see  that  the  nine  leading  agricultural  States  of  the  West 
have  grown  so  rapidly  in  prosperity  that  the  aggregate 
addition  to  their  wealth  since  1860  is  almost  as  great  as 
the  wealth  of  the  entire  country  in  that  year.  They  see 
that  the  South,  which  is  almost  exclusively  agricultural, 
has  shared  in  the  general  prosperity,  and  that,  having  re- 
covered from  the  loss  and  devastation  of  war,  it  has  gained 
so  rapidly  that  its  total  wealth  is  at  least  the  double  of 
that  which  it  possessed  in  1860,  exclusive  of  slaves. 

In  these  extraordinary  developments  the  farmers  see 
the  helpful  impulse  of  a  home  market,  and  they  see  that 
the  financial  and  revenue  system,  enacted  since  the  Re- 
publican party  came  into  ])ower,  has  established  and 
constantly  expanded  the  home  market.    They  see  that 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.  151 

even  in  the  case  of  wheat,  which  is  our  chief  cereal  export, 
they  have  sold,  in  the  average  of  the  years  since  the  close 
of  the  war,  three  bushels  at  home  to  one  they  have  sold 
abroad,  and  that  in  the  case  of  corn,  the  only  other  cereal 
which  we  export  to  any  extent,  one  hundred  bushels  have 
been  used  at  home  to  three  and  a  half  bushels  exported. 
In  some  years  the  disparity  has  been  so  great  that  for 
every  peck  of  corn  exported  one  hundred  bushels  have 
been  consumed  in  the  home  market.  The  farmers  see  that 
in  the  increasing  competition  from  the  grain  fields  of 
Russia  and  from  the  distant  plains  of  India,  the  growth  of 
the  home  market  becomes  daily  of  greater  concern  to 
them,  and  that  its  impairment  would  depreciate  the  value 
of  every  acre  of  tillable  land  in  the  Union. 

OUR   INTERNAL   COMMERCE. 

Such  facts  as  these,  touching  the  growth  and  consump- 
tion of  cereals  at  home,  give  us  some  slight  conception  of 
the  vastness  of  the  internal  commerce  of  the  United  States. 
They  suggest  also  that  in  addition  to  the  advantages  wliich 
the  American  people  enjoy  from  protection  against  foreign 
competition,  they  enjoy  the  advantages  of  absolute  free- 
trade  over  a  larger  area  and  with  a  greater  population  than 
any  other  nation.  The  internal  commerce  of  our  thirty- 
eight  States  and  nine  Territories  is  carried  on  without  let 
or  hindrance,  without  tax,  detention  or  governmental 
interference  of  any  kind  whatever.  It  spreads  freely  over 
an  area  of  three  and  a  half  million  square  miles — almost 
equal  in  extent  to  the  whole  continent  of  Europe.  Its 
profits  are  enjoyed  to-day  by  fifty-six  millions  of  American 
freemen,  and  from  this  enjoyment  no  monopoly  is  created. 
According  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  when  he  discussed  the 
same  subject  in  1790,  "the  internal  competition  which 
takes  place  does  away  with  everything  like  monopoly  and 
by  degrees  reduces  the  prices  of  articles  to  the  minimum 
of  a  reasonable  profit  on  the  capital  employed."  It  is  im- 
possible to  point  to  a  single  monopoly  in  the  United  States 
that  has  been  created  or  fostered  by  the  industrial  system 
which  is  upheld  by  the  Republican  party. 

Compared  witii  our  toreign  commerce  these  d^^mestic 
exchanges  are  inconceivably  great  in  amount — requiring, 
merely  as  one  instrumentality,  as  large  a  mileage  of  railway 


152         Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 

as  exists  to-day  in  all  the  other  nations  of  the  world  com- 
bined. These  internal  exchanges  are  estimated  by  the 
Statistical  Bureau  of  the  Treasury  Department  to  be  an- 
nually twenty  times  as  great  in  amount  as  our  foreign 
commerce.  It  is  into  this  vast  field  of  home  trade — at 
once  the  creation  and  the  heritage  of  the  American  people 
— that  foreign  nations  are  striving  by  every  device  to  enter. 
It  is  into  this  field  that  the  opponents  of  our  present 
revenue  system  would  freely  admit  the  countries  of  Europe 
— countries  into  whose  internal  trade  we  could  not  recip- 
rocally enter;  countries  to  which  we  should  be  surren- 
dering every  advantage  of  trade,  from  which  we  should  be 
gaining  nothing  in  return. 


EFFECT   UPON   THE   MECHANIC  AND   THE   LABORER. 

A  policy  of  this  kind  would  be  disastrous  to  the  me- 
chanics and  workingmen  of  the  United  States.  Wages  are 
unjustly  reduced  when  an  industrious  man  is  not  able  by 
his  earnings  to  live  in  comfort,  educate  his  children,  and 
lay  by  a  sufficient  amount  for  the  necessities  of  age.  The 
reduction  of  wages  inevitably  consequent  upon  throwing 
our  home  market  open  to  the  world  would  deprive  them 
of  the  power  to  do  this.  It  would  ])rove  a  great  calamity 
to  our  country.  It  would  produce  a  conflict  between  the 
poor  and  the  rich,  and  in  the  sorrowful  degradation  of 
labor  would  plant  the  seeds  of  public  danger. 

The  Republican  party  has  steadily  aimed  to  maintain 
just  relations  between  labor  and  capital,  guarding  with 
care  the  rights  of  each.  A  conflict  between  the  two  has 
always  led  in  the  past  and  will  always  lead  in  the  future 
to  the  injury  of  both.  Labor  is  indispensable  to  the  creation 
and  profitable  use  of  capital,  and  capital  increases  the  effi- 
ciency and  value  of  labor.  Whoever  arrays  the  one  against 
the  other  is  an  enemy  of  both.  That  policy  is  wisest  and 
best  which  harmonizes  the  two  on  the  basis  of  absolute 
justice.  The  Republican  party  has  protected  the  free 
labor  of  America  so  that  its  compensation  is  larger  than 
is  realized  in  any  other  country.  It  has  guarded  our 
people  against  the  unfair  competition  of  contract  labor 
from  China,  and  may  be  called  upon  to  prohibit  the 
growth  of  a  similar  evil  from  Europe.  It  is  obviously  un- 
fair to  permit  capitalists  to  make  contracts  for  cheap  labor 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.  163 

in  foreign  countries  to  the  hurt  and  disparagement  of  the 
labor  of  American  citizens.  Such  a  policy  (like  that 
which  would  leave  the  time  and  other  conditions  of  home 
labor  exclusively  in  the  control  of  the  employer)  is  inju- 
rious to  all  parties — not  the  least  so  to  the  unhappy  per- 
sons who  are  made  the  subjects  of  the  contract.  The 
institutions  of  the  United  States  rest  upon  the  intelligence 
and  virtue  of  all  the  people.  Suffrage  is  made  universal 
as  a  just  weapon  of  self-protection  to  every  citizen.  It  is 
not  the  interest  of  the  Republic  that  any  economic  system 
should  be  adopted  which  involves  the  reduction  of  wages 
to  the  hard  standard  prevailing  elsewhere.  The  Repub- 
lican party  aims  to  elevate  and  dignify  labor — not  to 
degrade  it. 

As  a  substitute  for  the  industrial  system  which  under 
Republican  administrations  has  developed  such  extraor- 
dinary prosperity,  our  opponents  offer  a  policy  which  is 
but  a  system  of  experiments  upon  our  system  of  revenue 
— a  polic}''  whose  end  must  be  harm  to  our  manufactures 
and  greater  harm  to  our  labor.  Experiment  in  the  indus- 
trial and  financial  S3'stem  is  the  country's  greatest  dread,  as 
stability  is  its  greatest  boon.  Even  the  uncertainty  result- 
ing from  the  recent  tariff  agitation  in  Congress  has  hurt- 
fully  affected  the  business  of  the  entire  country.  Who 
can  measure  the  harm  to  our  shops  and  our  homes,  to  our 
farms  and  our  commerce,  if  the  uncertainty  of  perpetual 
tariff  agitation  is  to  be  inflicted  upon  the  country  ?  We 
are  in  the  midst  of  an  abundant  harvest ;  we  are  on  the 
eve  of  a  revival  of  general  prosperity.  Nothing  stands  in 
our  way  but  the  dread  of  a  change  in  the  industrial  system 
which  has  wrought  such  wonders  in  the  last  twenty  years, 
and  which,  with  the  power  of  increased  capital,  will  work 
still  greater  marvels  of  prosperity  in  the  twenty  years  to 
come. 

OUR   FOREIGN   POLICY. 

Our  foreign  relations  favor  our  domestic  development. 
We  are  at  peace  with  the  world — at  peace  upon  a  sound 
basis,  with  no  unsettled  questions  of  sufficient  magnitude 
to  embarrass  or  distract  us.  Happily  removed  by  our 
geographical  position  from  participation  or  interest  in 
those  questions  of  dynasty  or  boundary  which  so  fre- 
quently disturb  the  peace  of  Europe,  we  are  left  to  culti- 


154  Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 

vate  friendly  relations  with  all  and  are  free  from  possible 
entanglements  in  the  quarrels  of  any.  The  United  States 
has  no  cause  and  no  desire  to  engage  in  conflict  with  any 
power  on  earth,  and  we  may  rest  in  assured  confidence 
that  no  power  desires  to  attack  the  United  States. 

With  the  nations  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  we  should 
cultivate  closer  relations,  and  for  our  common  prosperity 
and  advancement  we  should  invite  them  all  to  join  with 
us  in  an  agreement  that,  for  the  future,  all  international 
troubles  in  North  or  South  America  shall  be  adjusted  by 
impartial  arbitration  and  not  by  arms.  This  project  was 
part  of  the  fixed  policy  of  President  Garfield's  administra- 
tion, and  it  should,  in  my  judgment,  be  renewed.  Its  ac- 
complishment on  this  continent  would  favorably  affect  the 
nations  beyond  the  sea,  and  thus  powerfully  contribute  at 
no  distant  day  to  the  universal  acceptance  of  the  philan- 
thropic and  Christian  principle  of  arbitration.  The  efiect 
even  of  suggesting  it  for  the  Spanish-American  States  has 
been  most  happy  and  has  increased  the  confidence  of 
those  people  in  our  friendly  disposition.  It  fell  to  my  lot, 
as  Secretary  of  State,  in  June,  1881 ,  to  quiet  apprehension 
in  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  by  giving  the  assurance  in  an 
official  despatch  that  "  there  is  not  the  faintest  desire  in 
the  United  States  for  territorial  extension  south  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  The  boundaries  of  the  two  republics  have  been 
established  in  conformity  with  the  best  jurisdictional  in- 
terests of  both.  The  line  of  demarcation  is  not  merely 
conventional.  It  is  more.  It  separates  a  Spanish-Amer- 
ican people  from  a  Saxon- American  people.  It  divides 
one  great  nation  from  another  with  distinct  and  natural 
finality." 

We  seek  the  conquests  of  peace.  We  desire  to  extend 
our  commerce  and  in  an  especial  degree  with  our  friends 
and  neighbors  on  this  continent.  We  have  not  improved 
our  relations  with  Spanish-America  as  wisely  and  as  per- 
sistently as  we  might  have  done.  For  more  than  a  genera- 
tion the  sympathy  of  those  countries  has  been  allowed  to 
drift  away  from  us.  We  should  now  make  every  effort  to 
gain  their  friendship.  Our  trade  with  them  is  already 
large.  During  the  last  year  our  exchanges  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  fifty  millions 
of  dollars,  nearly  one-fourth  of  our  entire  foreign  com- 
merce.    To  those  who  may  be  disposed  to  underrate  the 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.    155 

value  of  our  trade  with  the  countries  of  North  and 
South  America,  it  may  be  well  to  state  that  their  popula- 
tion is  nearly  or  quite  fifty  millions,  and  that,  in  propor- 
tion to  aggregate  numbers,  we  import  nearly  double  as 
much  from  them  as  we  do  from  Europe.  But  the  result 
of  the  whole  American  trade  is  in  a  high  degree  unsatis- 
factory. The  imports  during  the  past  year  exceeded  two 
hundred  and  twenty-five  millions,  while  the  exports  were 
less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions — showing 
a  balance  against  us  of  more  than  one  hundred  millions 
of  dollars.  But  the  money  does  not  go  to  Spanish-America. 
We  send  large  sums  to  Europe  in  coin  or  its  equivalent  to 
pay  European  manufacturers  for  the  goods  which  they 
send  to  Spanish-America.  We  are  but  paymasters  for  this 
enormous  amount  annually  to  European  factors — an 
amount  which  is  a  serious  draft,  in  every  financial  depres- 
sion, upon  our  resources  of  specie. 

Cannot  this  condition  of  trade  in  great  part  be  changed  ? 
Cannot  the  market  for  our  products  be  greatly  enlarged  ? 
We  have  made  a  beginning  in  our  effort  to  improve  our 
trade  relations  with  Mexico,  and  we  should  not  be  content 
until  similar  and  mutually  advantageous  arrangements 
have  been  successfully  made  with  every  nation  of  North 
and  South  America.  While  the  great  powers  of  Europe 
are  steadily  enlarging  their  colonial  domination  in  Asia 
and  Africa  it  is  the  especial  province  of  this  country  to 
improve  and  expand  its  trade  with  the  nations  of  America. 
No  field  promises  so  much.  No  field  has  been  cultivated 
so  little.  Our  foreign  policy  should  be  an  American  policy 
in  its  broadest  and  most  comprehensive  sense — a  policy  of 
peace,  of  friendship,  of  commercial  enlargement. 

The  name  of  "American,"  which  belongs  to  us  in  our 
national  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of 
patriotism.  Citizenship  of  the  Republic  must  be  the  pan- 
oply and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it.  The  American 
citizen,  rich  or  poor,  native  or  naturalized,  white  or  colored, 
must  everywhere  walk  secure  in  his  personal  and  civil 
rights.  The  Republic  should  never  accept  a  lesser  duty, 
it  can  never  assume  a  nobler  one,  than  the  protection  of 
the  humblest  man  who  owes  it  loyalty — protection  at  home 
and  protection  which  shall  follow  him  abroad  into  what- 
ever land  he  may  go  upon  a  lawful  errand. 


156  blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 


THE   SOUTHERN    STATES. 

I  recognize,  not  without  regret,  the  necessity  for  speak- 
ing of  two  sections  of  our  common  country.  But  the 
regret  diminishes  when  I  see  that  the  elements  which 
separated  them  are  fast  disappearing.  Prejudices  have 
yielded  and  are  yielding,  while  a  growing  cordiality  Avarms 
the  Southern  and  the  Northern  heart  alike.  Can  any  one 
doubt  that  between  the  sections  confidence  and  esteem  are 
to-day  more  marked  than  at  any  period  in  the  sixty  years 
preceding  the  election  of  President  Lincoln  ?  This'  is  the 
result  in  part  of  time  and  in  part  of  Republican  principles 
applied  under  the  favorable  conditions  of  uniformity.  It 
would  be  a  great  calamity  to  change  these  influences  under 
which  Southern  Commonwealths  are  learning  to  vindicate 
civil  rights  and  adapting  themselves  to  the  conditions  of 
political  tranquillity  and  industrial  progress.  If  there  be 
occasional  and  violent  outbreaks  in  the  South  against  this 
peaceful  progress,  the  public  opinion  of  the  country  regards 
them  as  exceptional,  and  hopefully  trusts  that  each  will 
prove  the  last. 

The  South  needs  capital  and  occupation,  not  controversy. 
As  much  as  any  part  of  the  North,  the  South  needs  the 
full  protection  of  the  revenue  laws  which  the  Republican 
party  offers.  Some  of  the  Southern  States  have  already 
entered  upon  a  career  of  industrial  development  and  pros- 
perity. These,  at  least,  should  not  lend  their  electoral 
votes  to  destroy  their  own  future. 

Any  effort  to  unite  the  Southern  States  upon  issues  that 
grow  out  of  the  memories  of  the  war  will  summon  the 
Northern  States  to  combine  in  the  assertion  of  that  nation- 
ality which  was  their  inspiration  in  the  civil  struggle. 
And  thus  great  energies  which  should  be  united  in  a  com- 
mon industrial  development  wall  be  wasted  in  hurtful 
strife.  The  Democratic  party  shows  itself  a  foe  to  South- 
ern prosperity  by  always  invoking  and  urging  Southern 
political  consolidation.  Such  a  policy  quenches  the  rising 
instinct  of  patriotism  in  the  hearts  of  the  Southern  youth  ; 
it  revives  and  stimulates  prejudice ;  it  substitutes  the 
spirit  of  barbaric  vengeance  for  the  love  of  peace,  progress 
and  harmony. 

THE   CIVIL   SERVICE. 

The  general  character  of  the  civil  service  of  the  United 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.  157 

States  under  all  administrations  has  been  honorable.  In 
the  one  supreme  test — the  collection  and  disbursement  of 
revenue — the  record  of  fidelity  has  never  been  surpassed 
in  any  nation.  With  the  almost  fabulous  sums  which 
were  received  and  paid  during  the  late  war,  scrupulous  in- 
tegrity was  the  prevailing  rule.  Indeed,  throughout  that 
trying  period,  it  can  be  said  to  the  honor  of  the  American 
name  that  unfaithfulness  and  dishonesty  among  civil 
officers  were  as  rare  as  misconduct  and  cowardice  on  the 
field  of  battle. 

The  growth  of  the  country  has  continually  and  neces- 
sarily enlarged  the  civil  service,  until  now  it  includes  a 
vast  body  of  officers.     Rules   and   methods  of  appoint- 
ment which  prevailed  when  the  number  was  smaller  have 
been   found   insufficient  and  impracticable,  and  earnest 
efforts  have  been  made  to  separate  the  great  mass  of  min- 
isterial officers  from  partisan  influence  and  personal  con- 
trol.    Impartiality  in   the  mode  of   appointment,  to  be 
based  on  qualification,  and  security  of  tenure,  to  be  based 
on  faithful  discharge  of  duty,  are  the  two  ends  to  be  ac- 
complished.    The  public  business  will  be  aided  by  sepa- 
rating the  legislative  branch  of  the  government  from  all 
control  of  appointments,  and  the  executive    department 
will  be  relieved  by  subjecting  appointments  to  fixed  rules, 
and  thus  removing  them  from  the  caprice  of  favoritism. 
But  there  should  be  rigid  observance  of  the  law  which 
gives  in  all  cases  of  equal   comj^etency  the  preference  to 
the  soldiers  who  risked   their  lives  in   defence  of   the 
Union. 

I  entered  Congress  in  1863,  and  in  a  somewhat  pro- 
longed service  I  never  found  it  expedient  to  request  or 
recommend  the  removal  of  a  civil  officer  except  in  four 
instances,  and  then  for  non-political  reasons  which  were 
instantly  conclusive  with  the  appointing  power.  The 
officers  in  the  district  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1861, 
upon  the  recommendation  of  my  predecessor,  served,  as  a 
rule,  until  death  or  resignation.  I  adopted  at  the  begin- 
ning of  my  service  the  test  of  competitive  examination 
for  appointments  to  West  Point,  and  maintained  it  so  long 
as  I  had  the  right  by  law  to  nominate  a  cadet.  In  the 
case  of  many  officers  I  found  that  the  present  law,  which 
arbitrarily  limits  the  term  of  the  commission,  offered  a 
constant  temptation  to  changes  for  mere  political  reasons. 


158  blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 

I  have  publicly  expressed  the  belief  that  the  essential 
modification  of  that  law  would  be  in  many  respects  ad- 
vantageous. 

My  observation  in  the  Department  of  State  confirmed 
the  conclusions  of  my  legislative  experience,  and  im- 
pressed me  with  the  conviction  that  the  rule  of  impartial 
appointment  might  with  advantage  be  carried  beyond  any 
existing  provision  of  the  civil  service  law.  It  should  be 
applied  to  appointments  in  the  consular  service.  Consuls 
should  be  commercial  sentinels — encircling  the  globe  witli 
watchfulness  for  their  country's  interests.  Their  intelli- 
gence and  competency  become,  therefore,  matters  of  great 
public  concern.  No  man  should  be  appointed  to  an 
American  consulate  who  is  not  well  instructed  in  the  his- 
tory and  resources  of  his  own  country,  and  in  the  require- 
ments and  language  of  commerce  in  the  country  to  which 
he  is  sent.  The  same  rule  should  be  applied  even  more 
rigidly  to  secretaries  of  legation  in  our  diplomatic  service. 
The  people  have  the  right  to  the  most  efficient  agents  in 
the  discharge  of  public  business,  and  the  appointing 
power  should  regard  this  as  the  prior  and  ulterior  consid- 
eration. 

THE   MORMON   QUESTION. 

Religious  liberty  is  the  right  of  every  citizen  of  the  Re- 
public. Congress  is  forbidden  by  the  Constitution  to 
make  any  law  "respecting  the  establishment  of  religion, 
or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof."  For  a  century, 
under  this  guarantee,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  Jew  and 
Gentile,  have  worshipped  God  according  to  the  dictates  of 
conscience.  But  religious  liberty  must  not  be  perverted 
to  the  justification  of  offences  against  the  law.  A  relig- 
ious sect,  strongly  intrenched  in  one  of  the  Territories  of 
the  Union,  and  spreading  rapidly  into  four  other  Territo- 
ries, claims  the  right  to  destroy  the  great  safeguard  and 
muniment  of  social  order,  and  to  practise  as  a  religious 
privilege  that  which  is  a  crime  punished  with  severe  pen- 
alty in  every  State  of  the  Union.  The  sacredness  and 
unity  of  the  family  must  be  preserved  as  the  foundation 
of  ail  civil  government,  as  the  source  of  orderly  adminis- 
tration, as  the  surest  guarantee  of  moral  purity. 

The  claim  of  the  Mormons  that  they  are  divinely  au- 
thorized to  practise  polygamy  should  no  more  be  admitted 


Blaine's  letter  of  acceptance.  159 

than  the  claim  of  certain  heathen  tribes,  if  they  should 
come  among  us,  to  continue  the  rite  of  human  sacrifice. 
The  law  does  not  interfere  Avith  what  a  man  believes ;  it 
takes  cognizance  only  of  what  he  does.  As  citizens  the 
Mormons  are  entitled  to  the  same  civil  rights  as  others, 
and  to  these  they  must  be  confined.  Polygamy  can  never 
receive  national  sanction  or  toleration  by  admitting  the 
community  that  upholds  it  as  a  State  in  the  Union.  Like 
others  the  Mormons  must  learn  that  the  liberty  of  the  in- 
dividual ceases  where  the  rights  of  society  begin. 

OUR   CURRENCY. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  though  often  urged  and 
tempted,  have  never  seriously  contemplated  the  recogni- 
tion of  any  other  money  than  gold  and  silver,  and  cur- 
rency directly  convertible  into  them.  They  have  not  done 
so,  they  will  not  do  so,  under  any  necessity  less  pressing 
than  that  of  desperate  war.  The  one  special  requisite  for  the 
completion  of  our  monetary  system  is  the  fixing  of  the 
relative  values  of  silver  and  gold.  The  large  use  of  silver 
as  the  money  of  account  among  Asiatic  nations,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  increasing  commerce  of  the  world, 
gives  the  weightiest  reasons  for  an  international  agreement 
in  the  premises.  Our  government  should  not  cease  to 
urge  this  measure  until  a  common  standard  of  value 
shall  be  reached  and  established — a  standard  that  shall 
enable  the  United  States  to  use  the  silver  from  its  mines 
as  an  auxiliary  to  gold  in  settling  the  balances  of  com- 
mercial exchange. 

THE   PUBLIC   LANDS. 

The  strength  of  the  Republic  is  increased  b}^  the  multi- 
plication of  land-holders.  Our  laws  should  look  to  the 
judicious  encouragement  of  actual  settlers  on  the  public 
domain,  which  should  henceforth  be  lield  as  a  sacred  trust 
for  the  benefit  of  those  seeking  homes.  The  tendency  to 
consolidate  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  ownership  of  indi- 
viduals or  corporations  should,  with  proper  regard  to 
vested  rights,  be  discouraged.  One  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  in  the  hands  of  one  man  is  far  less  profitable 
to  the  nation  in  every  way  than  when  its  ownership  is  di- 
vided among  one  thousand  men.  The  evil  of  permitting 
large  tracts  of  the  national  domain  to  be  consolidated  and 
controlled  by  the  few  against  the  many  is  enhanced  when 


160         blaine's  letter  of  acceptance. 

the  persons  controllinpj  it  are  aliens.  It  is  but  fair  that 
the  public  lands  should  be  disposed  of  only  to  actual  set- 
tlers, and  to  those  who  are  citizens  of  the  Republic  or 
willing  to  become  so. 

OUR   SHIPPING   INTERESTS. 

Among  our  national  interests  one  languishes — the  for- 
eign carrying  trade.  It  was  very  seriously  crippled  in  our 
civil  war,  and  another  blow  was  given  to  it  in  the  general 
substitution  of  steam  for  sail  in  ocean  traffic.  \Vith  a 
frontage  on  the  two  great  oceans,  with  a  freightage  larger 
than  that  of  any  other  nation,  we  have  every  inducement 
to  restore  our  navigation.  Yet  the  government  has  hith- 
erto refused  its  help.  A  small  share  of  the  encouragement 
given  by  the  government  to  railways  and  to  manufactures, 
and  a  small  share  of  the  capital  and  the  zeal  given  by  our 
citizens  to  those  enterprises  would  have  carried  our  ships 
to  every  sea  and  to  every  port.  A  law  just  enacted  re- 
moves some  of  the  burdens  upon  our  navigation,  and  in- 
spires hope  that  this  great  interest  may  at  last  receive  its 
due  share  of  attention.  All  efforts  in  this  direction  should 
receive  encouragement. 

SACREDNESS   OF    THE   BALLOT. 

This  survey  of  our  condition  as  a  nation  reminds  us 
that  material  prosperity  is  but  a  mockery  if  it  does  not 
tend  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the  people.  A  free  ballot 
is  the  safeguard  of  republican  institutions,  without  which 
no  national  welfare  is  assured.  A  popular  election,  hon- 
estly conducted,  embodies  the  very  majesty  of  true  gov- 
ernment. Ten  millions  of  voters  desire  to  take  part  in  the 
pending  contest.  The  safety  of  the  Republic  rests  upon  the 
integrity  of  the  ballot,  upon  the  security  of  suffi-age  to  the 
citizen.  To  deposit  a  fraudulent  vote  is  no  worse  a  crime 
against  constitutional  liberty  than  to  obstruct  the  deposit 
of  an  honest  vote.  He  who  corrupts  suffrage  strikes  at 
the  very  root  of  free  government.  He  is  the  arch-enemy 
of  the  Republic.  He  forgets  that  in  trampling  upon  the 
rights  of  others  he  fatally  imperils  his  own  rights.  "  It  is 
a  good  land  which  the  Lord  our  God  doth  give  us,"  but 
we  can  maintain  our  heritage  only  by  guarding  with  vig- 
ilance the  source  of  popular  power.  I  am,  with  great  re- 
spect, your  obedient  servant,  James  G.  Blaine. 


JOHN  A.  lOGAf  S  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

Pkotection  to  American  Industry  Insisted  Upon — The  Evils 
TO  Capital  and  Labor  Consequent  Upon  Free  Trade  Forc- 
ibly Pointed  Out — The  Platform  Fully  Indorsed. 

The  following  is  Gen.  John  A.  Logan's  letter  accepting 
the  nomination  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  a  straightforward  and  able  document. 
It  takes  up  the  issues  of  the  campaign  one  by  one  and 
discusses  them  in  an  open  and  soldier-like  way,  and  will 
command  attention  and  respect. 

Washington,  D.  C,  July  19,  1884. 

Dear  Sir — Having  received  from  you  on  the  24th  of 
June  the  official  notification  of  my  nomination  by  the 
National  Republican  Convention  as  the  Republican  candi- 
date for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  consider- 
ing it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  man  devoting  himself  to  the 
public  service  to  assume  any  position  to  which  he  may  be 
called  by  the  voice  of  his  countrymen,  I  accept  the  nom- 
ination witli  a  grateful  heart  and  a  deep  sense  of  its  re- 
sponsibilities, and  if  elected  shall  endeavor  to  discharge 
the  duties  of  the  office  to  the  best  of  my  ability. 

This  honor,  as  is  well  understood,  was  wholly  unsought 
by  me.  That  it  was  tendered  by  the  representatives  of 
the  party  in  a  manner  so  flattering  will  serve  to  lighten 
whatever  labors  I  may  be  called  upon  to  perform. 

Although  the  variety  of  subjects  covered  in  the  very  ex- 
cellent and  vigorous  declaration  of  principles  adopted  by 
the  late  Convention  prohibits,  upon  an  occasion  calling  for 
brevity  of  expression,  that  full  elaboration  of  which  they 
are  susceptible,  I  avail  myself  of  party  usage  to  signify  my 
approval  of  the  various  resolutions  of  the  platform  and  to 
discuss  them  briefly. 

(161) 


162  Logan's  letter  of  acceptance. 

PROTECTIO^'    TO   AMERICAN   LABOK. 

The  resolutions  of  the  platform  declaring  for  a  levy  of 
such  duties  "as  to  afford  security  to  our  diversified  indus- 
tries and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages  of  the  laborer, 
to  the  end  that  actis'e  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as  cap- 
ital, may  have  its  just  award  and  the  laboring  man  his 
full  share  in  the  national  prosperity,"  meet  my  hearty 
approval. 

If  there  be  a  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth  which 
might,  if  it  were  a  desirable  thing,  build  a  wall  upon  its 
ever}^  boundary  line,  deny  communion  to  all  the  world 
and  proceed  to  live  upon  its  own  resources  and  produc- 
tions, that  nation  is  the  United  States.  Tliere  is  hardly  a 
legitimate  necessit}''  of  civilized  communities  which  can- 
not be  produced  from  the  extraordinary  resources  of  our 
several  States  and  Territories,  v.-ith  their  manufactories, 
mines,  farms,  timber  lands  and  water-ways. 

This  circumstance,  taken  in  connection  with  the  fact 
that  our  form  of  government  is  entirely  unique  among  the 
nations  of  the  Vvorld,  makes  it  utterly  absurd  to  draw  com- 
parisons betAveen  our  own  economic  systems  and  those  of 
other  governments,  and  especially  to  attempt  to  borrow 
systems  from  them.  We  stand  alone  in  our  circumstances, 
our  forces,  our  possibilities  and  our  aspirations. 
.  In  all  successful  government  it  is  a  prime  reciuisite  that 
capital  and  labor  should  be  upon  the  best  terms,  and  that 
both  should  enjoy  the  highest  attainable  prosperity.  If 
there  be  a  disturbance  of  that  just  balance  between  them, 
one  or  the  other  suffers,  and  dissatisfaction  follows,  which 
is  harmful  to  both. 

The  lessons  furnished  by  the  comparatively  short  his- 
tory of  our  own  national  life  have  been  too  much  over- 
looked by  our  people.  The  fundamental  article  in  the  old 
Democratic  creed  proclaimed  almost  absolute  Free  Trade, 
and  this,  too,  no  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago. 
The  low  condition  of  our  national  credit,  the  financial  and 
business  uncertainties  and  general  lack  of  prosperity  under 
that  system  can  be  remembered  by  every  man  now  in 
middle  life. 

Although  in  the  great  number  of  reforms  instituted  by 
the  Republican  party  sufficient  credit  has  not  been  pub- 
licly awarded  to  that  of  tariff  reform,  its  benefits  have, 
nevertheless,  been  felt  throughout  the  land.    The  principle 


ZOGAJS'^S    LETTEE    OF    ACCEPIAXCE.  163 

tmderlying  this  measure  has  been  in  process  of  i-ra  i:  1 
development  by  the  Republican  party  during  the  :  l.- 
paratively  brief  period  of  its  power,  and  to-day  a  ponion 
of  its  antiquated  Democratic  opponents  make  unwilling 
concession  to  the  correctness  of  the  doctrine  of  an  equit- 
ably adjusted  protective  tariff  by  following  slowly  in  its 
footsteps,  though  a  very  long  way  in  the  rear. 

The  principle  involved  is  one  of  no  great  obscority,  and 
can  be  readily  comprehended  by  any  intelligent  person 
calmly  reflecting  upon  it.  The  political  and  social  systems 
of  some  of  our  trade  competing  nations  have  created 
working  classes  miserable  in  the  extreme.  They  receive 
the  merest  stipend  for  their  daily  toil.  and.  in  the  great 
expense  of  the  necessities  of  life,  are  deprived  of  those 
comforts  of  clothing,  housing  and  health-producing  food 
with  which  wholesome  mental  and  social  recreation  can 
alone  make  existence  happy  and  desirable. 

EVILS  OF  FREE    TRADE. 

Xow,  if  the  products  of  those  countries  are  to  be  placed 
in  our  markets,  alongside  of  American  products,  either  the 
American  capitalist  must  suffer  in  his  legitimate  profits  or 
he  must  make  the  American  laborer  suffer  in  the  attempt 
to  compete  with  the  species  of  labor  atK)ve  referred  to.  In 
the  case  of  a  substantial  reduction  of  pay.  there  can  be 
compensating  advantages  for  American  labor,  because  the 
articles  of  daily  consumption  which  he  uses — with  the 
exception  of  articles  not  produced  in  the  United  States  and 
easy  of  being  specially  provided  for.  as  coffee  and  tea — are 
grown  in  our  own  country,  and  would  not  be  affected  in 
price  by  a  lowering  in  duties.  Therefore,  while  he  would 
receive  less  for  his  labor,  his  cost  of  living  would  not  be 
decreased.  Being  practically  placed  upon  the  pay  of  the 
European  laborer,  our  own  would  be  deprived  of  i^cilities 
for  educating  and  sustaining  his  family  respectably :  he 
would  be  shorn  of  the  proper  opportunities  of  sell-improve- 
ment and  his  value  as  a  citizen,  charged  with  a  portion  of 
the  obligations  of  government,  would  be  lessened ;  the 
moral  tone  of  the  laboring  class  would  suffer,  and  in  turn 
the  interests  of  capital  and  the  well-being  of  orderly  citi- 
zens in  general  would  be  menaced,  while  one  evil  would 
react  upon  another  until  there  would  be  a  general  disturb- 
ance of  the  whole  community.  The  true  problem  of  a 
good  and  stable  government  is.  how  to  infuse  prosperity 


164  Logan's  letter  qf  acceptance. 

among  all  classes  of  people — the  manufocturer,  the  farmer, 
the  mechanic  and  the  laborer  alike.  Such  prosperity  is  a 
preventative  of  crime,  a  security  of  capital,  and  the  very 
best  guarantee  of  general  peace  and  happiness. 

The  obvious  i)olicy  of  our  government  is  to  protect  both 
capital  and  labor  by  a  proper  imposition  of  duties.  This 
protection  should  e.^tend  to  every  article  of  American  pro- 
duction which  goes  to  build  up  the  general  prosperity  of 
our  people.  The  National  Convention,  in  view  of  the 
special  dangers  menacing  tlie  wool  interests  of  the  United 
States,  deemed  it  wise  to  adopt  a  separate  resolution  on 
the  subject  of  its  proper  protection.  This  industry  is  a 
very  large  and  important  one.  The  necessary  legislation 
to  sustain  this  industry  upon  a  prosperous  basis  should  be 
extended. 

No  one  realizes  more  fully  than  myself  the  great  delicacy 
and  difliculty  of  adjusting  a  tariff  so  nicely  and  equitably 
as  to  protect  every  home  industry,  sustain  every  class  of 
American  labor,  jDromote  to  the  highest  point  our  great 
agricultural  interests,  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  one 
and  all  the  advantages  pertaining  to  foreign  productions 
not  in  competition  with  our  own,  thus  not  only  building 
up  our  foreign  commerce,  but  taking  measures  to  carry  it 
in  our  own  bottoms. 

Difficult  as  this  work  appears,  and  really  is,  it  is  suscep- 
tible of  accomplishment  by  patient  and  intelligent  labor, 
and  to  no  hands  can  it  be  committed  Avith  as  great  assur- 
ance of  success  as  to  those  of  the  Republican  party. 

OUR   MONETARY   SYSTEM. 

The  Republican  party  is  the  indisputable  author  of  a 
financial  and  monetar}'  system  which,  it  is  safe  to  say,  has 
never  before  been  equalled  by  that  of  any  other  nation. 
Under  the  operation  of  our  system  of  finance  the  country 
was  safely  carried  through  an  extended  and  expensive 
war,  with  a  national  credit  which  has  risen  higlier  and 
higher  with  each  succeeding  year,  until  now  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  is  surpassed  by  that  of  no  other  nation, 
while  its  securities,  at  a  constantly  increasing  j^remium, 
are  eagerly  sought  after  by  investors  in  all  parts  of  the 
world. 

Our  system  of  currenc}^  is  most  admirable  in  construc- 
tion.    While  all   the  conveniences  of  a  bill  circulation 


Logan's  letter  of  acceptance.          165 

attach  to  it.  every  dollar  of  paper  represents  a  dollar  of  the 
world's  money  standards,  and  as  long  as  the  just  and  wise 
policy  of  the  Republican  party  is  continued  there  can  be 
no  impairment  of  the  national  credit.  Therefore,  under 
present  laws  relating  thereto,  it  will  be  impossible  for  any 
man  to  lose  a  penny  in  the  bonds  or  bills  of  the  United 
States  or  in  the  bills  of  the  national  banks. 

The  advantage  of  having  a  bank-note  in  the  house 
which  will  be  as  good  in  the  morning  as  it  was  the  night 
before,  should  be  appreciated  by  all.  The  convertibility 
of  the  currency  should  be  maintained  intact,  and  the 
establishment  of  an  international  standard  among  all 
commercial  nations,  fixing  the  relative  values  of  gold  and 
silver  coinage,  would  be  a  measure  of  peculiar  advantage. 

FOREIGN   COMMERCE   AND   RELATIONS. 

The  subjects  embraced  in  the  resolutions  respectively 
looking  to  the  promotion  of  our  inter-state  and  foreign 
commerce  and  to  the  matter  of  our  foreign  relations  are 
fraught  with  the  greatest  importance  to  our  people. 

In  respect  to  the  inter-state  commerce,  there  is  mucli  to 
be  desired  in  the  way  of  equitable  rates  and  facilities  of 
transportation,  that  commerce  may  flow  freely  between 
the  States  themselves,  diversity  of  industries  and  employ- 
ments be  promoted  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  and  that 
the  great  granaries  and  manufacturing  establishments  of 
the  interior  may  be  enabled  to  send  their  products  to,  the 
seaboard  for  shipment  to  foreign  countries,  relieved  of 
vexatious  restrictions  and  discriminations  in  matters  of 
which  it  may  emphatically  be  said:  "Time  is  money;" 
and  also  of  unjust  charges  upon  articles  destined  to  meet 
close  comjDetition  from  the  products  of  other  parts  of  the 
world. 

As  to  our  foreign  commerce,  the  enormous  growth  of  our 
industries  and  our  surprising  production  of  cereals  and 
other  necessaries  of  life  imperatively  require  that  imme- 
diate and  effective  means  be  taken,  through  peaceful, 
orderly  and  conservative  methods,  to  open  markets,  which 
have  been  and  are  now  monopolized  largely  by  other  na- 
tions. This  more  particularly  relates  to  our  sister  repub- 
lics of  Spanish  America,  as  also  to  our  friends,  the  jDeople 
of  the  Brazilian  empire. 

The  republics  of  Spanish  America  are  allied  to  us  by  the 


166         Logan's  letter  of  acceptance. 

very  closest  and  warmest  feelings,  based  upon  similarity  of 
institutions  and  government,  common  aspirations  and 
mutual  hopes.  "  The  great  Republic,"  as  they  proudly 
term  the  United  States,  is  looked  upon  by  their  people 
with  affectionate  admiration,  and  as  the  model  for  them 
to  build  upon,  and  we  should  cultivate  between  them  and 
ourselves  closer  commercial  relations,  which  will  bind  all 
together  by  the  ties  of  friendly  intercourse  and  mutual 
advantage.  Further  than  this,  being  small  common- 
wealths, in  the  military  and  naval  sense  of  the  European 
powers,  they  look  to  us  at  least  a  moral  defender  against  a 
system  of  territorial  and  other  encroachment  which, 
aggressive  in  the  past,  has  not  been  abandoned  at  this 
day.  Diplomacy  and  intrigue  have  done  much  more  to 
wrest  the  commerce  of  Spanish  America  from  the  United 
States  than  has  legitimate  commercial  competition. 

Politically  we  should  be  bound  to  the  republics  of  our 
continent  by  the  closest  ties,  and  communication  by  ships 
and  railroads  should  be  encouraged  to  the  fullest  possible 
extent  consistent  with  a  wise  and  conservative  public 
policy.  Above  all,  we  should  be  upon  such  terms  of 
friendship  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  national  misun- 
derstandings between  ourselves  and  any  of  the  members 
of  the  American  republican  family.  The  best  method  to 
promote  uninterrupted  peace  between  one  and  all  would 
lie  in  the  meeting  of  a  general  conference  or  congress, 
whereby  an  agreement  to  submit  all  international  differ- 
ences to  the  peaceful  decision  of  friendly  arbitration  might 
be  reached. 

An  agreement  of  this  kind  would  give  to  our  sister  re- 
publics confidence  in  each  other  and  in  us,  closer  com- 
munication would  at  once  ensue,  reciprocally  advantageous 
commercial  treaties  might  be  made,  whereby  much  of  the 
commerce  which  now  flows  across  the  Atlantic  would 
seek  its  legitimate  channels  and  inure  to  the  greater  pros- 
perity of  all  the  American  commonwealths.  The  full  ad- 
vantages of  a  policy  of  this  nature  could  not  be  stated  in 
a  brief  discussion  like  the  present. 

FOREIGN   POLITICAL   RELATIONS. 

The  United  States  has  grown  to  be  a  government  rep- 
resenting more  than  50,000,000  people,  and  in  every  sense, 
excepting  that  of  mere  naval  power  is  one  of  the  first  na- 


Logan's  letter  of  acceptance.  167 

tions  of  the  world.  As  such  its  citizenship  should  be 
valuable,  entitling  its  possessor  to  protection  in  every 
quarter  of  the  globe.  I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  that 
our  government  should  construct  enormous  fleets  of  ap- 
proved ironclads  and  maintain  a  commensurate  body  of 
seamen,  in  order  to  place  ourselves  on  a  war  footing  with 
the  military  and  naval  powers  of  Europe. 

Such  a  course  would  not  be  compatible  with  the  peace- 
ful policy  of  our  country,  though  it  seems  absurd  that  we 
have  not  the  effective  means  to  repel  a  wanton  invasion  of 
our  coast,  and  give  protection  to  our  coast  towns  and  cities 
against  any  power.  The  great  moral  force  of  our  country 
is  so  universally  recognized  as  to  render  an  appeal  to  arms 
by  us,  either  in  protection  of  our  citizens  abroad,  or  in  re- 
cognition of  any  just  international  right,  quite  improbable. 
What  we  most  need  in  this  direction  is  a  firm  and  vigor- 
ous assertion  of  every  right  and  privilege  belonging  to  our 
government  or  its  citizens,  as  well  as  an  equally  firm  as- 
sertion of  the  rights  and  privileges  belonging  to  the  gen- 
eral family  of  American  republics  situated  upon  this  con- 
tinent, when  opposed,  if  they  ever  should  be,  by  the 
different  systems  of  government  upon  another  continent. 
An  appeal  to  the  right  by  such  a  government  as  ours  could 
not  be  disregarded  by  any  civilized  nation.  In  the  treaty 
of  AVashington  we  led  the  world  in  the  means  of  escape 
from  the  horrors  of  war,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  era 
when  all  international  differences  shall  be  decided  by 
peaceful  arbitration  is  not  far  off. 

EQUAL   RIGHTS   OF   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  central  idea  of  a  republican  form  of  government  is 
the  rule  of  the  whole  people  as  opposed  to  the  other  forms, 
which  rest  upon  a  privileged  class. 

Our  forefathers,  in  the  attempt  to  erect  a  new  govern- 
ment which  might  represent  the  advanced  thought  of  the 
world  at  that  period  upon  the  subject  of  governmental 
reform,  adopted  the  idea  of  the  people's  sovereignty,  and 
thus  laid  the  basis  of  our  present  republic.  While  tech- 
nically a  government  of  the  people,  it  was  in  strictness 
only  a  government  of  a  portion  of  the  people,  excluding 
from  all  participation  a  certain  other  portion  held  in  a 
condition  of  absolute  despotic  and  hopeless  servitude,  the 
parallel  to  which,  fortunately,  does  not  now  exist  in  any 
modern  Christian  nation. 


1G8         Logan's  letter  of  acceptance. 

With  the  cuhiiination,  however,  of  another  cycle  of  ad- 
vanced thought,  the  American  RepubHc  suddenly  as- 
sumed the  full  character  of  a  government  of  the  whole 
people,  and  4,000,000  human  creatures  emerged  from  the 
condition  of  bondsmen  to  the  full  status  of  freemen, 
theoretically  invested  with  the  same  civil  and  political 
rights  possessed  by  their  former  masters.  The  subsequent 
legislation,  which  guaranteed  by  every  title  the  citizenship 
and  full  equality  before  the  law  in  all  respects  of  this  pre- 
viously disfranchised  people,  amply  covers  the  require- 
ments, and  secures  to  them,  so  far  as  legislation  can,  the 
privileges  of  American  citizenship.  But  the  disagreeable 
fact  of  the  case  is  that,  while  theoretically  we  are  in  the 
enjoyment  of  a  government  of  the  whole  people,  practi- 
cally we  are  almost  as  far  from  it  as  we  were  in  the  ante- 
bellum days  of  the  Republic.  There  are  but  a  few  leading 
and  indisputable  facts  which  cover  the  whole  statement 
of  the  case.  In  many  of  the  Southern  States  the  colored 
population  is  in  large  excess  of  the  white.  The  colored 
peopTe  are  Republicans,  as  are  also  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  white  people.  The  remaining  portion  of  the  latter 
are  Democrats. 

In  the  face  of  this  incontestable  truth,  these  States  in- 
variably return  Democratic  majorities.  In  other  States 
of  the  South  the  colored  people,  although  not  a  majority, 
form  a  very  considerable  body  of  the  population,  and  with 
the  white  Republicans  are  numerically  in  excess  of  the 
Democrats,  yet  precisely  the  same  political  result  obtains 
— the  Democratic  party  invariably  carrying  the  elections. 
It  is  not  even  thought  advisable  to  allow  an  occasional  or 
unimportant  election  to  be  carried  by  the  Republicans  as 
a  "  blind  "  or  as  a  stroke  of  finesse.  Careful  and  impartial 
investigation  has  shown  these  results  to  follow  the  syste- 
matic exercise  of  physical  intimidation  and  violence,  con- 
joined with  the  most  shameful  devices  ever  practised  in 
the  name  of  free  elections.  So  confirmed  has  this  result 
become  that  we  are  brought  face  to  face  with  the  extraor- 
dinary political  fact  that  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
South  relies  almost  entirely  upon  the  methods  stated  for 
its  success  in  national  elections. 

This  unlawful  perversion  of  the  popular  franchise, 
which  I  desire  to  state  dispassionately  and  in  a  manner 
comporting  with  the  proper  dignity  of  the  occasion,  is  one 


Logan's  letter  of  acceptance.  169 

of  deep  gravity  to  the  American  people  in  a  double  sense. 
First.  It  is  in  violation,  open,  direct,  and  flagrant,  of  the 
primary  principle  upon  which  our  government  is  supposed 
to  rest,  viz. :  that  the  control  of  the  government  is  partici- 
pated in  by  all  legally  qualified  citizens  in  accordance  with 
the  plan  of  popular  government ;  that  majorities  must 
rule  in  the  decision  of  all  questions.  Second.  It  is  in 
violation  of  the  right  and  interests  of  the  States  wherein 
are  particularly  centred  the  great  wealth  and  industries  of 
the  nation,  and  which  pay  an  overwhelming  portion  of  the 
national  taxes.  The  immense  aggregation  of  interests 
embraced  within,  and  the  enormously  greater  population 
of  these  other  States  of  the  Union,  are  subjected  every  four 
years  to  the  dangers  of  a  wholly  fraudulent  show  of  nu- 
merical strength. 

Under  this  S3^stem  minorities  actually  attempt  to  direct 
the  course  of  national  affairs,  and,  though  up  to  this  time 
success  has  not  attended  their  eff'orts  to  elect  a  President, 
yet  success  has  been  so  perilously  imminent  as  to  encour- 
age a  repetition  of  tlie  effort  at  each  quadrennial  election, 
and  to  subject  the  interests  of  an  overwhelming  majority 
of  our  people,  North  and  South,  to  the  hazards  of  illegal 
subversion. 

The  stereotyped  argument  in  refutation  of  these  plain 
truths  is,  that  if  the  Republican  element  was  really  in  the 
majority  they  could  not  be  deprived  of  their  rights  and 
privileges  by  a  minority ;  but  neither  statistics  of  popula- 
tion nor  the  unavoidable  logic  of  the  situation  can  be 
overridden  or  escaped.  The  colored  people  of  the  South 
have  recently  emerged  from  the  bondage  of  their  present 
political  oppressors ;  they  have  had  but  few  of  the  advan- 
tages of  education  which  might  enable  them  to  compete 
with  the  whites. 

As  I  have  heretofore  maintained,  in  order  to  achieve  the 
ideal  perfection  of  a  popular  government,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  the  masses  should  be  educated.  This 
proposition  applies  itself  with  full  force  to  the  colored 
people  of  the  South.  They  must  have  better  educational 
advantages,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  become  the  intellectual 
peers  of  their  white  brethren,  as  many  of  them  undoubt- 
edly already  are.  A  liberal  school  system  should  be  pro- 
vided for  the  rising  generation  of  the  South,  and  the  col- 
ored people  be  made  as  capable  of  exercising  the  duties 
of  electors  as  the  white  people. 


170  Logan's  letter  of  acceptance. 

In  the  meantime  it  is  the  duty  of  the  national  govern- 
ment to  go  beyond  resolutions  and  declarations  on  the 
subject,  and  to  take  such  action  as  may  lie  in  its  power  to 
secure  the  absolute  freedom  of  national  elections  every- 
where, to  the  end  that  our  Congress  may  cease  to  contain 
members  representing  fictitious  majorities  of  their  people, 
thus  misdirecting  the  popular  will  concerning  national 
legislation,  and  especiall}''  to  the  end  that,  in  presidential 
contests,  the  great  business  and  other  interests  of  the 
country  may  not  be  placed  in  fear  and  trembling,  lest  an 
unscrupulous  minority  should  succeed  in  stifling  the 
wishes  of  the  majority. 

In  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  last  resolution  of 
the  Chicago  platform,  measures  should  be  taken  at  once 
to  remedy  this  great  evil. 

FOREIGN    IMMIGRATION. 

Under  our  liberal  institutions  the  subjects  and  citizens 
of  every  nation  have  been  welcomed  to  a  home  in  our 
midst  and,  on  a  compliance  with  our  laws,  to  a  co-opera- 
tion in  our  government.  While  it  is  the  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  to  encourage  the  oppressed  of  other 
nations  and  offer  them  facilities  for  becoming  useful  and 
intelligent  citizens  in  the  legal  definition  of  the  term,  the 
party  has  never  contemplated  the  admission  of  a  class  of 
servile  people  who  are  not  only  unable  to  comprehend  our 
institutions,  but  indisposed  to  become  a  part  of  our 
national  family  or  to  embrace  any  higher  civilization  than 
their  own. 

To  admit  such  immigrants  would  be  only  to  throw  a 
retarding  element  into  the  very  path  of  our  progress.  Our 
legislation  should  be  amply  protective  against  this  danger, 
and,  if  not  sufficiently  so  now,  should  be  made  so  to  the 
full  extent  allowed  by  our  treaties  witli  friendly  powers. 

THE   CIVIL   SERVICE. 

The  subject  of  civil  service  administration  is  a  problem 
that  has  occupied  the  earnest  thought  of  statesmen  for  a 
number  of  years  past,  and  the  record  will  show  that  to- 
ward its  solution  many  results  of  a  valuable  and  compre- 
hensive character  liave  been  attained  by  the  Republican 
party  since  its  accession  to  power.  In  the  partisan  war- 
fare made  upon  the  latter,  with  the  view  of  weakening  it 


Logan's  letter  of  acceptance.  171 

in  the  public  confidence,  a  great  deal  has  been  alleged  in 
connection  with  the  abuse  of  the  civil  service,  the  party 
making  the  indiscriminate  charges  seeming  to  have  en- 
tirely forgotten  that  it  was  under  the  full  sway  of  the 
Democratic  organization  that  the  motto,  "  To  the  victors 
belong  the  spoils,"  became  a  cardinal  article  in  the  Demo- 
cratic creed. 

With  the  determination  to  elevate  our  governmental  ad- 
ministration to  a  standard  of  justice,  excellence  and  pub- 
lic morality,  the  Republican  party  has  assiduously  en- 
deavored to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  system  which  shall 
reach  the  highest  perfection  under  the  plastic  hand  of  time 
and  accumulating  experience.  The  problem  is  one  of  far 
greater  intricac}"  than  appears  upon  its  superficial  con- 
sideration and  embraces  the  sub-questions  of  how  to  avoid 
the  abuses  possible  to  the  lodgment  of  an  immense  num- 
ber of  appointments  in  the  hands  of  the  executive ;  of 
how  to  give  encouragement  to  and  provoke  emulation  in 
the  various  government  employes,  in  order  that  they  ma}'' 
strive  for  proficiency  and  rest  their  hopes  of  advancement 
upon  the  attributes  of  official  merit,  good  conduct  and  ex- 
emplary honesty ;  and  how  best  to  avoid  the  evils  of 
creating  a  privileged  class  in  the  government  service,  who, 
in  imitation  of  European  prototypes,  may  gradually  lose 
all  proficiency  and  value  in  the  belief  that  they  possess  a 
life  calling,  only  to  be  taken  away  in  case  of  some  flagrant 
abuse. 

The  thinking,  earnest  men  of  the  Republican  party 
have  made  no  mere  wordy  demonstration  upon  this  sub- 
ject, but  they  have  endeavored  to  quietly  perform  that 
which  their  opponents  are  constantly  promising,  without 
performing. 

Under  Republican  rule  the  result  has  been  that,  with- 
out engrafting  any  of  the  objectionable  features  of  the 
European  systems  upon  our  own,  there  has  been  a  steady 
and  even  rapid  elevation  of  the  civil  service  in  all  of  its 
departments,  until  it  can  now  be  stated,  Vvdthout  fear  of 
successful  contradiction,  that  the  service  is  more  just,  more 
efficient  and  purer  in  all  of  its  features  than  ever  before 
since  the  establishment  of  our  government,  and  if  defects 
still  exist  in  our  system,  the  country  can  safely  rely  upon 
the  Republican  party  as  the  efficient  instrument  for  their 
removal. 


172         Logan's  letter  of  acceptance. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  highest  standard  of  excellence  in 
the  administration  of  the  civil  service,  and  will  lend  my 
best  efforts  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  greatest  attain- 
able perfection  in  this  branch  of  our  service. 

REMAINING   TWIN   RELIC   OF   BARBARISM. 

The  Republican  party  came  into  existence  in  a  crusade 
against  the  Democratic  institutions  of  slavery  and  poly- 
gamy. The  first  of  these  has  been  buried  beneath  the 
embers  of  civil  war.  The  party  should  continue  its  efforts 
until  the  remaining  iniquity  shall  disajDpear  from  our 
civilization  under  the  force  of  faithfully  executed  laws. 

There  are  other  subjects  of  importance  Avhich  I  would 
gladly  touch  upon  did  space  permit.  I  limit  myself  to 
saying  that  while  there  should  be  the  most  rigid  economy 
of  governmental  administration,  there  should  be  no  seif- 
defeating  parsimony,  either  in  our  domestic  or  foreign  ser- 
vice. Official  dishonest}''  should  be  promptly  and  relent- 
lessly punished.  Our  obligations  to  the  defenders  of  our 
country  should  never  be  forgotten,  and  the  liberal  system 
of  pensions  provided  by  the  Republican  party  should  not 
be  imperiled  by  adverse  legislation. 

The  law  establishing  a  labor  bureau,  through  which  the 
interests  of  labor  can  bo  placed  in  an  organized  condition, 
I  regard  as  a  salutary  measure.  The  eight-hour  law  should 
be  enforced  as  rigidly  as  any  other. 

We  should  increase  our  navy  to  a  degree  enabling  us  to 
amply  protect  our  coast  lines,  our  commerce,  and  to  give 
us  a  force  in  foreign  waters  which  shall  be  a  respectable 
and  proper  representative  of  a  country  like  our  own. 

The  public  lands  belong  to  the  people,  and  should  not 
be  alienated  from  them,  but  reserved  for  free  homes  for  all 
desiring  to  possess  them  ;  and  finally,  our  present  Indiai, 
policy  should  be  continued  and  improved  upon  as  our  ex- 
perience in  its  administration  may  from  time  to  time 
suggest. 

I  have  the  honor  to  subscribe  myself,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant,  John  A.  Logan. 

To  the  Hon.  John  B.  Henderson^  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 


Interesting 
Facts  about  all  our  Presidents. 


ADMINISTRATION   OF   WASHINGTON. 

1789-1797. 

The  4th  of  March,  1789,  was  the  time  appointed 
for  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  go  into 
operation  under  its  new  organization ;  but  several 
weeks  elapsed  before  quorums  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  were  assembled.  The  city  of  New  York 
was  the  place  where  Congress  then  met. 

On  the  6th  of  April  the  electoral  votes  were 
counted.  At  that  time,  and  until  1805,  each  elec- 
tor voted  by  ballot  for  two  persons.  If  a  majority 
of  all  the  votes  were  cast  for  any  person,  he  who 
received  the  greatest  number  of  votes  became 
President,  and  he  who  received  the  next  greatest 
number  became  Vice-President.  When  the  votes 
were  counted  they  were  found  to  be  for  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  69  (all  of  the  electors 
having  voted  for  him),  John  Adams,  of  Massachu- 
setts received  34  votes,  and  35  votes  were  cast  for 
various  other  candidates. 

Charles  Thompson,  the  oldest  secretary  of  Con- 
gress, was  sent  to  Mount  Vernon  to  notify  Wash- 
ington of  his  election,  Washington  promptly  sig-, 
nified  his  acceptance  of  the  office,  and,  two  days 
later,  started  for  New  York.  He  was  desirous  of 
2  (17) 


18     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

travelling  as  quietly  and  unostentatiously  as  possi- 
ble, but  the  people  of  the  States  through  which  he 
passed  would  not  permit  him  to  do  so.  His  jour- 
ney was  a  constant  ovation.  Crowds  greeted  him 
at  every  town  with  the  most  enthusiastic  demon- 
strations of  ajffection  and    confidence  j    triumphal 


GEOKGE  WASHINGTON. 


arches  were  erected,  and  his  way  was  strewn  with 
flowers  by  young  girls ;  and  maidens  and  mothers 
greeted  him  with  songs  composed  in  his  honor. 
In  consequence  of  these  demonstrations  his  pro- 
gress was  so  much  retarded  that  he  did  not  reach 
New  York  until  the  latter  part  of  April. 

On  the  30th  of  April  Washington  appeared  on 


FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.  19 

the  balcony  of  Federal  Hall,  New  York,  on  the 
site  of  which  the  United  States  Treasury  now 
stands,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  in  the  presence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and 
a  large  crowd  of  citizens  assembled  in  the  streets 
below.  He  then  repaired  to  the  Senate  chamber, 
and  there  delivered  an  address  to  both  Houses  of 
Congress.  The  plan  of  the  new  government 
being  now  completed,  Congress  proceeded  to  its  or- 
ganization through  the  departments  of  the  judi- 
ciary, of  state,  of  the  treasury,  of  war,  and  of 
attorney-general. 

President  Washington  appointed  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  State,  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
General  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary 
of  War.  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  was  made  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  Edmund  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General. 

Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania,  was 
chosen  Speaker  of  the  House ;  but  his  election  was 
not  a  party  triumph,  for  parties  were  still  in  a 
state  of  utter  confusion.  Between  the  extreme 
Anti-Federalists,  who  considered  the  Constitution 
a  long  step  toward  a  despotism,  and  the  extreme 
Federalists,  who  desired  a  monarchy  modeled  on 
that  of  England — there  were  all  varieties  of  polit- 
ical opinion.  Washington,  through  the  universal 
confidence  in  his  integrity  and  good  judgment,  had 
the  ability  to  hold  together  the  conservative  men 


20     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  all  parties  for  a  time,  and  prevent  party  contest 
upon  the  interpretation  of  Federal  powers  until 
the  Constitution  should  be  tested  and  its  value  de- 
monstrated to  the  people. 

In  1792  the  second  Presidential  election  took 
place.  Washington  was  anxious  to  retire,  but 
yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and  was  again 
chosen  President  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
electoral  colleges  of  the  several  States. 

The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February, 
1793,  and  found  to  be  for  George  Washington  132 
(all  the  electors  having  voted  for  him),  for  John 
Adams  77,  for  George  Clinton  50,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  4,  and  for  Aaron  Burr  1.  Washington 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1793. 

At  the  close  of  his  term  of  office  Washington 
withdrew  to  his  home  at  Mount  Yernon,  to  enjoy 
the  repose  he  had  so  well  earned,  and  which  was 
so  grateful  to  him.  His  administration  had  been 
eminently  successful.  When  he  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  the  Presidency  the  government  was  new 
and  untried,  and  its  best  friends  doubted  its  ability 
to  exist  long ;  the  finances  were  in  confusion,  and 
the  country  was  burdened  with  debt ;  the  disputes 
with  Great  Britain  threatened  to  involve  the 
country  in  a  new  war ;  and  the  authority  of  the 
general  government  was  uncertain  and  scarcely 
recognized.  When  he  left  office  the  state  of  affairs 
was  changed.  The  government  had  been  severely 
tested,  and  had  been  found  equal  to  any  demand 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     21 

upon  it.  The  disputes  with  England  had  been  ar- 
ranged, and  the  country,  no  longer  threatened  with 
war,  but  was  free  to  devote  its  energies  to  its  im- 
provement. Industry  and  commerce  were  growing 
rapidly. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1797— 4th  of  March,  1801. 

At  the  elections  held  in  the  fall  of  1796  the 
Federalists  put  forward  John  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, as  their  candidate,  while  the  Republicans 
or  Democrats  supported  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  contest  was  very  bitter,  and  resulted  in 
the  election  of  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Jefferson,  receiv- 
ing the  next  highest  number  of  votes,  was  de- 
clared Vice-President,  in  accordance  with  the  law 
as  it  then  stood. 

The  electoral  vote  was  counted  in  February  and 
was  as  follows  :  For  John  Adams  71,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  68,  for  Thomas  Pinckney  59,  for  Aaron 
Burr  30,  and  the  rest  scattering. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1797,  Mr.  Adams,  the 
second  President  of  the  United  States,  was  inau- 
gurated at  Philadelphia,  in  the  presence  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  was  in- 
augurated as  Vice-President.  Mr.  Adams  was 
dressed  in  a  full  suit  of  pearl-colored  broadcloth, 
and  wore  his  hair  powdered.  He  was  in  the  sixty- 
second  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  full  vigor  of 
health  and  intellect. 


22 


FACTS    ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 


Mr.  Adams  made  no  changes  in  the  cabinet 
left  by  President  Washington,  and  the  policy  of 
his  administration  corresponded  throughout  with 
that  of  his  great  predecessor.  He  came  into  office 
at  a  time  when  this  policy  was  to  be  subjected  to 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


the  severest  test,  and  was  to  be  triumphantly  vin- 
dicated by  the  trial.  Mr.  Adams  began  his  official 
career  with  the  declaration  of  his  "determination 
to  maintain  peace  and  inviolate  faith  with  all 
nations,  and  neutrality  and  impartiality  with  the 
belligerent  powers  of  Europe." 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


23 


During  the  summer  of  the  year  1800  the  seat  of 
the  general  government  was  removed  from  Phila- 
<Jelphia  to  the  new  federal  city  of  Washington,  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  On  the  22d  of  Novem- 
ber, the  session  of  Congress  was  opened  in  the  un- 
finished capitol  of  Washington. 


THOMAS  JEFFEBSON. 


ADMINISTRATION    OF    JEFFERSON. 

4th  of  March,  1801— 4th  of  March,  1809. 

The  elections  for  President  and  Vice-President 
were  held  in  the  autumn  of  1800.     John  Adams 


24     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

was  the  Federalist  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  the  candidate 
of  that  party  for  Vice-President.  The  Republican 
or  Democratic  party  nominated  Thomas  Jefferson 
for  the  Presidency,  and  Colonel  x\aron  Burr,  of 
New  York,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  alien 
and  sedition  laws  had  rendered  the  Federalist  party 
so  unpopular  that  the  electors  chosen  at  the  polls 
failed  to  make  a  choice,  and  the  election  was 
thrown  upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  Constitution. 

The  votes  of  the  electoral  college  were  for 
Jefferson,  73 ;  Burr,  73 ;  Adams,  65 ;  Pinckney, 
64 ;  and  John  Jay,  1.  The  States  that  cast  the 
electoral  votes  of  their  colleges  for  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Colonel  Burr  were  nine ;  to  wit,  New  York^ 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia.  Those  that  cast  the  electoral  votes  of 
their  colleges  for  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
were  seven;  to  wit.  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  and  Delaware.  Rhode  Island  cast  one 
vote  for  Mr.  Jay,  to  prevent  that  equality  of  votes 
on  the  Federal  ticket,  which,  for  the  want  of  a 
like  precaution,  resulted  on  the  Republican  side, 
and  which  caused  so  much  excitement  and  confu- 
sion. Mr.  Jefferson  and  Colonel  Burr  having  re- 
ceived an  equal  number  of  votes,  there  was  no 
election  by  the  colleges,  as  the  Constitution  then 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.  25 

stood.  It  then  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, voting  by  States,  to  choose  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
Colonel  Burr. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  1801,  after  thirty-six 
ballots,  the  House  elected  Thomas  Jefferson  Presi- 
dent, and  Aaron  Burr  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  for  a  term  of  four  years  from  and  after  the 
4th  of  March,  1801. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  the  new  capitol, 
in  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1801.  He  was  in  his  fifty-eighth  year,  and  had 
long  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
men  in  America.  He  was  the  author  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  had  represented  the 
country  as  minister  to  France,  had  served  in  the 
cabinet  of  General  Washington  as  Secretary  of 
State,  and  had  filled  the  high  oflfiice  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 
He  was  the  founder  of  the  Democratic  party,  and 
was  regarded  by  it  with  an  enthusiastic  devotion 
which  could  see  no  flaw  in  his  character.  By  the 
Federalists  he  was  denounced  with  intense  bitter- 
ness  as  a  Jacobin,  and  an  enemy  of  organized  gov 
ernment.  He  was  unquestionably  a  believer  in 
the  largest  freedom  possible  to  man ;  but  he  was 
too  deeply  versed  in  the  lessons  of  statesmanship, 
and  was  too  pure  a  patriot  to  entertain  for  a  mo- 
ment the  levelling  principles  with  which  his  ene- 


26  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

mies  charged  him.  Under  him  the  government  of 
the  republic  sufiered  no  diminution  of  strength,  but 
his  administration  was  a  gain  to  the  country. 

Mr.  Jefferson  began  his  administration  by  seek- 
ing to  undo  as  fiir  as  possible  the  evil  effects  of 
the  sedition  act  of  1798.  A  number  of  persons 
were  in  prison  in  consequence  of  sentences  under 
this  act  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration.  These 
were  at  once  pardoned  by  the  President  and  re- 
leased from  prison. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  seventh  Congress,  in 
December,  1801,  President  Jefferson,  in  pursuance 
of  an  announcement  made  some  time  before,  in- 
augurated the  custom  which  has  since  prevailed 
of  sending  a  written  message  to  each  House  of 
Congress,  giving  his  views  on  public  aff'airs  and 
the  situation  of  the  country.  Previous  to  this  the 
President  had  always  met  the  two  Houses  upon 
their  assemblinsi:.  and  had  addressed  them  in 
person. 

In  the  fall  of  1804  the  fifth  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republicans,  or  Democrats,  voted  for 
Mr.  Jefferson  for  the  office  of  President;  this  time 
Mr.  Burr  was  dropped  by  his  party,  who  nomi- 
nated George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  his  place.  The  Federals  supported  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and  Rufus 
King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  was  one 
hundred  and  sixty-two  electoral  votes  for  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  Mr.  Clinton,  and  fourteen  only  for 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.  27 

Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  King.  By  States  the  vote 
stood :  fifteen  for  the  Democratic  or  Republican 
ticket,  and  only  two  States  for  the  Federal.  These 
two  were  Connecticut  and  Delaware.  So  popular 
was  Mr.  Jefierson's  Administration,  that  the  cen- 
tralizing party,  styling  itself  "  Federal,"  had  be- 
come almost  extinct.  He  was  inaugurated  for  a 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1805. 

Aaron  Burr  had  at  last  experienced  the  reward 
of  his  insincerity  :  both  parties  had  come  to  dis- 
trust him.  After  his  defeat  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
he  had  been  nominated  by  his  party  as  their  can- 
didate for  governor  of  New  York.  He  was  warmly 
opposed  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  mainly 
instrumental  in  bringing  about  his  defeat.  Burr 
never  forgave  Hamilton  for  his  course  in  this 
election,  and  took  advantage  of  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  challenge  him  to  a  duel.  They  met  at 
Weehawken,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  opposite 
New  York,  on  the  11th  of  July,  1804.  Hamilton, 
who  had  accepted  the  challenge  in  opposition  to 
his  better  judgment,  and  who  had  expressed  his 
intention  not  to  fire  at  Burr,  was  mortall}^  wounded, 
and  died  within  twenty-four  hours.  In  him  per- 
ished one  of  the  brisrhtest  intellects  and  most 
earnest  patriots  of  the  republic.  His  loss  was 
regarded  as  second  only  to  that  of  Washington, 
and  the  sad  news  of  his  death  was  received  in  all 
parts  of  the  country  with  profound  and  unaffected 
sorrow. 


28     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  murder  of  Hamilton,  for  it  was  nothing 
else,  closed  Burr's  political  career.  His  remaining 
years  were  passed  in  restless  intrigue. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF   JAMES    MADISON. 

4th  of  March,  1809— 4th  of  March,  1817. 

In  the  election  of  1808  Mr.  Jefferson,  following 
the  example  of  President  Washington,  declined  to 
be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  and  the  Democratic 
or  administration  party  supported  James  Madison 
for  the  Presidency,  and  George  Clinton  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  Federal  party  again  nominated 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and 
Rufus  King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  of  the 
election  was,  122  electoral  votes  for  Madison  and 
47  for  Pinckney,  for  President,  and  113  for  Clinton 
and  47  for  King  for  Vice-President.  By  States 
the  vote  stood :  12  for  the  Democratic  ticket,  and 
5  for  the  Federal.  These  five  were  New  Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
and  Delaware. 

James  Madison,  the  fourth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1809.  He  was  in  the  fifty-eighth 
year  of  his  age,  and  had  long  been  one  of  the  most 
prominent  men  in  the  Union.  He  had  borne  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  convention  of  1787,  and 
was  the  author  of  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  1786, 
which  brought  about  the  assembling  of  this  con- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.      29 

vention.  He  had  entered  the  convention  as  one 
of  the  most  prominent  leaders  of  the  national 
party,  which  favored  the  consolidation  of  the 
States  into  one  distinct  and  supreme  nation,  and 
had  acted  with  Randolph,  Hamilton,  Wilson, 
Morris,  and  King,  in  seeking  to  bring  about  such 
a  result.  When  it  was  found  impossible  to  carry 
out  this  plan  Mr.  Madison  gave  his  cordial  support 
to  the  system  which  was  finally  adopted  by  the 
convention;  and  while  the  constitution  was  under 
discussion  by  the  States,  he  united  with  Hamilton 
and  Jay  in  earnestly  recommending  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution  by  the  States,  in  a  series  of  able 
articles,  to  which  the  general  title  of  the  "  Feder- 
alist" was  given.  After  the  organization  of  the 
government  Mr.  Madison  was  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Federalist  party,  and  gave 
to  Hamilton  his  cordial  support  in  the  finance 
measures  of  that  minister.  Towards  the  close  of 
Washington's  administration,  however,  Mr.  Madi- 
son's political  views  underwent  a  great  change. 
He  was  a  near  neighbor  and  warm  friend  of  Mr. 
Jefierson,  and  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  opin- 
ions and  the  strong  personal  character  of  that  great 
statesman.  As  the  political  controversies  of  the 
time  deepened,  he  became  more  and  more  inclined 
towards  the  Republican  or  "  Strict  Construction  " 
party,  and  in  Mr.  Adams'  administration  took  his 
position  as  .one  of  the  leaders  of  that  party.     At 


JAMES  MADISON. 


(30) 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  31 

the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  Mr. 
Jefferson  having  withdrawn  from  public  life,  Mr. 
Madison  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  the  Republican  party  had  come  to 
be  called. 

In  1812  Mr.  Madison  was  again  nominated  for 
President  by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Elbridge 
Gerry,  of  Connecticut,  for  Vice-President.  De 
Witt  Clinton,  of  New  York,  was  supported  by  the 
anti-administration  or  old  Federal  party  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Jared  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
Vice-President.  Mr.  Madison  received  128  elec- 
toral votes  for  President,  and  Mr.  Clinton  89.  Mr. 
Gerry  received  131  for  Vice-President,  and  Mr. 
Ingersoll  86.  By  States,  the  vote  stood  :  For  the 
regular  Democratic  candidates,  11 ;  and  for  the 
Opposition  candidates,  7.  The  eleven  States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Madison  were  :  Vermont,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Marj'land,  Virginia,  North  Carolina.  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  and 
Louisiana;  and  the  seven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clin- 
ton were :  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Delaware. 

Mr.  Madison  was  inaugurated  President  for  a 
second  time,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813.  The 
most  distinguishing  feature  of  his  administration 
was  the  war  witli  Great  Britain.  Whatever  may 
be  thought  of  the  wisdom  or  the  policy  of  that 
war,  or  of  its  general  conduct,  the  result  unques- 


\ 


32      FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

tionably  added  greatly  to  the  public  character  of 
the  United  States  in  the  estimation  of  foreign 
powers.  The  price  at  which  this  had  been  pur- 
chased was  in  round  numbers  about  one  hundred 
million  dollars  in  public  expenditures,  and  the  loss 
of  about  thirty  thousand  men,  including  those  who 
fell  in  battle  as  well  as  those  who  died  of  disease 
contracted  in ,  the  service.  At  the  close  of  his 
term  Mr.  Madison  retired  from  office,  leaving  the 
country  at  peace  with  the  world,  and  rapidly  re- 
covering from  the  injurious  effects  of  the  late  war. 
He  returned  to  his  home  at  Montpelier,  Virginia, 
Avliere  he  enjoyed  the  society  of  his  friends  and  the 
general  esteem  of  his  countrymen. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  MONROE. 

4th  of  March,  1817— 4th  of  March,  1825. 
The  eighth  presidential  election  took  place  in  the 
fall  of  1816.  Mr.  Madison  havinsf  declined  to  be 
a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
nominated  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  for  Presi- 
dent ;  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  for 
Vice-President,  and  elected  them  by  large  majori- 
ties over  the  Federal  candidates,  who  were :  For 
President,  Rufus  King,  of  New  York ;  for  Vice- 
President,  John  Howard,  of  Maryland.  The  re- 
sult of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was  183 
for  Mr.  Monroe,  and  34  for  Mr.  King,  for  President ; 
183  for  Mr.  Tompkins,  and  22  for  Mr.  Howard,  for 
Vice-President.    The  vote  by  States  at  this  election 


JAMES    MONROE. 


(33) 


34  FACTS   ABOUT   ALL   OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

stood :  IG  for  the  Democratic,  and  3  for  tlie  Federal 
candidates.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Tompkins  ^vere :  New  Hamp- 
shire, Rliode  Island,  A'ermont,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, Ohio,  Louisiana,  and  Indiana.  The  3  that 
voted  for  Mr.  King  were  :  Massachusetts,  Connec- 
ticut, and  Delaware. 

James  Monroe,  the  fifth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1817,  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age.  His  in- 
augural address  gave  general  satisfaction  to  all 
parties.  His  cabinet  were  :  John  Quincy  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  State;  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;. 
John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Secretary  of 
War;  William  Wirt, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General; 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  These  were  all  men  of  distinguished 
ability,  and  thoroughly  identified  with  the  Demo- 
cratic party  at  the  time. 

In  the  fiill  of  1820  Mr.  Monroe  and  Governor 
Tompkins  were  re-elected  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Monroe  re- 
ceived at  the  polls  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  every 
State  in  the  Union,  and  every  electoral  vote  but 
one.  The  electoral  college  of  New  Hampshire 
cast  one  vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  4th  of  March  this  year  coming  on  Sunday, 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     35 

Mr.  Monroe  was  inaugurated  for  the  second  term 
on  the  succeeding  day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that 
month. 

Monroe's  election  had  been  so  nearly  unanimous, 
and  party  divisions  had  nominally  so  far  disap- 
peared, that  his  administration  is  commonly 
called  the  era  of  good  feeling.  In  reality  there  was 
as  much  bad  feeling  between  the  Strict  Construc- 
tionists and  the  Loose  Constructionists  of  his  party 
as  could  have  existed  between  two  opposing  parties. 
The  want  of  regularly  organized  parties  had  only 
the  effect  of  making  the  next  Presidential  election 
a  personal  instead  of  a  party  contest,  the  worst 
form  a  political  struggle  can  take. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF  JOHN  QUINCY 
ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1825— 4th  of  March,  1829. 

In  the  fall  of  1824  the  presidential  election  was 
held  amid  great  political  excitement.  The  "era 
of  good  feeling "  was  at  an  end,  and  party  spirit 
ran  high.  There  were  four  candidates  in  the  field, 
Mr.  Monroe  having  declined  a  third  term;  Andrew 
Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, and  Henry  Clay.  None  of  these  received  a 
popular  majority,  and  the  election  was  thrown  into 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress,  and  re- 
sulted in  the  choice  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  as  President  of  the  United  States. 


36     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  result  of  the  electoral  vote  was  99  for 
Andrew  Jackson,  84  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  41 
for  William  H.  Crawford,  and  37  for  Henry  Clay, 
for  President ;  and  182  for  John  C.  Calhoun  for 
Vice-President,  with  some  scattering  votes  for 
others.  The  States  that  voted  for  Gen.  Jackson 
were  :  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Alabama — eleven 
in  all.  Those  which  voted  for  John  Quincy  Adams 
were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  and  New 
York — seven  in  all.  Those  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Crawford  were :  Delaware,  Virginia,  and  Georgia. 
While  those  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were :  Ken- 
tucky, Ohio,  and  Missouri. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  having  received  a  large  majority 
of  the  electoral  votes,  was  duly  declared  elected 
Vice-President ;  but  neither  of  the  candidates  for 
President  having  received  a  majority  of  the  votes 
of  the  Electoral  Colleges,  the  choice,  under  the 
Constitution,  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, voting  by  States.  This  choice  was 
made  on  the  9th  of  February,  1825;  when,  upon 
counting  the  ballots,  it  was  found  that  John  Quincy 
Adams  received  the  votes  of  thirteen  States, 
Andrew  Jackson  the  votes  of  seven  States,  and 
Mr.  Crawford  the  votes  of  four  States.  Mr.  Adams 
having  received  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the 
States  was  declared  elected  to  succeed  Mr,  Monroe. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     37 

This  election  produced  great  discontent  through- 
out the  country,  and  most  seriously  affected  the 
popularity  of  Mr.  Clay,  as  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams  was  attributed  mainly  to  his  agency,  which 
had  been  exerted,  as  was  supposed  by  many, 
with  a  view  to  defeat  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson, 


JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

who  by  the  returns  of  the  electoral  vote  seemed  to 
stand  highest  in  the  popular  favor. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams 
was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  the  son  of  John  Adams,  the  second  Presi- 
dent of  the  republic,  and  was  in  his  fifty-eighth 


38     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

year.  He  was  a  man  of  great  natural  ability,  of 
strong  personal  character,  and  of  unbending  integ- 
rity. He  had  been  carefully  educated,  and  was 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  in  the  Union.  Apart 
from  his  general  education  he  had  received  a  special 
training  in  statesmanship.  He  had  served  as  min- 
ister to  the  Netherlands,  and  in  the  same  capacity 
at  the  courts  of  Portugal,  Prussia,  Russia,  and 
England,  where  he  had  maintained  a  high  reputa- 
tion. He  had  represented  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts in  the  Federal  Senate,  and  had  been  secretary 
of  state,  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Monroe,  during  the 
last  administration.  He  was,  therefore,  thoroughly 
qualified  for  the  duties  of  the  high  office  upon 
which  he  now  entered.  He  called  to  his  cabinet 
men  of  marked  ability,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Henry  Clay,  who  became  secretary  of  state.  The 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams  was  one  of  remark- 
able prosperity.  The  country  was  growing 
wealthier  by  the  rapid  increase  of  its  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  commerce ;  and  abroad  it  com- 
manded the  respect  of  the  world.  Still  party 
spirit  raged  with  great  violence  during  the  whole 
of  this  period. 

During  Mr.  Adams'  administration  the  tariff 
question  again  engaged  the  attention  of  the  country. 
The  manufacturing  interests  were  still  struggling 
against  foreign  competition,  and  it  was  the  opinion 
of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States  that  the  general 
government  should  protect  them  by  the  imposition 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  39 

of  high  duties  upon  products  of  foreign  countries 
imported  into  the  Union.  The  South  was  almost 
a  unit  in  its  opposition  to  a  high  tariff.  Being,  as 
we  have  said,  an  agricultural  section,  its  interests 
demanded  a  free  market,  and  it  wished  to  avail 
itself  of  the  privilege  of  purchasing  where  it  could 
buy  cheapest.  The  South  and  the  West  were  the 
markets  of  the  East,  and  the  interests  of  that  sec- 
tion demanded  the  exclusion  of  foreign  competition 
in  supplying  these  markets. 

In  July,  1827,  a  convention  of  manufacturers 
was  held  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  and  a  me- 
morial was  adopted  praying  Congress  to  increase 
the  duties  on  foreign  goods  to  an  extent  which 
would  protect  American  industry.  When  Congress 
met  in  December,  1827,  the  protective  policy  was 
the  most  important  topic  of  the  day.  It  was 
warmly  discussed  in  Congress  and  throughout  the 
country.  The  interests  of  New  England  were 
championed  by  the  matchless  eloquence  of  Daniel 
Webster,  who  claimed  that  as  the  adoption  of  the 
protective  policy  by  the  government  had  forced 
New  England  to  turn  her  energies  to  manufac- 
tures, the  government  was  bound  to  protect  her 
a,gainst  competition.  The  Southern  representatives 
argued  that  a  protective  tariff  was  unconstitutional, 
and  was  injurious  in  its  operations  to  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  who,  being 
producers  of  staples  for  export,  ought  to  have 
liberty  to  purchase  such  articles  as  they  needed 


40  FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR    PKESIDENTS. 

wherever  they  could  find  them  cheapest.  They 
declared  that  duties  under  the  protective  policy 
were  not  only  bounties  to  manufacturers,  but  a 
heavy  tax  levied  upon  their  constituents  and  a 
great  majority  of  the  consumers  in  all  the  States, 
which  never  went  into  the  public  treasury.  The 
tariff  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1828,  and  was  approved  by  the  President  a 
little  later.  It  was  termed  by  its  opponents  the 
"  Bill  of  Abominations." 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the  presidential 
election  occurred.  Mr.  Adams  M'as  a  candidate 
for  re-election.  The  contest  between  the  two 
parties,  the  Administration  and  Opposition,  over 
the  powers  and  limitations  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, became  almost  as  hot  and  fierce  as  it  was  in 
1800,  between  the  Federalists  and  Republicans  of 
that  day.  General  Jackson,  without  any  caucus 
nomination,  was  supported  b}'  the  Opposition  every- 
where for  President,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  for  Vice- 
President.  The  friends  of  the  Administration  put 
forth  the  utmost  of  their  exertions  for  the  re-elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  office  of  President,  and 
Richard  Rush  to  the  office  of  Vice-President.  The 
result  of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was,  178 
for  Jackson,  and  83  for  Adams;  171  for  Mr. 
Calhoun,  and  83  for  Mr.  Rush.  The  vote  for 
President  by  States  stood :  15  for  Jackson  and  9 
for  Adams.  The  15  States  that  voted  for  Jackson 
were :  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     4l 

Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, Ohio,  Louisiana,  Indiana,  Mississippi,  Illi- 
nois, Alabama,  and  Missouri ;  the  9  that  voted  for 
Mr.  Adams  were  :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

March  4th,  1829— March  4th,  1837. 

Andrew  Jackson,  the  seventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1829. 

President  Jackson  was  in  many  respects  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  day.  He  pos- 
sessed a  combination  of  qualities  seldom  met  with 
in  any  one  person.  Education  had  done  but  little 
for  him ;  but  by  nature  he  was  fitted  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  men  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  Cabi- 
net. During  the  Administration  of  the  elder 
Adams  he  had  occupied  a  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate  from  Tennessee,  and  gave  a  most  cordial 
support  to  the  principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Resign- 
ing his  place  in  that  body,  he  was  afterwards 
elected  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
his  State.  His  military  achievements  in  the  wars 
against  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indians,  and  his 
victory  over  the  British  at  New  Orleans,  have  been 
fully  recorded. 

The  election  of  General  Jackson  to  the  Presi- 


ANDKEW  JACKSON. 


(42) 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  43 

dency  was  regarded  with  some  anxiety,  for  though 
his  merits  as  a  soldier  were  conceded,  it  w^as  feared 
by  many  that  his  known  imperiousness  of  will  and 
his  inflexibility  of  purpose  w^ould  seriously  dis- 
qualify him  for  the  delicate  duties  of  the  Presi- 
dency. Nature  had  made  him  a  ruler,  however, 
and  his  administration  was  marked  by  the  fearless 
energy  that  characterized  every  act  of  his  life,  and 
was  on  the  whole  successful  and  satisfactory  to 
the  great  majority  of  his  countrymen. 

General  Jackson  began  his  administration  by 
appointing  a  new  cabinet,  at  the  head  of  which  he 
placed  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State.  Until  now  the  postmaster-general 
had  not  been  regarded  as  a  cabinet  officer.  General 
Jackson  invited  that  officer  to  a  seat  in  his  cabinet 
and  a  share  in  its  deliberations,  and  his  course  lias 
been  pursued  by  all  of  his  successors. 

Early  in  1831,  the  question  of  the  Presidential 
succession  was  agitated.  The  Legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania put  General  Jackson  in  nomination  for 
re-election,  he  having  consented  to  be  a  candidate. 

The  election  took  place  in  the  fall  of  1832. 
General  Jackson  was  supported  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Mr.  Clay  by  the 
Whig  party.  The  contest  was  marked  by  intense 
bitterness,  for  Jackson's  veto  of  the  charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  his  other  vetoes  of 
public  improvement  bills,  and  his  attitude  in  the 
"  Nullification "  controversy  between   the   United 


44     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

States  and  South  Carolina,  had  created  a  strong 
opposition  to  him  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  In 
spite  of  this  opposition  he  was  re-elected  by  a  tri- 
umphant majority,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of 
New  York,  the  Democratic  nominee,  was  chosen 
Vice-President. 

The  following  electoral  votes  were  cast  for  the 
respective  candidates  :  for  Jackson,  219  ;  for  Clay, 
49 ;  and  for  Wirt,  the  Anti-Masonic  candidate,  7 
votes.  For  Vice-President,  the  electoral  votes 
stood:  for  Martin  Van  Buren,  189;  for  John 
Sergeant,  49 ;  for  Amos  EUmaker,  7.  The  vote 
by  States  .for  the  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
stood :  16  for  Jackson ;  6  for  Clay ;  and  1  for 
Wirt.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Jackson  were: 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  and  Missouri ;  tlie  6  States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were :  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and 
Kentucky ;  the  State  that  voted  for  Mr.  Wirt  was: 
Vermont;  South  Carolina  cast  her  vote  for  John 
Floyd,  of  Virginia,  for  President,  and  Henry  Lee, 
of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 

President  Jackson  was  inaugurated  for  his 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1833. 

In  the  meantime  serious  trouble  had  arisen  be- 
tween the  general  government  and  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.     During  the  year  1832  the  tariff 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  45 

was  revised  by  Congress,  and  that  body,  instead  of 
diminishing  the  duties,  increased  many  of  them. 
This  action  gave  great  ofifence  to  the  Southern 
States,  which  regarded  the  denial  of  free  trade  as 
a  great  wrong  to  them.  They  were  willing  to  sub- 
mit to  a  tariff  sufficient  for  a  revenue,  but  were 
utterly  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff  for  the  reasons 
we  have  already  stated. 

The  State  of  South  Carolina  resolved  to  "  nul- 
lify "  the  law  within  its  own  limits.  A  convention 
of  the  people  of  the  State  was  held,  which  adopted 
a  measure  known  as  the  "  Nullification  Ordinance." 
This  ordinance  declared  that  the  tariff  act  of  1832, 
being  based  upon  the  principle  of  protection,  and 
not  upon  the  principle  of  raising  revenue,  was  un- 
constitutional, and  was  therefore  null  and  void. 
Thia  ordinance  was  to  take  effect  on  the  12th  of 
February,  1833,  unless  in  the  meantime  the  general 
government  should  abandon  its  policy  of  protection 
and  return  to  a  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

The  country  at  large  was  utterly  opposed  to  the 
course  of  South  Carolina,  and  denied  its  right  to 
nulHfy  a  law  of  Congress,  or  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union  in  support  of  this  right.  Intense  excitement 
prevailed,  and  the  course  of  the  President  was 
watched  with  the  gravest  anxiety.  He  was 
known  to  be  opposed  to  the  protective  policy  ;  but 
it  was  generally  believed  that  he  was  firm  in  his 
intention  to  enforce  the  laws,  however  he  might 
disapprove  of  them. 


46     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

President  Jackson  took  measures  promptly  to 
enforce  the  law.  He  ordered  a  large  body  of  troops 
to  assemble  at  Charleston,  under  General  Scott, 
and  a  ship  of  war  was  sent  to  that  port  to  assist 
the  federal  officers  in  collecting  the  duties  on  im- 
ports. Civil  war  seemed  for  a  time  inevitable. 
The  President  was  firmly  resolved  to  compel  the 
submission  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  issue  of  such 
a  conflict  could  not  be  doubtful. 

Fortunately  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  trouble 
was  effected.  Mr.  Verplanck,  of  New  York,  a  sup- 
porter of  the  administration,  introduced  a  bill  into 
Congress  for  a  reduction  of  the  tariff,  and  the  State 
of  Virginia  sent  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  a  dis- 
tinguished citizen,  as  commissioner  to  South  Caro- 
lina, to  urge  her  to  suspend  the  execution  of  her 
ordinance  until  March  4th,  as  there  was  a  proba- 
bility that  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  difficulty 
would  be  arranged  before  that  time.  South  Caro- 
lina consented  to  bo  guided  by  this  appeal. 

Henry  Clay,  with  his  usual  patriotic  self  sacrifice, 
now  came  forward  in  the  Senate  with  a  compromise 
which  he  hoped  would  put  an  end  to  the  trouble. 
He  introduced  a  bill  providing  for  the  gradual  re- 
duction in  ten  years  of  all  duties  then  above  the 
revenue  standard.  "One-tenthof  one-half  of  all  the 
duties  for  protection  above  that  standard  was  to  be 
taken  off  annually  for  ten  years,  at  the  end  of 
which  period  the  whole  of  the  other  half  was  to  be 
taken   off,    and   thereafter  all  duties  were  to  be 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  47 

levied  mainly  with  a  view  to  revenue  and  not  for 
protection."  This  measure  with  some  modifica- 
tions was  adopted  by  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  2d  of 
March,  1833.  The  people  of  Soutli  Carolina 
rescinded  their  "  Nullification  Ordinance,"  and  the 
trouble  was  fortunately  brought  to  an  end. 

The  Administration  of  Gen.  Jackson  was  distin- 
guished for  many  acts  of  foreign  as  well  as  domes- 
tic policy  which  cannot  be  embraced  in  this  brief 
sketch.  Taken  all  together,  it  made  a  deep  and 
lasting  impression  upon  the  policy  and  history  of 
the  States.  On  his  retirement,  following  the  ex- 
ample of  Washington,  he  issued  a  Farewell  Address, 
in  which  he  evinced  the  most  ardent  patriotism  and 
the  most  earnest  devotion  to  the  cause  of  constitu- 
tional liberty. 

The  presidential  election  was  held  in  the  fall  of 
1836.  General  Jackson  having  declined  to  be  a 
candidate  for  a  third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
supported  Martin  Van  Buren  for  President,  and 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected;  but  the 
electors  having  failed  to  make  a  choice  of  a  candi- 
date for  Vice-President,  that  task  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  which  elected  Colonel  Richard  M. 
Johnson  by  a  majority  of  seventeen  votes. 

The  electoral  votes  cast  for  the  several  can- 
didates for  President  were  as  follows:  170  for 
Martin  Van  Buren,  14  for  Daniel  Webster,  73  for 


48  FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  11  for  W.  P.  Mangura, 
of  N.  C,  and  26  for  H.  L.  White,  of  Tennessee. 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  having  received  a  majority,  was 
duly  declared  President  for  the  next  term.  The 
vote  by  States  in  this  election  was :  15  for  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  7  for  General  Harrison,  2  for  Mr. 
White,  and  1  for  Mr.  Webster.  The  15  States 
that  voted  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  were  :  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas, 
and  Michigan ;  the  7  that  voted  for  General  Har- 
rison were :  Vermont,  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  and  Indiana;  the  2 
that  voted  for  Mr.  White  were  :  Georgia  and  Ten- 
nessee ;  the  one  State  that  voted  for  Mr.  Webster 
was  Massachusetts. 

The  votes  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  for  Vice- 
President  were :  147  for  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of 
Kentucky;  77  for  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York; 
47  for  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia ;  and  23  for  Wil- 
liam Smith,  of  Alabama.  Neither  of  the  candi- 
dates for  Vice-President  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  votes,  the  choice  of  that  officer  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  and  that  body  elected  Col.  Johnson  by 
a  vote  of  33,  against  16  for  Mr.  Granger. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  VAN  BUREN. 
4th  of  March,  1837— 4th  of  March,  1841. 
Martin  Van  Buren,  the  eighth  President  of  the 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  40 

United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4tli  of 
March,  1837,  in  the  55th  year  of  his  age.  "At  high 
noon  the  President  elect  took  his  seat,  with  his 
venerable  predecessor.  General  Jackson,  in  a  car- 
riage, made  from  the  wood  of  the  frigate  Con- 
stitution, presented  to  General  Jackson  by  the 
Democracy  of  the  city  of  New  York.  In  this  from 
the  White  House  they  proceeded  to  the  Cnpitol. 
After  reaching  the  Senate  Chamber  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
attended  by  the  ex-President,  and  the  members  of 
the  Senate,  led  the  way  to  the  rostrum,  where  the 
Inaugural  Address  was  delivered  in  clear  and  im- 
pressive tones.  At  the  close  of  the  Address  the 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief-Justice 
Taney." 

In  the  Address  Mr.  Van  Buren  indicated  his 
purpose,  on  all  matters  of  public  policy,  to  follow 
in  the  •'  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  predecessor." 

A  distinguished  writer,  in  speaking  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  Administration,  as  a  whole,  says : 

"  The  great  event  of  General  Jackson's  Admin- 
istration was  the  contest  with  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  its  destruction  as  a  Federal 
institution — that  of  Madison's  was  the  war — while 
Jefferson's  was  a  general  revolution  of  the  anti- 
Democratic  spirit  and  policy  of  the  preceding 
Administration.  The  great  event  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  Administration,  by  which  it  will  hereafter 
be  known  and  designated,  is,  the  divorce  of  Bank 
and  State  in  the  fiscal  affiiirs  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
4 


MARTIN  VAN  BURE?' 


(fiO) 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  51 

eminent,  and  the  return,  after  li;ilf  a  century  of 
deviation,  to  the  original  design  of  the  Constitu- 
tion." 

In  the  fall  of  1840  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Vice-President 
Johnson  were  nominated  for  re-election  by  the 
Democratic  party,  and  the  Whigs  supported  Gen- 
eral William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  financial  distress  of  the  country  which 
had  been  very  great  since  1837,  was  generally 
attributed  by  the  people  to  the  interference  of  the 
government  with  the  currency.  This  feeling  made 
the  Democratic  noLMinees  exceedingly  unpopular, 
and  the  political  campaigti  was  one  of  the  most 
exciting  ever  conducted  in  this  country. 

The  principal  issues  in  this  contest  were  the 
sub-treasury  system,  extravagant  appropriations, 
defalcations,  and  profligacy  of  numerous  subordi- 
nate officers.  The  "gold  spoons"  furnished  the 
E.xecutive  Mansion  figured  prominently  in  the 
canvass.  All  the  opposing  elements  united  under 
the  AVliig  banner.  This  party  held  a  general  con- 
vention at  Harrisburg,  Peimsylvania,  on  the  4  th 
of  December,  1839,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President.  It 
WJis  generally  supposed  that  Mr.  Clay  would  re- 
ceive the  nomination  of  this  body  for  President. 
But  his  course  on  the  Tariff  Compromise  of  1833 
had  greatly  weakened  him  with  the  Protectionists. 


52     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

When  he  adopted  that  course  he  was  told  it  would 
lose  him  the  Presidency,  His  reply  at  the  time 
was,  "  I  would  rather  be  right  than  be  President." 
Tiie  Democratic  party  held  their  general  conven- 
tion in  Baltimore  on  the  Gtli  of  Ma}',  1840.  Log- 
cabins  and  hard  cider,  which  were  supposed  to  be 
typical  of  Harrison's  frontier  life,  became  very 
popular  with  the  Whigs.  The  result  of  the  elec- 
tion, after  a  heated  canvass,  was  234  electoral 
votes  for  Harrison  for  President,  and  234  for  John 
Tyler  for  Vice-President.  Mr,  Van  Buren  re- 
ceived 60  electoral  votes  for  President;  Richard 
M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  received  48  for  Vice- 
President;  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  11, 
and  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  1.  The  vote 
for  President  by  States  stood  19  for  General  Har- 
rison and  7  for  Mr,  Van  Buren,  The  seven  States 
that  voted  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  were :  New  Hamp- 
shire, Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Iliinois,  Alabama, 
Missouri,  and  Arkansas. 

ADxMINISTRATIONS   OF    HARRISON    AND 
TYLER. 

4th  of  March,  1841— 4th  of  March,  1845. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  the  ninth  President 
of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1841,  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
The  city  of  Washington  was  thronged  with  people, 
many  of  whom  were  from  the  most  distant  States 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 


53 


of  the  Union.  A  procession  was  formed  from  his 
hotel  quarters  to  the  capitol.  The  President-elect 
was  mounted  upon  a  wliite  charger,  accompanied 
by  several  personal  friends,  but  his  immediate  escort 
were  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  fought  under 
him.     The  inaugural  address  was  delivered  on  a 


WILLIAM    IlKXRY    HARRISON. 


platform  erected  over  the  front  steps  of  the  portico 
of  the  east  front  of  the  capitol.  The  oath  of  office 
was  administered  by  Chief-Justice  Taney,  before 
an  audience  estimated  at  60,000  people. 

He  was  a  man  of  pure  life  and  earnest  character, 
and  the  certninty  of  a  change  of  policy  in  the 
measures  of  the  federal  government  had   caused 


04  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

the  people  of  the  country  to  look  forward  to  his 
administration  with  hope  and  confidence.  He 
began  by  calling  to  seats  in  his  cabinet  men  of 
prominence  and  ability.  At  the  head  of  the  cab- 
inet he  placed  Daniel  Webster  as  Secretary  of 
State.  The  President  was  not  destined  to  fulfil 
the  hopes  of  his  friends.  He  was  suddenly  at- 
tacked with  pneumonia,  and  died  on  the  4th  of 
April — just  one  month  after  his  inauguration. 

It  was  the  first  time  that  a  President  of  the 
United  States  had  died  in  office,  and  a  gloom  was 
cast  over  the  nation  by  the  sad  event.  The  mourn- 
ing of  the  people  w'as  sincere,  for  in  General  Har- 
rison the  nation  lost  a  faithful,  upright,  and  able 
leader.  He  had  spent  forty  years  in  prominent 
public  positions,  and  had  discharged  every  duty 
confided  to  him  with  ability  and  integrity,  and 
went  to  his  grave  a  poor  man. 

The  office  of  President  now,  for  the  first  time,  de- 
volved upon  the  Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  who, 
by  tlie  death  of  General  Harrison,  became  the  tenth 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  not  in  tlie 
City  of  Washington  at  the  time  of  the  d(;ath  of  his 
predecessor,  but  repaired  to  that  city  without  loss 
of  time,  upon  being  notified  of  the  death  of  General 
Harrison,  and  on  the  6tlj  of  April  took  tlie  oath  of 
office  before  Judge  Cranch, Chief- Justice  of  the  Di.s- 
trict  of  Columbia.  Mr.  Tyler  was  in  his  fifty-second 
year,  and  had  served  as  governor  of  Virginia,  and 
us   representative   and  senator    in    Congress  from 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 


55 


that  State.  On  the  9th  of  April  President  Tyler 
issued  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  there  was  no  indication  of  a  departure 
from  the  policy  announced  in  tlie  inaugural  of  Gen- 
eral Harrison.  He  retained  the  cabinet  ministers  of 
his  predecessors  in  their  respective  positions. 

The   last   years   of  Mr.    Tyler's  administration 
were  devoted  to  the  effort  to  secure  the  annexation 


JOHN   TYLER. 


of  the  republic  of  Texas  to  the  United  States.  The 
territory  embraced  within  the  limits  of  Texas  con- 
stituted a  part  of  the  Spanish-American  possessions, 
and  was  generally  regarded  ns  a  part  of  Mexico. 

In  April,  1844,  Texas  formally  applied  for  ad- 
mission into  the  United  States,  and  a  treaty  for 
that  purpose  was  negotiated  with  her  by  the  gov- 


66     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

ernment  of  this  country.  It  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate. 

In  the  fall  of  1844  the  presidential  election  took 
place.  The  leading  political  question  of  the  day 
was  the  annexation  of  Texas.  It  was  advocated 
by  the  administration  of  President  Tyler  and  by 
the  Democratic  party.  This  party  also  made  the 
claim  of  the  United  States  to  Oregon  one  of  the 
leading  issues  of  the  campaign.  Its  candidates 
were  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  and  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Whig  party  sup- 
ported Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  Theodore 
Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  and  opposed  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

During  this  campaign,  which  w^as  one  of  unusual 
excitement,  the  Anti-slavery  party  made  its  appear- 
ance for  the  first  time  as  a  distinct  political  organ- 
ization, and  nominated  James  G.  Birney  as  its 
candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  was  a  decisive  vic- 
tory for  the  Democrats.  This  success  was  gen- 
erally regarded  as  an  emphaticexpression  of  the  pop- 
ular will  respecting  the  Texas  and  Oregon  questions. 

The  result  of  the  election  by  the  colleges  was : 
170  electoral  votes  for  James  K.  Polk,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  170  for  George  M.  Dallas,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent; 105  for  Henry  Clay,  for  President,  and  105 
for  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  for  Vice-President. 
By  States  the  vote  stood  :  15  for  the  Democratic 
ticket,  and  11  for   the  Whig  ticket.     Mr.  Birney 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     57 

received  no  electoral  vote;  but  local  returns 
showed  that,  out  of  the  popular  vote  of  upwards 
of  two  and  a  half  millions,  there  were  polled  for 
him  only  04,653.  The  fifteen  States  that  voted 
for  Mr.  Polk  were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Michigan;  the 
eleven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were:  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  and  Ohio. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office,  Mr. 
Tyler  retired  from  the  seat  of  Government  to  his 
residence  in  Virginia.  His  administration  was  a 
stormy  one,  but  signalized  by  many  important 
events.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the  electro- 
telegraphic  system  was  established  by  Morse.  A 
room  was  furnished  him  at  the  Capitol  for  his  ex- 
perimental operations  in  extending  his  wires  to 
Baltimore;  and  among  the  first  messages  ever 
transmitted  over  them  was  the  announcement  of 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  for  the  Presidency. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

4th  of  March,  1845~4th  of  March,  1849. 

James  K.  Polk,  the  eleventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4lh  of 
March,  1845,  in  the  50th  year  of  his  age.  The 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief-Justice 


58 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


Tsmey,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  assemblage  of 
citizens.  In  his  iniiugural,  the  new  President 
spoke  favorably  of  the  hitc  action  of  Congress  in 
relation  to  Texas,  and  asserted  that  the  title  of  the 
United  States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear 
and  indisputable,  and  intimated  his  intention  to 
maintain  it  by  force  if  necessary. 


JAMES  K.   rOLK. 


The  new  cabinet  consisted  of  James  Buchanan, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  State;  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of 
War;  George  Biincroft,  of  Massachusetts,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy ;  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee, 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     69 

Postmaster-General ;  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Attorney-General. 

President  Polk  had  served  the  country  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  for  fourteen 
years  had  been  a  member  of  Congress  from  that 
State,  and  had  been  chosen  speaker  of  that  body. 
Two  important  questions  presented  theinselves  to 
the  new  administration  for  settlement :  the  troubles 
with  Mexico  growing  out  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  northwestern 
boundary  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1844  the 
Democratic  party  adopted  as  its  watchword,  "  all 
of  Oregon  or  none,"  and  the  excitement  upon  the 
question  ran  high.  Tiie  election  of  Mr.  Polk 
showed  that  the  American  people  were  resolved  to 
in.sist  upon  their  claim  to  Oregon,  and  when  the 
new  President  in  his  inaugural  address  took  the 
bold  ground  that  the  American  title  to  "Oregon 
territory"  "was  clear  and  indisputable,"  and  de- 
clared his  intention  to  maintain  it  at  tlie  cost  of 
war  with  England,  the  matter  assumed  a  serious 
aspect,  and  for  a  while  it  seemed  that  party  pas- 
sion would  involve  the  two  countries  in  hostilities. 
President  Polk,  upon  a  calmer  consideration  of  the 
subject,  caused  the  secretary  of  state  to  reopen  the 
negotiations  by  proposing  to  Great  Britain  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude  as  a  boundary,  and 
that  was  finally  agreed  upon. 

During  the   fall  of   1848   another  Presidential 


60  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

election  came  off.  The  combined  elements  of 
opposition  to  the  administration,  in  the  main, 
continued  to  bear  the  name  of  Whigs,  though  the 
anti-slavery  element  now  formed  a  distinct  organi- 
zation known  as  "  Frec-Soilers."  '  The  Democratic 
party  held  their  General  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
on  the  22d  of  May,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  General  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  General  William  0.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky.  The  AVliigs  held  their  Convention 
at  Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  put  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  General  Zachary 
Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  and  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York.  The  Free-Soilers 
held  their  Convention  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  on  the 
8th  of  August,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts. 

The  result  of  the  election  was.  163  electoral 
votes  for  the  Whiii;  ticket  and  127  for  the  Demo- 
cratic.  The  Free-Soil  ticket  received  no  electoral 
vote;  but  local  returns  showed  that  out  of  a  popu- 
lar vote  of  nearly  3,000,000,  there  were  polled  for 
it  nearly  300,000  votes.  The  vote  for  Taylor  and 
Fillmore  by  States  stood  15;  and  for  Cass  and 
Butler  15  also.  The  15  States  that  voted  for 
Taylor  and  Fillmore  were  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS.  61 

Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
and  Florida ;  the  15  that  voted  for  Cass  and  Butler 
were  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Ala- 
bama, Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan,  Texas,  Iowa, 
and  Wisconsin.  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  having 
received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  were 
declared  elected  to  the  ofiices  of  President  and 
Vice-President. 

On  the  4tli  of  March,  1849,  Mr.  Polk  retired  to 
his  home  in  Tennessee.  His  administration  had 
been  a  stormy  one.  It  will,  however,  always  be 
distinguished  in  history  by  its  eminently  wise 
financial  and  revenue  policy,  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question  with  England,  and  the  immense 
acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico.  During  its 
period  also,  great  lustre  was  added  to  the  military 
renown  of  the  United  States. 

ADMINISTRATIONS  OF 
TAYLOR    AND     FILLMORE. 

4th  of  March,  1849— 4th  of  March,  1853 
The  4th  of  March,  1849,  coming  on  Sunday 
General  Taylor  was  duly  inaugurated  as  the 
twelfth  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  next 
day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that  month,  in  the  65th 
year  of  his  age.  The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief- Justice  Taney,  in  the  presence  of  an 
inr^mense  concourse  of  people. 

The  new  President  was  a  native  of  Virginia, 


ZACHARY  TAYI>OR. 


(62) 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  03 

but  liad  removed  with  his  parents  to  Kentucky  at 
an  early  age,  and  had  grown  up  to  manhood  on  the 
frontiers  of  that  State.  In  1803,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  commissioned  a  lieutenant  in 
the  army  by  President  Jefferson,  and  had  spent 
forty  years  in  the  military  service  of  the  country. 
His  exploits  in  the  Florida  war  and  brilliant  vic- 
tories in  Mexico  had  made  him  the  most  popular 
man  in  the  United  States,  and  had  won  him  the 
high  office  of  the  Presidency  at  the  hands  of  his 
grateful  fellow-citizens.  He  was  without  political 
exp?rience,  but  he  was  a  man  of  pure  and  stain- 
less integrity,  of  great  firmness,  a  sincere  patriot, 
and  possessed  of  strong  good  sense.  He  had  re- 
ceived a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  and  was  free  from 
party  or  sectional  ties  of  any  kind.  His  inaugural 
address  was  brief,  and  was  confined  to  a  statement 
of  general  principles.  His  cabinet  was  composed 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  with  John  JVL 
Clayton,  of  Delaware,  as  Secretary  of  State.  The 
last  Congress  had  created  a  new  executive  depart- 
ment— that  of  the  interior — to  relieve  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  of  a  part  of  his  duties,  and 
President  Taylor  was  called  upon  to  appoint  the 
first  secretary  of  the  interior,  which  he  did  in  the 
person  of  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio.  The  new  de- 
partment was  charged  with  the  management  of  the 
public  lands,  the  Indiau  tribes,  and  the  issuing  of 
patents  to  inventors. 


04     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Since  the  announcement  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
the  agitiition  of  the  slavery  question  had  been  in- 
cessant, and  had  increased  instead  of  diminishing 
with  each  succeeding  year.  It  Avas  one  of  the  chief 
topics  of  discussion  in  the  newspaper  press  of  the 
country,  and  entered  largely  into  every  political 
controversy,  however  local  or  insignificant  in  its 
nature.  The  opponents  of  slavery  regarded  the 
annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  war  as 
efforts  to  extend  that  institution,  and  were  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  its  existence  at  any  cost.  The 
advocates  of  slavery  claimed  that  the  Southern 
States  had  an  equal  right  to  the  common  property 
of  the  States,  and  were  entitled  to  protection  for 
their  slaves  in  any  of  the  Territories  then  owned 
by  the  States  or  that  might  afterwards  be  acquired 
by  them.  The  Missouri  Compromise  forbade  the 
existence  of  slavery  north  of  the  line  of  3G°  SCX 
north  latitude,  and  left  the  inhabitants  south  of 
that  line  free  to  decide  upon  their  own  institutions. 
The  Anti-slavery  party  was  resolved  that  slavery 
should  be  excluded  from  the  territory  acquired 
from  Mexico,  and  in  the  Wilmot  Proviso  struck 
their  first  blow  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  pur- 
pose. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  House  President 
Taylor  sent  in  his  first  and  only  message.  He  re- 
cognized the  danger  with  which  the  sectional  con- 
troversy threatened  the  country,  expressed  his 
views  of  the  situation  in  moderate  terms,  and  inti- 


MILLARD  FILLMORE. 


(65) 


66  FACTS     ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

mated    that     he    should    faithfull}-    discharge    his 
duties  to  the  whole  country. 

About  the  last  of  June,  1850,  President  Taylor 
was  stricken  down  with  a  fever,  which  soon  ter- 
minated fatally.  He  died  on  the  9th  of  July  amid 
the  grief  of  the  whole  country,  which  felt  that  it 
had  lost  a  faithful  and  upright  chief  magistrate. 
Though  the  successful  candidate  of  one  political 
party,  his  administration  had  received  the  earnest 
support  of  the  best  men  of  the  country  without 
regard  to  party,  and  his  death  was  a  national 
calamity.  He  had  held  office  only  sixteen  months, 
but  had  shown  himself  equal  to  his  difficult  and 
delicate  position. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  the  office  of 
President  devolved  upon  Millard  Fillmore,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  10th  of 
July  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  at  once  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  new  position. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  a  native  of  New  York,  and 
was  born  in  that  State  in  the  year  1800.  He  had 
served  his  State  in  Congress,  and  as  governor,  and 
was  personally  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Presidents.  The  cabinet  of  General  Taylor  re- 
signed their  offices  immediately  after  his  death, 
and  the  new  President  filled  their  places  by  ap- 
pointing a  new  cabinet  with  Daniel  Webster  at  its 
head  as  Secretary  of  State. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1851,  the  corner-stone  of 
the  two  new  wings  of  the  capitol  was  laid.     Mr. 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  67 

Webster  delivered  a  speech  on  the  occasion  which 
was  considered  one  of  the  greatest  of  his  life.  It 
was  delivered  to  an  immense  audience,  on  a  plat- 
form erected  on  the  east  side  of  the  capitol.  In  it, 
among  other  things,  he  said : 

"  If  it  shall  hereafter  be  the  will  of  God  that 
this  structure  shall  fall  from  its  base — that  its 
foundations  shall  be  upturned,  and  the  deposit  be- 
neath this  stone  be  brought  to  the  eyes  of  men — 
be  it  then  known  that  on  this  day  the  Union  of  the 
United  States  of  America  stands  firm,  that  this 
Constitution  still  exists  unimpaired,  and,  with  all 
its  usefulness  and  glory,  is  growing  every  day 
stronger  in  the  affections  of  the  great  body  of  the 
American  people,  and  attracting  more  and  more 
the  admiration  of  the  world." 

During  the  fall  of  this  year  (1852)  another 
Presidential  election  took  place. 

The  Democratic  party  nominated  Franklin 
Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  President,  and  Wil- 
liam R.  King,  of  Alabama,  for  Vice-President. 
The  Whig  party  nominated  General  Winfield  Scott 
for  President,  and  William  A.  Graham,  of  North 
Carolina,  for  Vice-President.  The  Anti-slavery 
party  put  in  nomination  John  P.  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  the  candi- 
dates of  the  Democratic  party  by  an  overwhelming 
majority. 

Mr.  King,  the  Vice-President  elect,  did  not  long 


68  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUK     PRESIDENTS. 

survive  his  triumph.  His  liealth  had  been  deli- 
cate for  many  years,  and  he  was  obliged  to  pass  the 
winter  succeeding  the  election  in  Cuba.  Being 
unable  to  return  home,  he  took  the  oath  of  office 
before  the  American  consul,  at  Havana,  on  the  4th 
of  March.  He  then  returned  to  the  United  States, 
and  died  at  his  home  in  Alabama  on  the  18th  of 
April,  1853. 

The  result  of  the  election  was :  251  electoral 
votes  for  Pierce  and  King ;  and  42  for  Scott  and 
Graham ;  by  States,  27  for  Pierce  and  King,  and 
4  for  Scott  and  Graham.  The  States  which  voted 
for  General  Scott  were :  Mnssachusetts,  Vermont, 
Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  The  anti-slavery  ticket 
received  no  electoral  vote,  but  out  of  the  popular 
vote  of  nearly  3,500,000,  it  polled  155,825  indi- 
vidual votes,  being  little  over  half  of  what  it  polled 
at  the  previous  election. 

In  October,  1852,  the  whole  country  was  again 
thrown  into  mourning  by  the  announcement  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Webster,  the  last  survivor  of  the  great 
senatorial  ''trio,"  Clay,  Calhoun  and  Webster. 

They  were  regarded  as  the  three  greatest  states- 
men of  the  country  in  their  day.  They  were  all 
men  of  very  great  abilitj',  of  very  different  charac- 
ters of  mind,  as  well  as  styles  of  oratory.  They 
differed  also  widely  on  many  questions  of  public 
policy.  But  they  were  all  true  patriots  in  the 
highest  sense  of  that  term. 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 


69 


ADMINISTRATION   OF   PIERCE. 
4th  of  March,  1853— 4th  of  March,  1857. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  Franklin  Pierce,  of 
New  Hampshire,  the  fourteenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  duly  inausjurated  in  the  49th 


FIIANKLIN   PIERCE. 


year  of  his  ago.     The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief-Justice  Taney. 

General  Pierce  was  an  accomplished  orator,  and 
his  inaugural  address  was  delivered  in  his  happiest 
style,  in  a  tone  of  voice  that  was  distinctly  heard 
at  a  great  distance.  It  was  responded  to  by  shouts 
from  the  surroundin":  multitudes. 


70  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

The  most  important  measure  of  Mr.  Pierce's  ad- 
ministration was  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  The  region  embraced 
in  these  Territories  formed  a  part  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  and  extended  from  the  borders  of  Mis- 
souri, Iowa,  and  Minnesota  to  the  summit  of  the 
Rocky  mountains,  and  from  the  parallel  of  36°  3(y 
north  latitude  to  the  border  of  British  America. 
This  whole  region  by  the  terms  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  had  been  secured  to  free  labor  by  the 
exclusion  of  slavery. 

The  people  engaged  warmly  in  the  discussion 
aroused  by  the  reopening  of  the  question  of  slavery 
in  the  Territories.  The  North  resented  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in  the  South  a  large 
and  respectable  party  sincerely  regretted  the  repeal 
of  that  settlement.  By  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  the  Thirt^'-third  Congress  assumed 
a  grave  responsibility,  and  opened  the  door  to  a 
bloody  and  bitter  conflict  in  the  Territories  between 
slavery  and  free  labor.  The  troubles  in  Kansas 
which  followed  gave  rise  to  a  new  party  which 
called  itself  Republican,  and  which  was  based 
upon  an  avowed  hostility  to  the  extension  of 
slavery.  A  third  party,  called  the  American,  or 
Know  Nothing,  also  took  part  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1856,  and  was  based  upon  the  doctrine 
that  the  political  offices  of  the  country  should  be 
held  only  by  persons  of  American  birth.  The 
Democratic  party  nominated  James  Buchanan,  of 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     71 

Pennsylvania,  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
The  Republican  nominee  for  the  Presidency  was 
John  C.  Fremont,  of  California;  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey. 
The  American  or  Know  Nothing  party  supported 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  The  Whig  party  had  been 
broken  to  pieces  by  its  defeat  in  1852,  and  had 
now  entirely  disappeared. 

The  canvass  was  unusually  excited.  Slavery 
was  the  principal  question  in  dispute.  Party  ties 
had  little  influence  upon  men.  The  sentiment  of 
the  nation  at  large  had  been  outraged  by  the  re- 
peal of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  thousands 
of  Democrats,  desiring  to  rebuke  their  party  for  its 
course  in  bringing  about  this  repeal,  united  with 
the  Republican  party,  which  declared  as  its  lead- 
ing principle  that  it  was  "  both  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and 
slavery." 

The  elections  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  James 
Buchanan,  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party. 
Mr.  Buchanan  received  174  electoral  votes;  Gen- 
eral Fremont  114,  and  Fillmore  8.  The  vote  by 
States  was :  19  for  tdo  Democratic  ticket ;  11  for 
the  Republican,  and  1  for  the  American.  The 
nineteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan  were: 


72  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Texas,  and  California.  The  eleven  that  voted  for 
Fremont  were  :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  York,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin. 
The  one  that  voted  for  Fillmore  was  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

March  4th,  1857— March  4th,  1861. 

James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  fifteenth 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  in  the  66th  year  of 
his  age,  and  was  a  statesman  of  ripe  experience. 
The  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- 
Justice  Taney.  His  inaugural  was  conciliatory, 
and  approbatory  of  the  principles  of  the  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  bill  upon  which  he  had  been  elected. 
He  was  born  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1791,  and  was 
by  profession  a  law^'er.  He  had  served  his  State 
in  Congress  as  a  representative  and  a  senator,  had 
been  minister  to  Russia  under  President  Jackson, 
and  had  been  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  of  Presi- 
dent Polk,  as  Secretary  of  State.  During  the  four 
years  previous  to  his  election  to  the  Presidency, 
he  had  resided  abroad  as  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  that  capao- 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


(73) 


74      FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

itj  had  greatly  added  to  his  reputation  as  a  states- 
man. The  intense  sectional  feeling  which  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  slavery  question  had  aroused  had 
alarmed  patriotic  men  in  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
and  it  was  earnestly  hoped  that  Mr.  Buchanan's 
administration  would  be  able  to  effect  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  the  quarrel.  Mr.  Buchanan  selected 
his  Cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the  Democratic 
]3arty.  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State ;  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury ;  John  B.  Floyd,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Secretary  of  War ;  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connec- 
ticut, Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  Jacob  Thompson,  of 
Mississippi,  Secretary  of  Interior ;  Aaron  V.  Brown, 
of  Tennessee,  Postmaster-General,  and  Jeremiah  S. 
Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  Attorney-General.  The 
two  leading  subjects  which  immediately  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  new  administration  were 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Utah  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Kansas  on  the  other. 

On  the  night  of  the  16th  of  October.  1859,  John 
Brown,  who  had  acquired  a  considerable  notoriety 
as  the  leader  of  a  Free  Soil  company  during  the 
war  in  Kansas,  entered  the  State  of  Virginia,  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  with  a  party  of  twenty-one  men, 
and  seized  the  United  States  arsenal  at  that  place. 
He  then  sent  out  parties  to  induce  the  negro  slaves 
to  join  him,  his  avowed  object  being  to  put  an  end 
to  slavery  in  Virginia  by  exciting  an  insurrection 
of  the  slaves.     Several  citizens  were  kidnapped  by 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     75 

these  parties,  but  the  slaves  refused  to  join  Brown, 
or  to  take  any  part  in  the  insurrection. 

The  effect  of  Brown's  attempt  upon  the  South- 
ern people  was  most  unfortunate.  They  regarded 
it  as  unanswerable  evidence  of  the  intention  of  the 
people  of  the  North  to  make  war  upon  them  under 
the  cover  of  the  Union.  The  John  Brown  raid 
was  the  most  powerful  argument  that  had  ever 
been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  disunionists,  and 
in  the  alarm  and  excitement  produced  by  that 
event,  the  Southern  people  lost  sight  of  the  fact 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  Northern  people  sin- 
cerely deplored  and  condemned  the  action  of 
Brown  and  his  supporters. 

While  the  excitement  was  at  its  height  the 
Presidential  campaign  opened  in  the  spring  of 
1860.  The  slavery  question  was  the  chief  issue 
in  this  struggle.  The  Convention  of  the  Democra- 
tic party  met  at  Charleston,  in  April,  but  being 
unable  to  effect  an  organization,  adjourned  to  Bal- 
timore, and  reassembled  in  that  city  in  June.  The 
extreme  Southern  delegates  were  resolved  that  the 
convention  should  be  committed  to  the  protection 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories  by  Congress,  and  fail- 
ing to  control  it  withdrew  from  it  in  a  body,  and 
organized  a  separate  convention,  which  they  de- 
clared represented  the  Democratic  party,  but  which, 
in  reality,  as  the  vote  subsequently  proved,  repre- 
sented but  a  minority  of  that  party. 

The  original  convention,  after  the  withdrawal 


76     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  these  delegates,  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  and  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  Herschell  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia.  It 
then  proceeded  to  adopt  the  platform  put  forward 
by  the  entire  party  four  years  before,  at  Cincinnati, 
upon  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  this 
additional  declaration  :  "  That  as  differences  of 
opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  party  as  to  the 
nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a  territorial 
legislature,  and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Con- 
gress under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
over  the  institution  of  slavery  within  the  Territo- 
ries, .  .  .  the  party  will  abide  by  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the 
questions  of  constitutional  law." 

The  "  Seceders'  Convention,"  as  it  was  commonly 
called,  also  adopted  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  non-interference  by  Congress 
with  slavery  in  the  Territories  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  This  party  held  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  Constitution  recognized  slavery  as  existing  in 
the  Territories,  and  sanctioned  and  protected  it 
there,  and  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  of 
the  Territories  could  frame  any  law  against 
slavery  until  the  admission  of  such  Territories 
into  the  Union  as  States.  The  "  Seceders'  Con- 
vention" put  forward  as  its  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

The  Republican  party  took  issue  with  both  wings 


FACTS  ABOU'i  ALL  OUR'  PRESIDENTS.     77 

of  the  Democratic  party.  Its  convention  was  held 
at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  its  candidates  were,  for 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  for 
Vice-President  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine.  The 
platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the  Republican 
Convention  declared  that  *^  the  maintenance  of  the 
principles  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  embodied  in  the  federal  Constitution 
is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican 
institutions.  .  .  .  That  all  men  are  created  equal ; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain inalienable  rights." 

A  fourth  party,  known  as  the  "American  or 
Constitutional  Union  Party,"  proclaimed  as  its 
platform  the  following  vague  sentence  :  "  The  con- 
stitution of  the  country,  the  union  of  the  States, 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws."  The  convention 
of  this  party  met  at  Baltimore,  and  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachu- 
setts. 

The  contest  between  these  parties  was  bitter 
beyond  all  precedent,  and  resulted  as  follows : 

Popular  vote  for  Lincoln,  .         1,860,452 

Douglas,         .         1,375,157 
Breckinridge,  847,953 

Bell,       .         .  590,631 

The  electoral  vote  stood  as  follows:  For  Lincoln, 
180;  for  Breckinridge,  72;  for  Bell,  39;  for 
Douglas,  12. 


78  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  thus  elected  by  a  plurality  ot 
the  popular  vote,  which  secured  for  him  the  elec- 
toral votes  of  eighteen  States.  These  States  were 
entirely  north  of  the  sectional  line,  and  he  received 
not  a  single  electoral  vote  from  a  Southern  State. 
The  States  which  cast  their  electoral  votes  for 
Breckinridge,  Bell,  and  Douglas,  w^ere  entirely 
slaveholding.  The  division  thus  made  was  alarm- 
ing. It  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
republic  that  a  President  had  been  elected  by  the 
votes  of  a  single  section  of  the  Union. 

The  eighteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln, 
under  the  plurality  count  of  the  popular  vote, 
were :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota, 
and  Oregon.  The  eleven  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Breckinridge  were :  Delaware,  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  and  Texas. 
The  three  that  so  voted  for  Mr.  Bell  were :  Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  and  Tennessee ;  and  the  one  that 
so  voted  for  Mr.  Douglas  was  Missouri.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln did  not  receive  the  majority  of  the  popular 
vote  in  but  sixteen  of  the  thirty-three  States  then 
constituting  the  Union ;  so  he  had  been  constitu- 
tionally elected,  without  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  popular  vote  of  the  States  or  of  the  people. 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  7& 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN. 
March  4th,  1861— April  15th,  1865. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  sixteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1861.  As  it  was  feared 
that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  prevent  the  in- 
auguration, the  city  was  held  by  a  strong  body  of 
regular  troops,  under  General  Scott,  and  the  Presi- 
dent elect  was  escorted  from  his  hotel  to  the  capitol 
by  a  military  force.  No  effort  was  made  to  inter- 
fere with  the  ceremonies,  and  the  inauguration 
passed  off  quietly. 

The  new  President  was  in  his  fifty-third  year, 
and  was  a  native  of  Kentucky.  When  he  was  but 
eight  years  old  his  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and 
the  boyhood  of  the  future  President  was  spent  in 
hard  labor  upon  the  farm.  Until  he  reached  man- 
hood he  continued  to  lead  this  life,  and  during  this 
entire  period  attended  school  for  only  a  year.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-one  he  removed  to  Illinois, 
where  he  began  life  as  a  storekeeper.  Being  anx- 
ious to  rise  above  his  humble  position,  he  deter- 
mined to  study  law.  He  was  too  poor  to  buy  the 
necessary  books,  and  so  borrowed  them  from  a 
neighboring  lawyer,  read  them  at  night,  and  re- 
turned them  in  the  morning.  His  genial  character, 
great  good  nature,  and  love  of  humor,  won  him 


80 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 


the  friendship  of  the  people  among  whom  he  re- 
sided, and  they  elected  him  to  the  lower  house  of 
the  legislature  of  Illinois.  He  now  abandoned  his 
mercantile  pursuits,  and  began  the  practice  of  the 
law,  and  was  subsequently  elected  a  representative 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


to  Congress  from  the  Springfield  district.  He  took 
an  active  part  in  the  politics  of  his  State,  and  in 
1858  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  United  States  senator.  In  this  capacity  he  en- 
gaged in  a  series  of  debates  in  various  parts  of  the 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     81 

State  with  Senator  Douglas,  the  Democratic  can- 
didate for  re-election  to  the  same  position.  This 
debate  was  remarkable  for  its  brilliancy  and  intel- 
lectual vigor,  and  brought  him  prominently  before 
the  whole  country,  and  opened  the  way  to  his 
nomination  for  the  Presidency.  In  person  he  was 
tall  and  ungainly,  and  in  manner  he  was  rough  and 
awkward,  little  versed  in  the  refinements  of  so- 
ciety. He  was  a  man,  however,  of  great  natural 
vigor  of  intellect,  and  was  possessed  of  a  fund  of 
strong  common  sense,  which  enabled  him  to  see  at 
a  glance  through  the  shams  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded, and  to  pursue  his  own  aims  with  single- 
ness of  heart  and  directness  of  purpose.  He  had 
sprung  from  the  ranks  of  the  people,  and  he  was 
never  false  to  them.  He  was  a  simple,  unaffected, 
kind-hearted  man ;  anxious  to  do  his  duty  to  the 
whole  country ;  domestic  in  his  tastes  and  habits ; 
and  incorruptible  in  every  relation  of  life.  He 
was  fond  of  humor,  and  overflowed  with  it ;  find- 
ing in  his  "  little  stories  "  the  only  relaxation  he 
ever  sought  from  the  heavy  cares  of  the  trying 
position  upon  which  he  was  now  entering.  He 
selected  his  cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  placed  William  H.  Seward, 
of  New  York,  as  Secretary  of  State;  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Simon 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  War; 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy ;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of  the 


82  FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

Interior;  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  Post 
master-General ;  and  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri, 
Attorney-General. 

The  Great  Civil  War  was  the  all-important 
event  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration. 

In  1864  the  next  Presidential  election  was  held. 
The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Bal- 
timore, June  7,  and  adopted  a  platform  declaring 
war  upon  slavery,  and  demanding  that  no  terms 
but  unconditional  surrender  should  be  given  to  the 
rebellious  States.  It  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee,  for  Vice-President. 

The  latter  was  a  United  States  Senator  when 
his  State  allied  itself  to  the  Confederacy.  He, 
however,  continued  to  hold  his  seat,  and  was  the 
only  Senator  from  any  of  the  States,  who  did  so 
after,  the  withdrawal  of  their  States  from  the 
Federal  Union. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Chicago  Au- 
gust 29,  and  nominated  for  the  Presidency  General 
George  B.  McClellan,  of  the  Federal  army,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency,  George  H.  Pendleton,  of 
Ohio.  The  result  was  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  John- 
son carried  the  electoral  votes  of  every  State  ex- 
cept three,  to  wit :  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and 
Kentucky ;  of  the  popular  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket  received  1,802,237,  against  2,213,665  cast 
for  Lincoln  and  Johnson. 

Abraham  Lincoln  having  been  duly  elected  was 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.     83 

inaugurated  for  his  second  term  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1865.  On  the  night  of  April  14th,  Presi- 
dent Lincohi  was  assassinated  at  Ford's  Theatre, 
in  Washington  City,  by  John  Wilkes  Booth. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
15th  of  April,  1865— 4th  of  March,  1869. 

Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Andrew  John- 
son, the  Vice-President,  by  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution, became  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  15th  of  April, 
and  at  once  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties.  His  first  act  was  to  retain  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Johnson  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina, 
having  been  born  in  Raleigh,  on  the  29th  of  De- 
cember, 1808.  At  the  age  often  he  was  bound  as 
an  apprentice  to  a  tailor  of  that  city.  He  was  at 
this  time  unable  to  read  or  write.  Some  years 
later,  being  determined  to  acquire  an  education, 
he  learned  the  alphabet  from  a  fellow-workman, 
and  a  friend  taught  him  spelling.  He  was  soon 
able  to  read,  and  pursued  his  studies  steadily, 
working  ten  or  twelve,  hours  a  day  at  his  trade, 
and  studying  two  or  three  more.  In  1826  he  re- 
moved to  Greenville,  Tennessee.  He  was  subse- 
quently chosen  alderman  of  his  town,  and  with 
this  election  entered  upon  his  political  career. 
Studying  law  he  abandoned  tailoring,  and  devoted 
himself  to  legal  pursuits  and    politics.     He  wq,s 


ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


(84) 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  85 

successively  chosen  Mayor,  Member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, Presidential  elector,  and  State  Senator.  He 
was  twice  elected  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and 
three  times  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  from 
that  State.  Upon  the  secession  of  Tennessee  from 
the  Union,  he  refused  to  relinquish  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union  throughout  the  v/ar,  winning  considerable 
reputation  during  the  struggle  by  his  services  in 
behalf  of  the  national  cause.  He  was  an  earnest, 
honest-hearted  man,  who  sincerely  desired  to  do 
his  duty  to  the  country.  His  mistakes  were  due 
to  his  temperament,  and  proceeded  from  no  desire 
to  serve  his  own  interests  or  those  of  any  party. 
In  his  public  life  he  was  incorruptible.  A  man  of 
ardent  nature,  strong  convictions,  and  indomitable 
will,  it  was  not  possible  that  he  should  avoid 
errors,  or  fail  to  stir  up  a  warm  and  determined 
opposition  to  his  policy. 

The  first  duty  devolving  upon  the  new  adminis- 
tration was  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  which  at 
the  close  of  the  wnr  numbered  over  a  million  of 
men.  It  was  prophesied  by  foreign  nations  and 
feared  by  many  persons  at  home,  that  the  sudden 
return  of  such  a  large  body  of  men  to  the  pursuits 
of  civil  life  would  be  attended  with  serious  evils, 
but  both  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  soldiers 
went  back  quietly  and  readily  to  their  old  avoca- 
tions. Thus  did  these  citizen-soldiers  give  to  the 
world  a  splendid  exhibition  of  the  triumph  of  law 


S6     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

and  order  in  a  free  country,  and  a  proof  of  the- 
stability  of  our  institutions. 

The  restoration  of  the  Southern  States  to  their 
places  in  the  Union  was  the  most  important  work 
of  Mr.  Johnson's  administration. 

In  the  fall  of  1868  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republican  party  nominated  Gen- 
eral Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  Democratic  party  nominated  Horatio 
Seymour,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Frank  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
General  Grant  by  a  popular  vote  of  2,985,031  to 
2,648,830  votes  cast  for  Mr.  Seymour.  In  the 
electoral  college  Grant  received  217  votes  and 
Seymour  77.  The  States  of  Virginia,  Mississippi 
and  Texas  were  not  allowed  to  take  part  in  this- 
election,  being  still  out  of  the  Union. 

ADMINISTRATION    OF    ULYSSES    S. 

GRANT. 
4th  of  March,  1869— 4th  of  March,  1877. 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  the  eighteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
with  imposing  ceremonies  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1869.  He  was  born  at  Mount  Pleasant,  Ohio,  on 
the  27th  of  April,  1822.  His  father  was  a  tanner, 
and  wished  him  to  follow  his  trade,  but  the  boy 
had  more  ambitious  hopes,  and  at  the  age  of  seven- 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 


87 


teen  a  friend  secured  for  him  an  appointment  as 
a  cadet  at  West  Point,  where  he  was  educated. 
Upon  graduating  he  entered  the  army.  Two 
years  later  he  was  sent  to  Mexico,  and  served 
through  the  war  with  that  country  with  distinc- 


ULYSSES    S.   GKAXT. 


tion.  He  was  specially  noticed  by  his  comman- 
ders, and  was  promoted  for  gallant  conduct.  Soon 
after  the  close  of  the  war  he  resigned  his  commis- 
sion, and  remained  in  civil  life  and  obscurity  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war,  when  he  volun- 


88      FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

teered  his  services,  and  was  commissioned  by 
Governor  Yates  Colonel  of  the  Twenty-first  Illi- 
nois regiment.  He  was  soon  made  a  Brigadier- 
General,  and  fought  his  first  battle  at  Belmont. 
His  subsequent  career  has  been  related  in  all  his- 
tories of  the  Great  Civil  War.  He  selected  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet  more  because  of  his  per- 
sonal friendship  for  them  than  for  their  weight 
and  influence  in  the  party  that  had  elected  him. 

General  Grant  was  the  fifth  President  whose 
military  achievements  had  contributed  more  to  his 
election  to  this  high  office  than  any  services  ren- 
dered in  the  civil  departments  of  the  government. 
His  inaugural,  delivered  before  an  immense  crowd 
of  enthusiastic  admirers,  on  the  east  portico  of  the 
capitol,  was  brief  and  pointed.  He  was  no  orator, 
and  his  address  on  this  occasion  was  rehearsed 
from  a  manuscript  before  him.  It  might  be  char- 
acterized as  a  good  specimen  of  the  '^  multum  in 
pm-vo."  He  said  ''  he  should  have  no  policy  of  his 
own,  except  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  people,  as 
expressed  by  the  legislative  department,  and  ex- 
pounded by  the  judiciary.  Laws,"  said  he,  "are 
to  govern  all  alike,  those  opposed,  as  well  as  those 
who  favor  them.  I  know  of  no  method  to  secure 
the  repeal  of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  effective  as 
their  stringent  execution."  The  oath  of  office  was 
administered  by  Chief-Justice  Chase. 

His  cabinet  consisted  at  first  of  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne,  of   Illinois,  Secretary  of  State;    Alexander 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  89 

T.  Stewart,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury ;  John  D.  Rawlins,  of  Illinois,  who  had 
been  his  chief  of  staff  from  the  beginning  of  the 
great  war  until  its  termination.  Secretary  of  War; 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior ;  John  A.  J.  Cresswell,  of  Maryland, 
Postmaster-General ;  and  Ebenezer  R.  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  Attorney-General. 

Several  changes  in  the  cabinet  were  afterwards 
made,  the  most  notable  of  which  were  George  S. 
Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  instead  of  Alexander  T.  Stewart,  the 
famous  merchant  of  New  York.  Soon  after  the 
confirmation  of  the  latter  by  the  Senate,  it  was 
ascertained  that  he  was  ineligible  under  the  law, 
because  of  his  being  engaged  in  commerce.  Mr. 
Washburne  also  gave  up  his  place  to  accept  the 
position  of  Minister  to  France,  and  the  vacant 
Secretarj^ship  of  the  State  Department  was  given 
to  Hamilton  Fish  of  New  York. 

The  President  on  the  20th  of  March,  1870,  issued 
a  proclamation  announcing  that  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  had  been  duly  ratified  by  a  sufficient 
number  of  States,  and  therefore  declared  it  to  be 
part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  fall  of  1872,  another  presidential  election 
occurred.  The  canvass  was  marked  by  the  most 
intense  partisan  bitterness.  The  Republican  party 
renominated  General  Grant  for  the  presidency,  and 


90      FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

supported  Henry  Wilson  for  the  vice-presidency. 
The  measures  of  the  administration  had  arrayed  a 
large  number  of  Republicans  against  it.  These 
now  organized  themselves  as  the  Liberal  Republican 
party,  and  nominated  Horace  Greeley  of  New  York 
for  the  presidency,  and  B.  Gratz  Brown  of  Missouri 
for  the  vice-presidency.  The  Democratic  party 
made  no  nomhiations,  and  its  convention  indorsed 
the  candidates  of  the  Liberal  Republican  party. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Republican  candidates  by  overwhelming  majorities. 
The  elections  were  scarcely  over  when  the 
country  was  saddened  by  the  death  of  Horace 
Greeley.  He  had  been  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  had  been  closely  identified 
with  the  political  history  of  the  country  for  over 
thirty  years.  He  was  the  "Founder  of  the  New 
York  Tribune,''  and  had  done  good  service  with  his 
journal  in  behalf  of  the  cause  he  believed  to  be 
founded  in  right.  He  was  a  man  of  simple  and 
childlike  character,  utterly  unaffected,  and  generous 
to  a  fault.  In  his  manner  and  dress  he  was  eccen- 
tric, but  nature  had  made  him  a  true  gentleman  at 
heart.  His  intellectual  ability  was  conceded  by  all. 
His  experience  in  public  life  and  his  natural  dis- 
position induced  him  to  favor  a  policy  of  concilia- 
tion in  the  settlement  of  the  reconstruction  ques- 
tion, and,  influenced  by  these  convictions,  he  signed 
the  bail-bond  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  secured  the 
release  of  the  fallen  leader  of  the   South  from  his 


FACTS   ABOUT   ALL   OUR    PRESIDENTS.  91 

imprisonment.  This  act  cost  him  a  large  part  of 
his  popularity  in  the  North.  He  accepted  the 
presidential  nomination  of  the  Liberal  party  in  the 
belief  that  his  election  would  aid  in  bringing  about 
a  better  state  of  feeling  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  He  was  attacked  by  his  political  opponents 
with  a  bitterness  which  caused  him  much  suffering, 
and  many  of  his  old  friends  deserted  him  and 
joined  in  the  warfare  upon  him.  Just  before  the 
close  of  the  canvass,  his  wife,  to  whom  he  was- 
tenderly  attached,  died,  and  his  grief  for  her  and 
the  excitement  caused  by  the  political  contest 
broke  him  down  and  unsettled  his  mind.  He  wa& 
conveyed  by  his  friends  to  a  private  asylum,  where 
he  died  on  the  29  th  of  November,  1872,  in  the 
sixty-second  year  of  his  age.  The  result  of  the 
election  by  States  was  286  electoral  votes  for  Grant, 
for  President,  286  for  Wilson,  for  Vice-President,, 
and  47  for  B.  Gratz  Brown,  for  Vice-President. 

Mr.  Greeley  having  died  soon  after  the  election, 
and  before  the  meeting  of  the  Electoral  Colleges, 
the  electoral  votes  that  he  carried  at  the  popular 
election  (only  65)  were  cast  in  the  colleges  for  a 
number  of  persons  whose  names  had  never  been 
connected  with  the  office. 

The  votes  by  States  for  Grant  were  Alabama^ 
California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Florida,  Illinois^ 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Mississippi,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Ne- 
vada,   North    Carolina,     New    Hampshire,    New 


92  FACTS    ABOUT    ALL   OUR    PRESIDENTS. 

Jersey,  New  York.  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  West  Virginia,  Vir- 
ginia, Vermont,  Wisconsin — 29.  Those  casting 
electoral  votes  against  Grant  were  Maryland, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  and 
Texas — 6.  The  electoral  votes  of  the  States  of 
Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  not  counted. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1876,  the  United  States 
of  America  completed  the  one  hundredth  year  of 
their  existence  as  an  independent  nation.  The 
day  was  celebrated  with  imposing  ceremonies  and 
with  the  most  patriotic  enthusiasm  in  all  parts  of 
the  Union.  The  celebrations  began  on  the  night 
of  the  3d  of  July,  and  were  kept  up  until  midnight 
on  the  4th.  Each  of  the  great  cities  of  the  Union 
vied  with  the  others  in  the  splendor  and  complete- 
ness of  its  rejoicings ;  but  the  most  interesting  of 
all  the  celebrations  was  naturally  that  which  was 
held  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  city  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  adopted. 

In  the  summer  of  1876  the  various  political  par- 
ties met  in  their  respective  conventions  to  nomi- 
nate candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi- 
dency of  the  United  States,  which  officers  were  to 
be  chosen  at  the  general  election  in  November. 
The  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio,  on  the  14th  of  June,  and  resulted  in 
the  nomination  of  Governor  Rutherford  B.  Hayes, 
of  Ohio,  for  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
of  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  for  Vice- 


FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  93 

President.  The  Democratic  Convention  was  held 
at  St.  Louis  on  the  27th  of  June,  and  nominated 
Governor  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  for  the 
Presidency,  and  Governor  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of 
Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  A  third  Conven- 
tion, representing  the  Independent  Greenback  party, 
met  at  Indianapolis  on  the  18th  of  May,  and  nomi- 
nated Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for  President, 
and  Samuel  F.  Gary,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President. 

The  campaign  which  followed  these  nominations 
was  one  of  intense  bitterness,  and  was  in  many 
respects  the  most  remarkable  the  country  has  ever 
witnessed. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  7th  of  November. 
The  popular  vote  was  as  follows : 

ForSannielJ.  Tilden 4,284,265 

"   Rutherford  B.  Hayes 4,033,295 

"  Peter  Cooper 81,737 

Tilden  thus  received  a  popular  majority  of 
250,970  votes  over  Hayes,  and  a  majority  of  169,- 
233  votes  over  both  Hayes  and  Cooper. 

Both  sides  claimed  the  success  of  their  tickets. 
In  several  of  the  States  there  were  two  returns. 
Three  hundred  and  sixty-nine  was  the  aggregate 
number  of  votes  of  the  electoral  college.  It  re- 
quired 185  to  elect.  The  advocates  of  Tilden  and 
Hendricks  maintained  that  by  right  they  were  en- 
titled to  the  electoral  votes  of  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  and  Louisiana,  which  would  give  them  an 


94     FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

aggregate  of  203  votes ;  but  that  if  the  votes  of 
these  three  Statas,  amounting  to  19,  were  given  to 
Hayes  and  Wheeler,  Tilden  and  Hendricks  would 
still  have  184  undisputed  votes,  and  that  they  were 
clearly  entitled  to  one  vote  from  Oregon,  which 
would  give  them  185 — the  requisite  majority. 
Meantime  the  Republican  leaders  maintained  that 
upon  a  right  count  of  the  vote  of  the  four  States 
in  dispute  Hayes  and  Wheeler  had  the  majority. 
Leading  Republicans  in  Congress  maintained  that 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  had  a  right  to 
count  the  votes  as  sent  up  from  the  several  States, 
and  to  decide  questions  of  dispute  between  differ- 
ent returning  boards.  The  Democrats  proposed 
that  the  matter  should  be  settled  and  adjusted 
under  the  previously  existing  joint  rule  of  the  two 
Houses  on  the  subject  of  counting  the  electoral 
votes.  This  the  Republicans  refused  to  do.  The 
condition  of  affairs  was  assuming  a  threatening 
aspect,  when  a  proposition  was  made  to  provide  by 
law  for  a  Joint  High  Commission  to  whom  the 
whole  subject  should  be  referred.  This  was  to 
consist  of  five  members  of  the  House,  five  of  the 
Senate,  and  five  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  five 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  were  Clifford,  Miller, 
Field,  Strong,  and  Bradley ;  the  Senators  were 
Edmunds,  Morton,  Frelinghuysen,  Bayard,  and 
Thurman ;  the  members  of  the  House  were  Payne, 
Hunton,  Abbott,  Garfield,  and  Hoar. 

To  the  commission  thus  constituted,  the  whole 
subject  was  referred  by  special  act  of  Congress. 


FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  95 

The  two  Houses  of  Congress  met  in  joint  con- 
vention on  the  1st  of  February,  1877,  and  began 
the  counting  of  the  electoral  vote.  When  the 
vote  of  Florida  was  reached,  three  certificates  were 
presented  and  were  referred  to  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission. This  body,  upon  hearing  the  arguments 
of  the  counsel  of  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties,  decided  that  it  had  no  power  to  go  behind 
the  action  of  the  Return  Board,  and  that  the  cer- 
tificate of  that  body  giving  the  vote  of  that  State 
to  Hayes  must  be  accepted  by  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress.  The  vote  by  which  this  decision  was 
reached  stood  eight  (all  Republicans)  in  favor  of 
it,  and  seven  (all  Democrats)  against  it.  A  similar 
conclusion  was  come  to  in  the  case  of  Louisiana. 
Objections  were  made  to  the  reception  of  the  votes 
of  Oregon  and  South  Carolina.  In  the  Oregon 
case  the  decision  was  unanimously  in  favor  of 
counting  the  votes  of  the  Hayes  electors.  In  the 
South  Carolina  case  the  commission  decided  that 
the  Democratic  electors  were  not  lawfully  chosen ; 
but  on  the  motion  to  give  the  State  to  Hayes  the 
vote  stood  8  yeas  to  7  nays.  So  South  Carolina 
was  counted  for  Hayes.  Objection  was  made  on 
the  ground  of  ineligibility  to  certain  electors  from 
Michigan,  Nevada,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island, 
Vermont,  and  Wisconsin,  but  the  objections  were 
not  sustained  by  the  two  Houses. 

This  Commission  made  its  final  report  on  all  the 
cases  submitted  to  them,  On  the  2d  day  of  March^ 


96  FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

and  according  to  their  decision,  Hayes  and  Wheeler 
received  185  votes,  and  Tilden  and  Hendricks  184 
votes.  The  States  that  voted  for  Hayes  and 
Wheeler  were  California,  Colorado,  Florida,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  Pennsyl- 
vania, South  Carolina,  Vermont  and  Wisconsin ; 
and  those  which  voted  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks 
were  Alabama,  Arkansas.  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Georgia.  Indiana,  Kentucky.  Maryland,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  and  West  Virginia. 

General  Grant,  on  the  expiration  of  his  second 
term,  retired  from  office,  but  remained  in  Wash- 
ington City,  receiving  marked  denionstrations  of 
the  admiration  of  his  friends  for  some  months, 
before  starting  upon  an  extensive  travel  through 
Europe  and  around  the  world. 

ADMINISTRATION     OF    RUTHERFORD    B. 
HAYES. 

4th  of  March,  1877— 4th  of  March,  1881. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  the  nineteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
on  Monday,  March  5th,  1877.  As  the  4th  of 
March  fell  on  Sunday,  the  President-elect  simply 
took  the  oath  of  office  on  that  day.  The  inaugural 
ceremonies  were  carried  out  on  the  5th  at  the 


EUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES. 


(97) 


98  FACTS     ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

capitol  with  the  usual  pomp  and  parade,  and  in 
the  presence  of  an  enorn)ous  multitude  of  citizens 
and  visiting  military  organizations  from  all  parts 
of  the  country.  After  the  customary  reception  by 
the  Senate,  the  new  President  was  escorted  to  the 
eastern  portico  of  the  capitol,  where  he  delivered 
his  inaugural  address  to  the  assembled  multitude, 
after  which  the  oath  of  office  was  publicly  adminis- 
tered to  him  by  Chief-Justice  Waite.  1 

The  new  President  was  a  native  of  Ohio,  having 
been  born  at  Delaware,  in  that  State,  on  the  4th 
of  October,  1822.  He  graduated  at  Kenyon  Col- 
lege, Ohio,  and  obtained  his  professional  education 
at  the  law  school,  Cambridge,  Mass.  He  began  the 
practice  of  law  at  Cincinnati  in  1856.  Soon  after 
the  opening  of  the  war  he  enlisted  in  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  Volunteers,  with  which  regiment  he 
served  as  major,  lieutenant-colonel  and  colonel. 
He  led  his  regiment,  which  formed  a  part  of 
General  Reno's  division,  at  the  battle  of  South 
Mountain,  in  September,  1862,  and  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  arm  in  that  engagement.  In  the 
fall  of  1862  he  was  made  colonel  of  the  regiment, 
and  in  1864  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier- 
general  of  volunteers,  and  was  brevetted  major- 
general,  "for  gallant  and  distinguished  services 
during  the  campaigns  of  1864  in  West  Virginia, 
and  particularly  in  the  battles  of  Fisher's  Hill  and 
Cedar  Creek."  At  the  time  of  this  last  promotion 
he  was  in  command  of   a  division.      He  served 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  99 

until  the  close  of  the  war,  receiving  four  wounds 
and  having  five  horses  shot  under  him  during  his 
military  career.  In  the  fall  of  1864  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  and  was  returned  a  second  time  in 
1866.  In  1867,  before  the  expiration  of  his  Con- 
gressional term,  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio, 
and  was  re-elected  to  that  office  in  1869,  being 
each  time  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party. 
In  1870  General  Hayes  was  again  elected  to  Con- 
gress, and  in  1874  was  nominated  for  a  third  term 
as  Governor  of  Ohio.  His  opponent  was  Governor 
William  Allen,  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Democratic  leaders  of  Ohio.  General  Hayes  was 
elected  by  a  handsome  majority.  He  resigned  this 
office  in  March,  1877,  to  enter  upon  his  new  duties 
as  President  of  the  United  States. 

President  Hayes  selected  as  his  cabinet  William 
M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State; 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; 
George  W.  McCrary,  of  Iowa,  Secretary  of  Warj 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior ;  David  M.  Key,  of  Tennessee,  Post- 
master-General ;  and  Charles  E.  Devens,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Attorney-General.  The  cabinet  was  of  a 
composite  character  and  generally  regarded  as  a  very 
conservative  one.  Mr.  Hayes,  early  in  his  admin- 
istration, adopted  several  reforms  in  the  civil  service, 
one  of  which  was  not  to  allow  Federal  office- 
holders to  take  active  part  in  elections. 


100    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Few  Presidents  were  ever  so  embarrassed  upon 
entering  on  the  duties  of  the  office  as  he  was.  At 
this  time  the  States  of  South  CaroUna  and  Lou- 
isiana were  in  a  quasi  civil  war.  Two  Governors 
in  each  were  claiming  to  be  entitled  to  the  execu- 
tive chair.  Two  legislatures  in  each  were  also- 
claiming  to  be  rightfully  entitled  to  the  law-making 
power. 

Mr.  Hayes  displayed  the  most  consummate  skill 
in  the  conduct  and  settlement  of  these  most  em- 
barrassing questions.  In  the  summer  of  1880  the 
various  political  parties  of  the  country  met  in  Con- 
vention to  nominate  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  The 
Republican  Convention  met  in  Chicago  on  the  2d 
of  June,  and  nominated  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio, 
for  President,  and  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New 
York,  for  Vice-President.  (The  platform  and  all 
the  ballots  of  this  convention  will  be  found  in 
another  part  of  this  work.)  The  Democratic  Con- 
vention met  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  22d  of  June,  and 
nominated  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  President,  and  William  H.  English,  of 
Indiana,  for  Vice-President.  The  Greenback  Con- 
vention met  at  Chicago,  on  the  9th  of  June,  and 
nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  2d  of  November, 
and  resulted  in  the  choice  of  General  James  A. 


FACTS    ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  101 

Garfield,  who  received  214  electoral  votes  to  155 
electoral  votes  cast  for  General  Hancock. 

The  States  that  voted  for  Garfield  and  Arthur 
were :  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan, 
.  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  New  York, 
Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Ver- 
mont, Wisconsin ;  and  those  that  voted  for  Han- 
cock and  English  were :  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Del- 
aware, Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nevada,  New 
Jersey,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

The  State  of  California  was  divided.  She  cast 
one  vote  for  Garfield  and  Arthur,  and  five  for 
Hancock  and  English. 

The  last  days  of  Mr.  Hayes'  administration  were 
the  happiest  he  spent  in  the  White  House.  At 
the  close  of  his  term,  he  retired  to  his  residence  at 
Fremont,  Ohio,  followed  by  the  good  will  of  mil- 
lions of  his  fellow-citizens. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GARFIELD. 

4th  of  March,  1881— 19th  of  September,  1881. 

On  Friday,  March  4th,  1881,  the  inauguuation 
ceremonies  took  place  upon  a  scale  of  unusual  mag- 
nificence, and  were  participated  in  by  numerous 
military  and  civic  organizations,  and  by  thousands 
of  citizens  from  all  parts  of  the  country.    After  the 


102 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR    PRESIDENTS, 


new  Vice-President  had  taken  the  oath  of  office, 
President-elect  Garfield  was  formally  received  by 
the  Senate,  and  escorted  to  the  eastern  portico  of 
the  capitol,  where,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense 
multitude  of  citizens  and   soldiery,  he  delivered 


.¥../ 


JAMES    A      U\h\  IFLD. 

an  able  and  eloquent  inaugural  address,  and  took 
the  oath  of  office  at  the  hands  of  Chief-Justice 
Waite. 

The  new  President  had  been  lonn;  and  fjivorably 


FACTS    ABOUT    ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  103 

known  to  his  countrymen.  He  was  in  his  fiftieth 
year,  and  in  vigorous  health.  A  man  of  command- 
ing presence,  he  was  dignified  and  courteous  in  his 
demeanor,  accessible  to  the  humblest  citizen,  and 
deservedly  popular  with  men  of  all  parties.  Born 
a  poor  boy,  without  influential  friends,  he  had  by 
his  own  efforts  secured  a  thorough  collegiate  edu- 
cation, and  had  carefully  fitted  himself  for  the 
arduous  duties  he  was  now  called  upon  to  dis- 
charge. Entering  the  army  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war,  he  had  won  a  brilliant  reputation  as  a 
soldier,  and  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major- 
General  of  volunteers.  Elected  to  Congress  from 
Ohio,  in  1862,  he  had  entered  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  December,  1863,  and  had  seen  almost 
eighteen  years  of  constant  service  in  that  body,  in 
which  he  had  long  ranked  as  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant and  trusted  leaders  of  the  Republican  party. 
Early  in  1880  he  had  been  chosen  a  United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio,  but  had  been  prevented  from 
taking  his  seat  in  the  Senate  by  his  election  to  the 
Presidency.  Immediately  after  his  inauguration 
the  names  of  the  new  cabinet  were  sent  to  the 
Senate,  and  were  confirmed  without  opposition. 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was  Secretary  of  State  ; 
William  Windom,  of  Minnesota,  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  son  of 
ex-t resident  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  Secretary  of 
War;  William  H.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  was  Secretary 
of  the  Navy ;  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,of  Iowa,  was  Sec- 


104  FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS. 

rotary  of  the  Interior ;  Thomas  L.  James,  of  New- 
York,  was  Postmaster-General,  and  Wayne  Mc- 
Veagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  Attorney-General. 

The  Cabinet  was  regarded,  generally,  as  one 
very  judiciously  selected,  being  all  men  of  marked 
ability,  though  of  somewhat  different  shades  of 
opinion  in  the  Republican  party. 

As  the  time  wore  on,  President  Garfield  gained 
steadily  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  Hi& 
purpose  to  give  to  the  nation  a  fair  and  just  ad- 
ministration of  the  government  was  every  day 
more  apparent,  and  his  high  and  noble  qualities 
became  more  conspicuous.  Men  began  to  feel  for 
the  first  time  in  many  years  that  the  Executive 
chair  was  occupied  by  a  President  capable  of  con- 
ceiving a  pure  and  noble  standard  of  duty,  and 
possessed  of  the  firmness  and  strength  of  will 
necessary  to  carry  it  into  execution.  The  country 
was  prosperous,  and  there  was  every  reason  to  ex- 
pect a  continuance  of  the  general  happiness. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2d,  President  Garfield, 
accompanied  by  a  distinguished  party,  including 
several  members  of  the  Cabinet,  proceeded  to  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  depot,  in  Washington,  to 
take  the  cars  for  Long  Branch.  The  President 
arrived  in  company  wdth  Secretary  Blaine.  They 
left  the  President's  carriage  together,  and  walked 
arm-in-arm  into  the  depot.  In  passing  through 
the  ladies'  waiting-room,  the  President  was  fired  at 
twice  by  a  man  named  Charles  J.  Guiteau.     The 


1 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL    OUR     PRESIDENTS.  105 

first  shot  inflicted  a  slight  wound  in  the  President's 
right  arm,  and  the  second  a  terrible  wound  in  the 
right  side  of  his  back,  between  the  hip  and  the 
kidney.  The  President  fell  heavily  to  the  floor, 
and  the  assassin  was  secured  as  he  was  seeking  to 
make  his  escape  from  the  building. 

The  whole  city  was  thrown  into  the  greatest 
consternation  and  agitation  when  swift-winged 
rumor  bore  the  news  through  every  street  and 
avenue,  that  the  President  had  been  assassinated ! 
The  wires  carried  the  same  consternation  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union,  as  well 
as  to  foreign  nations. 

In  the  meantime,  the  suffering  President  re- 
ceived every  attention  that  could  be  given.  He 
was  borne  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  Executive 
mansion,  where  many  eminent  surgeons  of  the 
country  were  soon  summoned  to  his  bedside ;  but 
no  permanent  relief  was  given.  The  ball  was  not 
found,  and  he  continued  to  suffer  and  languish  for 
weeks.  His  physicians  thought  it  best  to  remove 
him  to  Long  Branch.  Suitable  and  comfortable  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  his  travel  from  the 
White  House  to  Francklyn  Cottage,  at  Elberon,  at 
that  place,  and  his  journey  was  successfully  per- 
formed on  the  6th  of  September. 

Here  he  continued  to  languish,  with  intervals  of 
hopeful  improvement  until  he  suddenly  grew  worse 
on  the  18th,  and  finally  expired  quietly  at  10.35 
P.  M.,  on  the  19th  of  September. 


106    FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

His  remains  were  taken  to  Washington  and  lay 
in  state  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol,  after  which 
they  were  conveyed  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  there 
interred  with  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  cer- 
emonies. Never  before  was  there  such  universal 
and  unfeigned  sorrow  over  the  death  of  any  public 
official. 

On  the  night  of  the  death  of  the  President  at 
Elberon,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  present  joined 
in  sending  the  following  telegram  to  Mr.  Arthur, 
the  Vice-President,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
city  of  New  York  : 

"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform  you  of 
the  death  of  President  Garfield,  and  to  advise  you 
to  take  the  oath  of  office  without  delay." 

Mr.  Arthur,  as  advised  by  Mr.  Garfield's  Cabi- 
net, immediately  took  the  oath  of  office  before 
Judge  Brady,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

On  the  22d  of  September  President  Arthur  again 
took  the  oath  of  office,  this  time  at  the  hands  of 
the  Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
quietly  inaugurated  in  the  Vice-President's  room, 
in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  delivering  upon  this 
occasion  a  brief  inausrural  address. 

President  Arthur  entered  quietly  upon  the  duties 
of  his  administration,  and  his  first  acts  were  sat- 
isfactory to  a  majority  of  his  countrymen.  As  he 
had  been  the  leader  of  "  the  Stalwart "  section  of 
the   Republican  party,    it  was  felt  by  the  mem- 


FACTS     ABOUT     ALL     OUR     PRESIDENTS.  107 

bers  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  late  President  that  he 
should  be  free  to  choose  his  own  advisers.  There- 
fore, immediately  upon  his  accession  to  the  Execu- 
tive chair,  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  colleagues  tendered 


CHESTER    A.    ARTHUR. 


him  their  resignations.  They  were  requested, 
however,  by  the  new  President  to  retain  their 
offices  until    he    could  find  suitable  successors  to 


108    PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

them.  To  this  they  agreed,  but  before  the  year 
was  out  several  important  changes  had  been  made 
in  the  Cabinet.  The  principal  of  these  were  the  sub- 
stitution of  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New 
Jersey,  for  Mr.  Blaine,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and 
the  appointment  of  Judge  Charles  J.  Folger,  of 
Ohio,  to  the  Treasury  Department. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  administration 
was  to  cause  the  indictment  of  Charles  J.  Guiteau 
for  the  murder  of  President  Garfield.  After  some 
delay  the  trial  of  the  assassin  began  on  the  14th 
of  November.  It  ended  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1882,  in  the  conviction  of  Guiteau  for  the  murder 
of  the  late  President. 

The  execution  took  place  in  the  District  jail  on 
the  30th  of  June,  1882,  and  was  witnessed  by 
about  200  people,  many  of  whom  were  represen- 
tatives of  the  press. 

The  administration  of  President  Arthur  has  re- 
sulted in  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country,  and 
been  satisfactory  to  the  mass  of  the  people. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER   I. 

BIRTH   OF   THE   REPUBLICAN   PARTY. 

To  trace  out  the  causes  leading  to  the  birth  of  a 
principle  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  reasons  for 
a  remote  cause  leading  to  an  ultimate  cause.  When 
it  becomes  necessary  to  learn  why  the  scion  of  a 
noble  house  is  entitled  to  the  honors  bestowed  upon 
his  ancestors,  the  conscientious  investigator  must 
needs  learn  something  of  the  history  of  those  an- 
cestors. Thus  it  is  that  to  know  why  a  great 
political  power  came  into  existence  we  must  of 
necessity  begin  with  its  very  conception. 

The  Republican  party  in  the  United  States  is  a 
reformation  and  continuation  of  the  political  asso- 
ciation which  exalted  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  pres- 
idency at  the  commencement  of  the  present  cen- 
tury. It  originated  in  a  high  public  necessity,  which 
became  manifest  during  the  administrations  of 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams.  Its  primary 
object  was  the  defense  of  unsurrendered  rights 
against  the  monocratic  doctrines  and  measures  of 
the  Federalists.  It  was  subsequently  required  to  de- 
fend, as  well,  our  whole  Republican  system  of  gov' 
ernment,  including  free  speech,  of  the  press,  of 

(109) 


110  HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

religion,  and  of  the  person  under  the  protection 
of  the  habeas  corpus,  and  the  right  of  trials  by 
juries  impartially  selected.  It  is  now  resisting 
usurpations  which  have  resulted  from  the  substi- 
tution by  the  political  party  temporarily  admin- 
isterins;  the  Federal  Government,  of  the  Calhoun 
policy,  so  called,  for  that  of  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  under  which  our  Re- 
publican system  was  inaugurated,  and  insisting 
upon  a  return  to,  and  a  resumption  of,  the  policy 
from  which  both  the  executive  and  legislative  de- 
partments have  unwisely  departed. 

After  the  martial  forces  employed  in  the  Ameri- 
can revolution  had  sundered  the  bonds  which  held 
the  colonies  in  allegiance  to  a  foreign  government, 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  his  compeers  entered  upon 
the  more  difficult  task  of  devising,  constructing, 
and  setting  in  motion,  another  and  better  political 
establishment.  For  although  all  the  illustrious 
men,  whom  we  revere  as  patriots  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, were  very  unanimous  respecting  the  necessity 
of  colonial  independence,  they  were  greatly  divided 
in  regard  to  the  form  and  composition  of  the  struc- 
ture to  be  erected  in  place  of  the  government  re- 
pudiated. Some  of  them  were  unprepared  for  any 
change  whatever,  and  therefore  urged  the  creation 
of  a  limited  monarchy,  after  the  British  model. 
Some  had  advanced  with  the  age  so  far  as  to  be 
willing  to  adopt  the  form  of  the  Helvetic  and  Bata- 
vian  confederacies;    whilst   others,  among  whom 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  Ill 

was  JefFerson,  who  confided  less  in  the  strength 
and  solidity  of  any  particular  system,  than  in  the 
moral  force  of  the  voluntary  principle,  preferred  a 
Republic.  This  preference  ultimately  obtained 
with  the  people,  and  our  federal  constitution  is  the 
result.  These  questions  were  succeeded  by  others 
respecting  the  details  and  alleged  defects  of  the 
constitution.  The  larger  States  apprehended  that, 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  sovereign  power 
which  it  lodged  in  the  Federal  Government,  would 
their  own  local  importance  and  influence  with 
their  sister  commonwealths  be  injuriously  dimin- 
ished. 

The  smaller  ones,  by  an  opposite  course  of 
reasoning,  foreboded  for  themselves  an  equally  dis- 
astrous result.  They  were  apprehensive,  also,  of 
being  overslaughed  by  the  larger  States,  through 
combinations  of  interest  or  ambition.  Some  appre- 
hended danger  from  the  gradual  usurpations  of  the 
executive ;  others  were  jealous  of  the  absorbing 
power  vested  in  Congress.  Some  regarded  the 
intermixture  of  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
functions  in  the  Senate  as  a  mischievous  departure 
from  all  former  ideas  of  government ;  others  con- 
sidered the  non-participation  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  same  functions  as  highly 
objectionable.  Some  considered  equality  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  Senate  improper ;  others  com- 
plained of  inequality  of  representation  in  the  House. 
Some  disliked  the  compromise  of  sovereignty  be- 


112  HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

tween  the  Union  and  the  several  States.  Others 
were  opposed  to  the  compromises  of  liberty  by  the 
clause  admitting  representation  in  Congress  for 
slaves.  Some  objected  to  the  power  to  levy  direct 
taxes ;  others  disliked  the  power  to  levy  them  in- 
directly. Some  feared  the  powers  of  the  judiciary 
were  too  extensive  ;  others  professed  to  believe  the 
power  to  keep  up  a  standing  army  the  precursor  of 
military  despotism ;  and  in  the  States  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  it  was  asserted  in  published 
manifestoes,  "  that  there  was  power  enough  lodged 
in  Congress  and  the  Executive  to  enable  them  to 
convert  the  government  into  an  absolute  despotism." 

James  Madison  was  indicated  by  the  Republican 
party  as  Mr.  Jefferson's  successor.  George  Clinton 
was  desired  to  continue  in  the  office  of  vice-presi- 
dent. They  were  unanimously  elected  at  a  caucus 
held  by  ninety-four  members  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  on  the  19th  of  January,  1808,  at  which 
the  former  received  eighty-three,  and  the  latter  all 
the  votes  given  at  the  informal  ballot.  They  were 
supported  in  the  canvass  against  Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney,  and  Rufus  King,  the  candidates  of  the 
Federalists,  and  confirmed  in  the  colleges  of  that 
year  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  against  forty- 
seven  electoral  votes. 

Mr.  Madison  was  deeply  read  in  all  the  history, 
philosophy  and  logic  that  appertained  to  institutions 
for  human  government.  He  was  habitually  solemn 
and  contemplative.      Until  now  his  position  had 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  113 

been  less  conspicuous  than  that  of  his  predecessor, 
and  it  had  never  required  of  him  the  exercise  of  high 
executive  talent;  yet  he  considered  well  all  the 
issues  which  had  been  made  with  the  British  gov- 
ernment, all  the  principles  and  interest  which  had 
been  involved  in  that  controversy,  and  all  the  pledges 
and  guarantees  which  had  been  made  by  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  and  by  the  constitutional  con- 
vention, to  the  people  of  this  country,  in  respect  to 
their  rights  and  immunities  under  the  new  system, 
and  he  had  contributed  liberally  with  his  voice  and 
pen  toward  the  upholding  and  vindicating  of  the 
American  cause.  He  had  drafted  the  memorable 
address  of  the  Federal  Congress  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  issued  by  that  body  on  the  18th 
of  April,  1783,  which  defined  the  rights,  for  which 
the  colonies  contended  with  Great  Britain,  to  be 
the  rights  of  human  nature.  He  had  been  promi- 
nent in  the  convention  which  framed  the  constitu- 
tion, where  the  word  "slave"  was  stricken  from 
the  draft  on  his  motion,  because  he  would  not  con- 
sent to  acknowledge  the  "right  of  property  in 
man."  He  had  expounded  and  commended  that 
instrument  to  the  favor  of  the  several  States  by  a 
series  of  arguments  alike  patriotic  and  convincing; 
and  he  had  been  Secretary  of  State  under  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson for  eight  years,  in  which  position  he  had 
conducted  the  foreign  correspondence  with  great 
ability,  and  identified  himself  with  the  Republican 
policy  which  that  statesman  had  inaugurated. 
8 


114         HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 
THE    PARTY   NAME    CHANGED. 

The  Republican  party  of  the  United  States  kept 
its  faith  and  name  until  after  the  defeat  of  Henry 
Clay  and  John  Sargeantin  the  presidential  election 
of  1832,  when  it  relinquished  the  title  for  one 
more  agreeable  to  Anti-Masons,  who  then  dis- 
banded as  a  party,  and  entered  its  ranks.  It  then 
assumed  to  be  the  Whig  party  in  the  country,  with 
republican  principles.  It  claimed  a  high  antiquity, 
reaching  back  to  protests  against  crown  prerog- 
atives under  the  reisru  of  James  the  Second  of  Enar- 
land,  and  extending  through  an  unbroken  series  of 
political  struggles  down  to  the  American  revolu- 
tion. It  claimed  inheritance  of  the  principles 
enunciated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as 
they  were  subsequently  expounded  by  the  author 
of  that  manifesto,  and  administered  by  himself 
and  all  his  Republican  successors.  It  set  John 
Quincy  Adams,  the  last  Republican  President; 
Henry  Chiy,  his  Secretary  of  State  ;  William  Wirt, 
his  Attorney-General ;  Richard  Rush,  his  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury ;  John  McLean,  his  Postmaster- 
General  ;  Samuel  L.  Southard,  his  Secretary  of 
War,  and  Daniel  Webster,  who  about  that  time 
distinguished  himself  by  a  masterly  argument 
against  nullification,  in  the  front  rank  of  its  forces 
as  distinguishing  representatives  of  its  principles. 
And  it  put  itself  at  issue  with  the  Jackson  polity 
respecting  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the 
power  and  duty  of  the  general  government  to  im- 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  115 

prove  the  interior  of  the  country,  the  rechartering 
of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  the  removal 
from  that  institution  of  the  government  deposits, 
the  payment  of  the  government  dues  in  specie,  and. 
the  exposure  of  domestic  industry  to  ruinous  com- 
petitions from  English  workshops.  For  the 
sake  of  Mr.  Clay,  who  had  been  persuaded  into  a 
compromise  with  nullification,  it  withheld  censure 
against  the  President  for  signing  that  bill. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  the  new  party  sig- 
nalized its  advent  by  the  nomination,  in  1834,  of 
William  H.  Seward,  the  intimate  friend  and  ad- 
mirer, and  since,  the  eulogist  and  biographer  of 
one  of  the  Republican  Presidents,  for  governor. 
This  gave  a  complexion  to  its  subsequent  character 
in  the  Northern  States,  down  to  the  period  when  it 
fell,  with  General  Scott,  under  the  enormous  weight 
of  compromises  with  the  slave  power,  with  which 
its  national  platform  of  1852  was  burthened. 

It  was  inaugurated  in  the  faith  of  the  apostles 
of  civil  liberty,  and  undertook  to  resist  both  the 
allurements  and  encroachments  of  southern  des- 
potism. It  j)ledged  itself  as  well  to  all  constitu- 
tional measures  for  ameliorating  and  improving 
the  social  condition  of  the  people,  as  to  others  re- 
lating merely  to  their  pecuniary  interests  and  po- 
litical rights;  and  it  committed  itself  particularly 
to  the  policy  of  universal  education,  universal 
suffrage,  and  unrestricted  freedom  of  religion,  of 
speech,  and  of  the   press.     It  avowed  fidelity  to 


116  HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  including  its 
reservations  and  compromises;  but  it  dissented 
from  all  attempts  to  construe  the  former  into 
licenses  for  State  rebellion,  or  the  latter  into  war- 
rants for  federal  usurpations.  It  maintained  the 
general  right  of  every  man  to  personal  freedom, 
unless  forfeited  by  crime,  but  disclaimed  the  right 
of  Congress,  or  of  the  Legislature,  or  the  people  of 
non-slave-holding  States  to  interfere  with  slavery 
where  it  existed  under  the  protection  of  the  local 
law. 

From  this  time  forward,  to  1840,  the  growth  of 
the  Whig  party  was  rapid  and  healthy.  It  re- 
ceived large  accessions  from  conservative  Demo- 
crats, who  broke  with  Van  Buren  on  account  of 
his  measures  and  meddling  with  the  currency. 
Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  William  C.  Rives,  Hugh 
S.  Lagare  and  John  C.  Clark  were  of  the  number. 
It  attracted  into  its  ranks  the  young  men  of  the 
country  who  relied  for  support  on  the  rewards  of 
their  own  industry,  which  were  greatly  diminished 
by  the  monetary  pressure  which  the  currency 
measures  of  Van  Buren  occasioned.  And  it  held 
an  incentive  no  less  influential  than  this  —  the 
reasonable  certainty  of  success  at  the  next  Presi- 
dential election. 

On  the  4tli  of  December,  1839,  the  Whig  party 
held  a  national  convention  at  Harrisburg,  Penn- 
sylvania, where,  after  twenty-four  ballotings  in 
grand  committee  of  delegates,  who  were  divided 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  117 

in  choice  between  the  nominees,  Henry  Clay  and 
General  Scott,  General  William  Henry  Harrison, 
of  Ohio,  the  leading  candidate  four  years  before, 
was  mianimously  nominated  for  President ;  and 
John  Tyler,  of  Virginia  (after  the  nomination  had 
been  offered  to,  Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  by  the 
delegations  from  Ohio,  Virginia,  and  North  Caro- 
lina, and  by  him  declined),  was  designated  for 
Vice-President.  This  convention  was  composed  of 
men  who  were  sagacious  enough  to  adjourn  after 
they  had  performed  their  delegated  work,  without 
incumbering  themselves  and  their  nominees  with 
useless  resolutions.  It  was  the  administration 
which  they  opposed — not  the  Whig  party,  which 
at  that  time  had  public  measures  to  defend.  The 
convention  formally  declared  no  principles ;  it 
only  authorized  its  presiding  officer.  Governor 
Barbour,  of  Virginia,  to  announce  that  it  flung  the 
broad  flag  of  liberty  to  the  breeze,  inscribed :  "One 
presidential  term  ;  the  integrity  of  public  servants; 
the  safety  of  public  money,  and  the  general  good 
of  the  people." 

Nor  were  the  masses  of  the  party  less  sagacious 
in  the  management  of  the  canvass  which  ensued. 
They  resolved  to  waste  neither  time  nor  money  in 
defending  their  candidates  against  any  charges  or 
aspersions  which  might  be  made  against  them  by 
the  Democrats.  Whatever  epithets  or  sobriquets 
the  adverse  party  applied  to  General  Harrison,  and 
they  were   numerous  as  well    as  ludicrous,  they 


118  HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

readily  and  pleasantly  adopted  as  their  own ;  and 
thus  reserved  all  their  energies  for  "  rolling  the 
ball "  directly  on,  against  the  forces  of  the  adverse 
party.  Their  movements  were  all  aggressive,  not 
defensive ;  and  the  result  of  the  election  vindicated 
the  policy. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  119 

CHAPTER   II. 

THE    PUBLIC    LANDS    BILL. 

After  the  passage  of  the  bill  in  July,  1842, 
which  continued  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds 
of  pubhc  lands,  it  was  sent  to  the  Senate  for  con- 
currence, where  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five 
against  twenty-three.  All  who  voted  for  the  bill 
were  Whigs,  except  one,  and  all  the  Whigs  in  the 
Senate  voted  for  it  except  Messrs.  Rives,  Graham 
and  Preston.  This  bill  was  then  sent  up  for  execu- 
tive approval,  and  met  another  ""  veto,"  called  in 
the  parlance  of  the  day  "  veto  ditto." 

Mr.  Adams  then  took  the  message  in  hand,  and 
moved  to  raise  a  committee  of  thirteen  to  consider 
it,  which  prevailed.  •  He  prepared  the  report  of 
that  committee,  which  reviewed  the  whole  question 
and  the  President's  extraordinary  treatment  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  who  had  high  duties 
to  fulfil,  by  enacting  laws  to  relieve  them  from 
the  distresses  under  which  they  were  suffering, 
and  alleged  that,  under  the  circumstances  relating 
to  the  veto  of  the  law  in  question,  he  had  usurped 
the  whole  legislative  power  of  the  nation. 

It  concluded  with  a  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  so  that  a  majority  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  the  members  of  Congress  might  pass  a  bill, 
notwithstanding  an  executive  veto. 


120         HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

Congress  then  succumbed  to  executive  dictation. 
The  House  concluded  to  omit  the  distribution 
clause,  and  pass  the  balance  of  the  bill  separately. 
This  was  done  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  five 
against  one  hundred  and  three,  and  afterwairds 
concurred  in  by  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four 
against  twenty-three,  Mr.  Wright,  of  New  York, 
voting  in  the  affirmative,  as  he  said,  under  the  con- 
viction that  some  such  measure  was  imperatively 
required  by  revenue.  This  bill  received  the  Pres- 
ident's signature  on  the  30th  of  August,  1842. 

Congress  then  enacted  a  separate  law,  which  re^ 
pealed  the  proviso  to  the  distribution  act,  so  as  to 
allow  distribution  to  be  made,  notwithstanding  the 
increase  of  duties  by  the  new  tariff  bill;  but  this 
was  done  only  for  the  purpose  of  casting  upon  the 
President  the  responsibility  of  its  defeat.  As  the 
issue  had  already  been  fully  and  completely  made, 
the  President  had  only  to  permit  it  to  expire  in 
his  hands. 

During  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives upon  the  second  veto,  Mr.  Richard  Barnwell 
Rhett  revived  the  story  of  nullification  of  1833, 
and  acknowledged  the  gratitude  of  the  people  of 
his  State  for  the  President's  vote  against  the  "  force 
bill"  on  that  occasion. 

"  The  President,"  said  Mr.  Rhett,  "  is  himself  a 
party  to  that  compromise.  His  faith  and  character 
are  committed  to  it ;  and  the  party  which  sup- 
ported him  for  the  Vice-Presidency  ought  to  have 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  121 

known,  if  they  did  not,  the  historical  fact.  He  is 
a  Virginian,  a  name  never  coupled  with  dishonor. 
He  is  now  at  the  liead  of  the  government,  and 
being  in  favor  of  the  institutions  of  the  South,  he 
might  rest  assured  of  an  earnest  and  substantial 
support." 

Mr.  Calhoun,  as  usual,  found  in  the  provision  for 
continuing  distribution  a  violation  of  the  constitu- 
tion, and  a  tendency  toward  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  "  Distribute,"  said  he,  "the  revenue  of  the 
Union,  and  you  distribute  the  powers  of  the  Union  ; 
and  in  distributing  the  powers  of  the  Union  to 
States  whose  interests  do  not  harmonize  with 
others,  the  breach  is  widened  between  them."  He 
understood  the  object  of  the  measure  very  well. 
Two  motives  had  contributed  to  its  conception  and 
consummation.  It  would  not  have  been  thought 
of,  if  there  was  no  desire  to  raise  the  tariff  to  a 
protective  standard,  and  the  States  were  not  in 
debt. 

It  is  a  project  to  lay  on  high  duties,  whatever 
may  be  the  declarations  to  the  contrary.  Their 
actions  do  not  disprove  it.  He  could  suppose  a  con- 
dition of  things  in  which  the  people  would  submit 
to  taxation;  a  condition  in  which  the  government 
having  reformed  and  retrenched  till  the  most 
economical  administration  of  the  proper  functions 
of  government  had  proved  that  the  public  business 
could  not  get  along  without  the  aid  of  additional 
taxation.     But  no  such  circumstance  as  this  had 


122        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

shown  that  a  higher  tariff  was  now  necessary.  On 
the  contrary,  a  fund  which  is  properly  a  source  of 
revenue  is  taken  from  the  treasury — a  fund 
insisted  on  as  no  tax  at  all ;  and  the  deficit  its  ab- 
straction occasions  is  to  be  made  up  by  putting  an 
onerous  burden  on  that  portion  of  the  community 
which  has  no  right  whatever  to  bear  it." 

During  this  session  of  Congress  the  subject  of 
the  right  of  petition  was  conspicuous.  Immense 
numbers  of  petitions,  with  almost  all  conceivable 
prayers,  went  up  and  were  presented,  most  of  them 
relating  to  the  slavery  question,  by  Mr.  Adams 
and  Mr.  Giddings  in  the  House,  which  provoked 
great  resistance.  On  one  occasion  Mr.  Adams  pre- 
sented one  which  purported  to  be  from  inhabitants 
of  Georgia,  praying  for  his  removal  from  the  office 
of  chairman  of  the  committee  of  foreign  relations, 
and  moved  its  reference  to  the  committee  having 
them  in  charge.  This,  being  objected  to  by  a  mem- 
ber from  Georgia,  was  laid  on  the  table,  but  called 
up  the  next  day  as  privileged ;  when  Mr.  Adams 
said  that  the  entire  slaveholding  representation  in 
the  House,  with  one  exception,  were  against  him. 
He  then  read  a  letter  from  a  late  senator  from  Ala- 
bama to  his  constituents,  which  disclosed  the  fact 
(here  Mr.  Smith,  of  Virginia,  said  the  House  had 
consented  only  that  he  inight  defend  himself  from 
monomania)  that  a  coalition  had  been  formed  be- 
tween Southern  Whig  leaders  and  Northern  Feder- 
alists, not  less  for  the  safety  of  the  South  than  for 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        123 

the  prosperity  of  the  Union,  and  contained  pre- 
cisely the  same  charges  against  those  whom  it 
termed  abolitionists  in  the  North,  which  the  peti- 
tion set  forth  against  him.  But  before  he  had 
finished  his  comments  upon  this  letter,  the  House 
adjourned. 


124        HISTORY     or     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

CHAPTER  III. 

OPPOSITION     TO    MR.     ADAMS. 

The  period  at  length  arrived  for  a  signal  demon- 
stration. Among  the  petitions  presented  by  Mr. 
Adams,  to  bring  the  subject  to  a  head,  was  one 
signed  by  forty-six  inhabitants  of  Haverhill,  Massa- 
chusetts, praying  for  the  adoption  of  measures 
peaceably  to  dissolve  the  Union,  assigning  as  one 
of  the  reasons  the  ineqnality  of  benefits  conferred 
upon  the  different  sections,  one  section  being  aimu- 
ally  drained  to  sustain  the  views  and  course  of  an- 
other, without  adequate  return,  which  he  moved  to 
a  select  committee,  with  instructions  to  report  an 
answer,  showing  reasons  why  the  prayer  should 
not  be  granted.  Notwithstanding  the  nature  of 
the  instructions,  the  chivalry,  including  Mr.  Wise, 
appeared  to  think  it  a  favorable  opportunity  to 
retaliate  upon  Mr.  Adams,  and  if  possible  to  inflict 
punishment  upon  him  for  persisting  in  his  deter- 
mined course.  Mr.  Gilmore,  of  Virginia,  particu- 
larly, was  sagacious  enough  to  exhibit  his  indigna- 
tion at  the  sage  of  Quincy.  He  introduced  a 
resolution  declaring  that,  in  presenting  a  petition 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Adams  had 
justly  incurred  the  censure  of  the  House.  But 
Mr.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  wished  to  subject  him 
to  severer  discipline.      He  offered  as  a  substitute 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        125 

two  resolutions,  one  declaring  Mr.  Adams  guilty 
of  an  offense  involving  in  its  consequence  high 
treason  ;  and  the  other  declaring  him  deserving  of 
expulsion,  but  as  an  act  of  "grace  and  mercy," 
their  severest  censures  only  were  to  be  inflicted. 

In  the  debate  on  these  resolutions  which  ensued, 
it  became  evident  that  the  representatives  of  the 
local  despotism  in  Congress  were  indulging  in  new- 
born hopes  of  a  speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  under 
that  administration,  in  consequence  of  the  stand 
which  the  President  had  taken  in  regard  to  the 
tariff  question.  They  appeared  to  feel  assured  that 
the  President  was  now  their  convenient  man  for 
the  approaching  emergency ;  and  that  they  had 
only  to  surround  him  with  leading  advisers,  and  to 
invest  the  proposition  with  partisan  importance,  in 
order  to  precipitate  it  to  a  result.  Hence  in  debat- 
ing Mr.  Gilmer's  resolution,  they  alleged  that  there 
were  combinations  of  philanthropists  in  Great 
Britain,  who  were  meditating  the  overthrow  of 
Southern  institutions,  and  that  defensive  measures, 
among  them  the  speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  were 
rendered  necessary.  Mr.  Wise  insisted  that  the 
Hon.  Seth  M.  Gates,  then  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  was  an  agent  of  the  incendi- 
aries, as  he  termed  them,  who  stood  ready  with  his 
torch  to  fire  the  magazine,  and  blow  the  Union 
into  fragments. 

In  relation  to  Mr.  Adams,  whom  it  was  proposed 
to  censure,  Mr.  Wise  remarked  that  he  was  time- 


126        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

honored  and  hoary,  but  not  with  wisdom  ;  that  he 
had  the  power  of  age,  station,  fame,  and  eloquence ; 
and  that  all  w^ere  greatly  mistaken  who  thought 
him  mad.  Mr.  Adams,  thought  Mr.  Wise,  might 
truly  say,  "  I  am  not  mad,  most  noble  Festus,"  even 
if  he  did  not  speak  the  words  of  truth  and  sober- 
ness; that  for  himself  he  did  not  believe  him  mad, 
but  thought  him  more  wicked  than  weak,  and  the 
agent  of  persons  who  meditated  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  He  was  astute  in  design,  obstinate 
and  zealous  in  power,  and  terrible  in  action;  and 
therefore  well  adapted  to  accomplish  his  treason- 
able purposes. 

To  this  Mr.  Adams  very  complacently  replied 
that  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Marshall  accused  him 
of  crimes  over  which  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction, 
and,  therefore,  they  would  probably  find  it  conve- 
nient to  confine  themselves  to  a  "  contempt"  under 
Mr.  Gilmer's  resolution  ;  that  it  might  be  profitable 
to  advert  to  precedents,  and,  perhaps,  to  the  trial 
in  the  House  four  or  five  years  before,  when  a  man 
(Mr.  Wise)  came  into  it  with  his  hands  and  face 
dripping  with  the  blood  of  murder,  the  blotches  of 
which  were  yet  hanging  on  to  him;  and  that,  when 
the  question  was  put  in  that  case,  it  was  decided, 
myself  voting  in  the  affirmative,  that  the  accused 
should  be  sent  where  he  could  have  an  impartial 
trial;  that  it  was  very  probable  that  he  saved  the 
blood-stained  man  at  that  time.  (Mr.  Wise  in- 
quired whether  his  character  and  conduct  were  in- 


HISTORY     OF    THE     REPUBLICAN"    PARTY.        127 

volvecl  in  the  issue,  and  whether  a  man  who 
defended  him  then  would  be  permitted  to  now 
charge  him  with  murder?) 

"  I  did  not  defend  him,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  "  on 
the  merits  of  the  case,  for  I  never  believed  that  he 
was  not  guiltj',  nor  that  the  man  who  pulled  the 
trigger  against  Cilley  was  not  an  instrument  in  his 
hands ;  but  I  contended  that  the  House  had  not 
the  power  to  try  him.  It  was  not  then  an  impar- 
tial tribunal." 

This  illusion  to  the  Cilley  affair  was  unlooked 
for  b}^  Mr.  Wise ;  it  was  a  surprise  upon  him,  as  he 
had  not  estimated  correctly  the  power  of  the  states- 
man he  had  undertaken  to  demolish.  He  had 
carefully  watched  for  an  opportunity  to  assail  Mr. 
Adams,  under  circumstances  where  his  missiles 
would  not  be  likely  to  recoil.  He  had  selected 
this  opportunity  as  one  which  appeared  adventi- 
tious;  but  when  he  found  himself  confronted  with 
the  ghost  of  the  murdered  Cilley,  he  perceived  his 
fatal  mistake.  His  friends  anxiously  interposed  to 
remove  him  from  the  field  which  he  had  selected  for 
the  fight.  Mr.  Adams,  commiserating  his  situation, 
mercifully  forbore  to  punish  him  further. 

"  I  came  from  a  soil,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  in  con- 
tinuation, "  that  bears  not  a  slave.  I  represent 
here  the  descendants  of  Winslow,  Carver,  Alden 
and  Bedford,  the  first  who  alighted  on  the  rock  of 
Plymouth ;  and  representing  these  men,  the  free 
people  of  Massachusetts,  I  am  come  here  to   be 


128        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

tried  for  high  treason,  because  I  presented  a  pe- 
tition which  gentlemen  suspect  contain  anti-slavery 
sentiments,  but,  as  a  matter  of  mercj  and  grace, 
not  to  be  expelled,  but  subjected  to  the  severest 
censure,  and  to  have  this  decided  by  a  tribunal 
which  contains  one  hundred  slaveholders.  Are 
such  men  impartial  ?  Do  they  even  consider 
themselves  impartial  and  competent  to  adjudicate 
in  a  case  where  they  have  such  sordid  interests  at 
stake  ?  On  this  question,  slaveholders  cannot  be 
impartial." 

Mr.  Underwood,  of  Kentucky,  said  that,  as  a 
slaveholder,  he  differed  with  his  brethren  in  their 
endeavor  to  suppress  petitions.  He  was  opposed 
to  all  gag  rules  and  said.  Away  with  them.  As  to 
this  proceeding  against  Mr.  Adams,  it  was  to 
punish  him  for  an  imputed,  not  a  declared  motive. 
As  he  had  not  announced  himself  to  be  in  favor  of 
the  prayer  of  the  petition  presented  by  him,  how 
could  the  House  judge  of  his  motive?  He  had 
been  guilty  of  no  offence,  nor  had  he  violated  any 
rules.  He  had  presented  a  petition,  and  they 
were  endeavoring  to  punish  him  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  represented  his  constituents.  Gentle- 
men should  beware  how  they  put  it  in  the  power 
of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  to  inform  his 
constituents  that  he  had  become  a  martyr  to  the 
right  of  petition. 

Mr.  Botts  did  not  think  this  a  very  consistent 
employment  for  those  who  favored  the  secession  of 


I 


HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY.         129 

South  Carolina.  He  noticed  among  the  instigators 
of  the  movement  one  (Mr.  Rhett)  who  had  him- 
self on  several  occasions  undertaken  to  raise  a 
committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety 
of  dissolving  the  Union.  As  to  Mr.  Adams,  he  did 
not  approve  of  all  he  said  on  that  floor,  yet  he 
would  not  on  any  account  wound  his  feelings.  It 
is  very  likely  that,  under  the  weight  of  years,  he 
had  said  many  things  which  his  subsequent  reflec- 
tion condemned.  But  of  what  is  he  charged  ?  He 
has  presented  a  petition  here  for  a  purpose,  against 
which  he  desired  a  committee  to  remonstrate  and 
expostulate  with  them,  for  the  folly  of  their  course. 
He  had  not  undertaken,  as  had  other  gentlemen 
on  that  floor,  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

Mr.  Rhett  denied  that  he  could  be  really  ac- 
cused of  desiring  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and 
assured  his  friends,  who  had  so  understood  him, 
that  they  had  misapprehended  his  motives.  He 
had,  three  or  four  years  before,  proposed  as  an 
amendment  to  a  motion  to  refer,  with  instructions, 
a  bill  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
something  of  that  import,  but  that  was  designed 
only  to  place  before  Congress  and  the  country  the 
vital  question  he  supposed  at  issue.  It  was  merely 
a  motion  to  go  upon  the  table,  with  the  matter  to 
which  it  was  attached. 

"  It  was,"  said  Mr.  Botts,  "  not  only  the  doc- 
trine of  that  gentleman,  but  of  the  majority  of 
his   State,  where    the    right  of  secession  was  in- 


130        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

flexibly  maintained.  It  was  in  vain  for  the  gen- 
tlemen to  ignore  the  fact — one  that  had  gone  into 
history,  and  was  read  of  all  men  throughout  the 
Union.  South  Carolina  and  her  representative 
statesman  are  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  seces- 
sion, which  applies  as  well  to  one  State  as  to 
another.  It  was  maintained  by  others.  The  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  the  last  time  he  conversed  with 
me,  was  an  open,  avowed  advocate  of  the  imme- 
diate dissolution  of  the  Union.  (Mr.  Wise  inter- 
rupting, denied  it.)  I  repeat  the  statement  and 
will  prove  it  whenever  the  Secretary  himself  denies. 
If  there  were  to  be  trials  for  high  treason,  he  de- 
sired the  Secretary  to  be  respectfully  noticed. " 

Mr.  Saltonstall,  of  Massachusetts,  on  obtaining 
the  floor,  gave  a  succinct  history  of  threats  of  a 
forcible  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  demonstrated 
that  they  all  proceeded  from  the  South,  and  had 
arisen  out  of  the  subject  of  slavery ;  that  if  they 
were  mere  pretences,  as  he  supposed  they  were, 
their  frequent  repetition  had  rendered  them  dis- 
gusting, and  if  they  were  earnest  intentions,  as  they 
aflected  to  be,  they  were  at  the  head  of  the  crimi- 
nal calendar,  where  trials  should  proceed  in  order. 
Whilst  he  regretted  that  the  petition  in  question 
came  from  his  State,  he  felt  that  it  was  in  safe 
hands,  when  controlled  by  his  venerable  colleague, 
who  so  far  from  being  in  favor  of  grantins;  its 
prayer  was  disposed  to  convince  the  petitioners, 
and  the   people  generally,  that  in  the    union  of 


HISTOr.Y    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  131 

States  rested  their  greatest  safety.  But  gentlemen 
might  rest  assured  that  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
would  never  surrender  the  right  of  petition. 

Mr.  Arnold,  of  Tennessee,  was  disgusted  with 
a  miserable  outcry  respecting  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  He  said  it  was  obvious  to  anv  one  who' 
would  perceive  the  truth,  that  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  would,  with  permission,  crown  a 
long  and  illustrious  life,  by  sending  forth  in  these 
times  of  confusion  and  degeneracy,  a  luminous  audi 
convincing  report  in  favor  of  the  American  Union ; 
and  yet,  for  presenting  a  petition  from  his  constitu- 
ents, it  is  gravely  proposed  to  punish  him  with  the 
censure  of  the  house.  What  a  singular  spectacle 
would  a  consummation  of  such  purposes  present — 
the  arrest  and  arrai2;nment  at  the  bar  of  that  ven- 
erable  statesman  with  his  palsied  hand,  his  bare 
head,  and  whitened  locks,  to  be  rebuked  by  the' 
speaker,  comparatively  a  boy,  after  having  been 
visited  by  the  vituperation  of  others,  boys  in  com- 
parison. Such  a  proceeding  would  shock  the  sen- 
sibilities of  the  nation,  and  so  far  from  helping  the 
cause  of  the  South,  it  would  kindle  a  blaze  of  in- 
dignation that  would  reach  the  heavens. 

The  debate  was  continued  by  others,  until  no 
more  of  his  accusers  desired  to  speak,  when  Mr. 
Adams  entered  upon  his  defense,  which  was  a  mas- 
terly exposition  of  all  the  combinations  and.  coali- 
tions of  the  slave  power  against  the  liberty  of 
speech,  and  of  the  press,  and  the  right  of  the  peo- 


132        HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

pie  to  invoke  the  national  Legislature  upon  any 
subject  appertaining  to  the  institutions  of  the 
country,  and  of  the  right  of  every  man  accused  of 
crime  to  an  impartial  trial.  He  administered  a 
withering  rebuke  to  the  nullifiers  for  seeking  to 
punish  him  for  presenting  a  petition  from  forty- 
five  of  his  constituents,  whose  views  of  the  subject 
involved  accorded  with  their  own.  But  after  oc- 
cupying the  floor  for  several  days,  without  seem- 
ing to  approach  the  end  of  his  speech,  his  assail- 
ants, to  drop  the  tedious  discussion,  moved  to  table 
the  subject,  which  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  106 
against  93.  The  reception  of  the  petition  was 
then  refused  by  106  against  40. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio, 
offered  a  resolution,  suggested  by  the  affair  of  the 
brig  "Creole,"  which  had  just  transpired,  to  the 
effect  that  the  slave  laws  of  the  State  did  not 
extend  on  the  high  seas,  beyond  the  State  jurisdic- 
tion, and  that  the  slaves  on  board  the  "  Creole," 
in  asserting  their  right  to  liberty,  violated  no  law 
of  the  United  States;  whereupon  Mr.  Botts,  of 
Virginia,  introduced  a  resolution  declaring  his  con- 
duct deserving  of  the  condenniation  of  the  people 
and  the  House.  An  exciting  and  confused  debate 
ensued,  when  without  affording  the  accused  an 
opportunity  of  defense,  the  resolution  of  censure 
was  passed  by  a  vote  of  129  against  69.  Mr.  Gid- 
dings then  resigned,  returned  home,  and  was  sent 
back  by  his  constituents  with  a  vote  of  3,500  over 
the  opposing  candidate. 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        133 

Mr.  Webster  remained  in  Tjler's  cabinet  for  the 
principal  reason  of  negotiating  a  treaty  with  Lord 
Ashburton,  for  the  settlement  of  the  northeast 
boundary  question  ;  and  there  is  authority  for  as- 
serting that  he  assured  his  friends  that  the  belief 
that  he  could  avert  a  war  with  Great  Britain, 
which  was  certain  to  occur  if  he  left  the  adminis- 
tration to  itself,  was  the  only  reason  why  he  con- 
sented to  remain  there.  In  this  Mr.  Webster  was 
successful.  He  concluded  a  treaty  which  not  only 
adjusted  the  disputed  boundary,  but  arranged  for 
the  united  and  final  suppression  of  the  slave  trade, 
and  the  mutual  extradition  of  fugitives  from  justice. 
After  the  same  was  ratified  by  both  governments, 
he  resigned  his  office  of  Secretary  of  State  in  May, 
1843. 


134        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

LOCAL    DESPOTISM     IN     THE     ASCENDENCY. 

We  have  now  reached  a  point  in  the  history  of 
the  United  States  where  the  local  despotism,  under 
the  lead  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  attained  complete  ascen- 
dency in  the  government.  The  vetoes  of  the  tariff 
hill  by  President  Tyler  v/ere  taken  by  the  nulli- 
fiers  as  sufficient  indications  that  he  was  their  con- 
venient man  for  the  consummation  of  their  schemes; 
they  set  themselves  immediately  to  work  to  pre- 
pare a  case  for  him,  which  might  seem  to  justify 
the  employment  of  the  forces  of  the  government  in 
its  fulfilment.  The  great  desideratum  was  the 
speedy  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1843  they 
held  the  President's  ear.  They  impressed  him 
with  the  idea  that  the  pending  war  between  Texas 
and  Mexico  was  exhausting  the  physical  energies 
of  both,  and  exposing  them  to  the  designs  of  foreign 
governments,  particularly  that  of  Great  Britain ; 
that  Texas  was  negotiating  loans  and  commercial 
arrangements  with  the  latter  government,  which 
were  likely  to  be  consummated  only  upon  the  con- 
dition of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  that  State  ;  and 
that  in  case  no  such  treaty  were  concluded  and 
loans  only  were  effected,  it  would  result  in  a  mone- 
tary vassalage  of  Texas  to  Great  Britain,  which 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        135 

would  subject  it  to  the  sway  of  influenees  adverse 
to  the  profitable  continuation  of  slavery.  They 
also  persuaded  him  that  then  was  the  opportune 
occasion  for  augmenting  the  slave  power  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  render  it  invulnerable  against 
public  sentiment  in  the  North.  This  argument 
prevailed. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1843,  the  President 
laid  the  matter  before  Congress,  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage, in  which  he  dilated  at  great  length  upon  the 
exhausting  effects  of  the  existing  war  between 
Texas  and  Mexico,  and  the  exposure  of  both  gov- 
ernments to  foreign  interference  which  resulted 
from  its  continuance. 

About  the  time  of  the  delivery  of  this  message, 
it  was  stated  in  a  newspaper  published  in  Texas,, 
that  authentic  information  had  been  received  by 
that  government  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  concluded  to  favor  the  project  of  an- 
nexation, and  would  break  ground  on  the  subject 
in  his  message  to  Congress  ;  that  the  Texan  Legis- 
lature had  taken  action  on  the  subject,  and  author- 
ized the  President  of  that  Republic  to  open  negotia- 
tions which,  it  was  said,  Mr.  Upshur,  the  American 
Secretary  of  State,  had  proposed  to  commence.  It 
is  known  that  secret  despatches  were  sent  to  the 
Department  of  State,  touching  that  subject ;  and  a 
correspondence  opened  between  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  a  Mr.  Murphy,  our  charge  d'affaires  in 
Texas,  in  which  the  latter  pretended  to  have  infor- 


136         HISTORY     OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    TARTY. 

mation  from  a  mysterious  Texan  named  Andrews ; 
that  a  project  was  on  foot  in  England  to  raise 
money  with  which  to  purchase  slaves  in  Texas, 
and  that  lands  were  to  be  taken  in  payment.  That 
information  which  was  undoubtedly  manufactured 
for  the  occasion  had  the  influence  desired,  and 
elicited  a  letter  from  the  secretary  in  reply  stating 
that  "a  movement  of  this  sort  cannot  be  contem- 
plated in  silence,"  as  it  was  doubtless  part  of  a 
plan  "  to  seek  to  abolish  slavery  throughout  the 
entire  continent  and  islands  of  America."  The 
secretary  further  said  that  Great  Britain  desired 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  order  to  open  in  this 
country  a  better  market  for  the  production  of  her 
East  and  West  India  colonies ;  and  that  if  Texas 
were  free,  it  would  afford  a  refuge  for  fugitive 
slaves. 

Mr.  Murphy  replied  that  he  had  learned  that 
both  Mexico  and  Texas  were  negotiating  in  Eng- 
land, and  under  the  control  of  British  emissaries, 
and  there  existed  an  imminent  danger  to  the 
domestic  institutions  of  the  Southern  States,  which 
required  prompt  and  energetic  action  on  the  part 
of  our  government.  Mr.  Upshur  reassured  Mr. 
Murphy  that  the  President  felt  the  deepest  con- 
cern on  the  subject,  and  would  do  all  that  lay  in 
his  power  to  avert  the  impending  disaster,  and 
urged  him  to  diligence  in  watching  all  further 
movements  in  that  direction.  He  also  wrote  Mr. 
Everett  confidentially  in  England,  what  informa- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  137 

tion  the  deiDartment  possessed  on  that  subject,  in 
which  he  urged  the  necessity  of  shave  h-ibor  in  the 
production  of  cotton,  sugar  and  rice,  and  dechared 
that  the  slaves  themselves  would  be  damaged  by 
emancipation. 

Mr.  Everett  heard  nothing  of  the  matter  in 
England,  but,  on  the  receipt  of  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Upshur,  called  on  Lord  Aberdeen  for  information, 
and  was  assured  by  his  lordship  that  the  suggestion 
that  England  had  made  or  intended  to  make  the 
abolition  of  slavery  the  condition  of  any  treaty  ar- 
rangement with  Texas  was  wholly  without  founda- 
tion, and  thereupon  communicated  that  assurance  to 
Mr.  Upshur.  This  was  corroborated  by  Mr.  Packen- 
ham,  the  British  Minister  at  Washington,  who  en- 
closed a  letter,  received  by  him  from  Lord  Aber- 
deen, stating  that  as  much  as  the  British  Govern- 
ment might  wish  to  see  slaveholding  States  placed 
on  the  solid  footing  only  obtained  by  general 
freedom,  it  had  never  in  its  treatments  with  them 
made  any  distinction  between  slave  States  and  free 
ones.  Hence  it  will  be  perceived  that  the  pretence 
of  Mr.  Murphy  was  utterly  false  in  fact. 

But  the  administration  was  committed  to  the 
measure,  and  it  had  been  vaguely  indicated  to  Con- 
gress in  the  message.  Texas  formally  made  her 
application,  and  numerous  Southern  State  Legisla- 
tures sent  up  resolutions  and  memorials  urging 
speedy  annexation.  At  length  Mr.  Edward  J. 
Black,  a  representative  from  Georgia,  on  the  15th 


138  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

of  January,  1844,  gave  notice  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  his  intention  to  move  as  an 
amendment  to  the  Oregon  bill  then  reported,  a  sec- 
tion providing  for  the  provisional  annexation  of 
Texas.  This  brought  the  subject  distinctly  before 
ConGfress. 

The  next  link  in  the  chain  of  circumstances  was 
the  sudden  death  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  the 
28th  of  February,  1844,  by  the  explosion  of  the 
"  peace-maker,"  and  the  immediate  appointment  of 
Mr.  Calhoun  to  his  place.  This  raised  the  great 
nuUifier  to  the  place  which  he  coveted,  and  placed 
in  his  hands  all  the  wires  of  the  plot.  He  was  the 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  charge  of  that 
correspondence,  and  invested  with  the  discretion 
to  conclude  a  treaty  of  annexation  whenever  he 
should  judge  such  a  contract  necessary. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  139 

CHAPTER  V. 

CALHOUN    IN    POWER. 

The  Jupiter-Ammon  of  the  Palmetto  State  was 
now  invested  with  high  authority.  In  his  hands 
the  nominal  President  was  plastic  clay.  The 
South  was  now  to  be  aroused,  and  the  deed  ex- 
ecuted, and  no  man  lived,  who  knew  so  well  as  he 
how  to  strike  a  chord  that  would  vibrate  all  through 
the  precincts  of  slavery.  He  advised  the  Presi- 
dent to  take  an  open  stand  in  favor  of  the  im- 
mediate annexation  of  Texas ;  to  insist  upon  it  as 
a  Democratic  measure ;  and  to  force  the  Democratic 
nominating  convention,  which  was  advertised  to  be 
held  at  Baltimore  on  the  27th  of  May  following, 
to  adopt  it.  His  words  were  implicitly  heeded. 
The  views  of  the  administration  were  immediately 
announced  in  the  newspapers  of  Washington,  and 
they  electrified  the  entire  oligarchy.  It  was  a 
magnificent  scheme,  not  only  to  exalt  and  en- 
throne the  slave  power,  but  to  augment  largely  the 
value  of  existing  slaves,  and  the  profits  of  slave- 
breeding. 

He  signified  to  the  Texan  government  that  he 
was  prepared  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  annexation 
with  it  at  Washington,  whenever  ministers  with 
plenipotential  powers  were  ready  to  meet  him. 
Messrs.  Isaac  Van  Zant  and  J.  Pinckney  Hender- 


140  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     TARTY. 

son  were  duly  commissioned  on  the  part  of  Texas 
to  treat  with  him.  After  suitable  preliminaries, 
he  concluded  a  treaty  of  annexation  with  them  on 
the  12th  day  of  April^  1844,  which  was  immedi- 
ately transmitted  to  the  Senate  for  approval. 

The  time  for  the  meeting  of  the  Democratic 
convention  being  near,  the  premier  advised  speedy 
measures  for  controlling  its  action,  and  for  menac- 
ing its  nominee  with  defeat,  in  case  it  refused  to 
indorse  the  measure.  To  that  end  he  convened  a 
deputation  of  officeholders  from  all  the  States,  at 
Baltimore,  contemporaneously  with  the  delegated 
convention,  which  secretly  nominated  President 
Tyler,  and  resolved  to  support  him  to  the  damage 
of  any  Democratic  nominee  who  should  fail  to 
give  satisfactory  pledges  respecting  Texas.  This 
done,  the  deputies  repaired  to  the  Democratic  con- 
vention, where  they  succeeded  not  only  in  produc- 
ing a  schism,  but  in  procuring  the  adoption  of  a 
two-third  rule,  by  which  Martin  Van  Buren,  who 
was  the  choice  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates,  was 
defeated,  and  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  foisted 
upon  the  ticket  instead. 

The  nuUifier  was  now  greatly  elated.  He  saw 
that  he  was  making  rapid  progress.  He  perceived 
that  the  influence  of  his  great  name,  and  the  pe- 
cuniary interests  which  invested  it,  had  raised  the 
Texas  proposition  to  the  dignity  of  a  cardinal  prin- 
ciple, and  one  that  outweighed  all  other  questions 
involved  in  the  pending  canvass.     He  had  only  to 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  141 

convince  Colonel  Polk  that  without  his  aid  he 
could  not  have  been  nominated,  and  could  not  be 
elected  to  insure  the  conquest.  Holding  up  before 
the  colonel,  as  a  menace,  the  secret  nomination  of 
Tyler,  he  procured  a  ready  acknowledgment  of 
his  power,  and  a  complete  acquiescence  in  his  favor- 
ite measure.  Thus  the  Democratic  party,  the 
party  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  was  surrendered 
to  the  nuUifier  by  the  chosen  bearer  of  its  stan- 
dard. 

But  this  surrender  of  Colonel  Polk  was  carefully 
withheld  from  the  people  of  the  North  during  the 
presidential  canvass.  To  them  he  appeared  in  the 
mantle  of  General  Jackson,  which  was  yet  attrac- 
tive. Privileged  classes  in  the  South  only  were 
intrusted  with  the  secret.  Under  the  double 
guise  of  Jackson-man  and  nullifier,  he  was  tri- 
umphantly elected.  He  then  laid  aside  the  gar- 
ment borrowed  from  the  Hermitage,  and  disclosed, 
even  to  the  dying  hero  himself,  that  his  protege 
was  in  solemn  league  with  his  most  implacable 
enemy. 

The  Senate,  after  debating  the  Calhoun  treaty 
from  day  to  day  in  secret  session,  until  the  8th  of 
June,  then  rejected  it  by  a  vote  of  thirty-five, 
sixteen  voting  in  the  affirmative.  The  injunction 
of  secrecy  was  then  removed.  It  should  be  re- 
marked in  this  connection,  that  the  project  had  not, 
at  the  time  when  the  treaty  was  under  considera- 
tion in  the  Senate,  fully  ripened ;  it  had  not  be- 


142  HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

come  a  party  measure ;  hence,  senators  of  tlie 
Democratic  party  felt  at  liberty  to  characterize  the 
treaty  as  a  miserable  intrigue  for  political  and  per- 
sonal ends.  Colonel  Benton,  in  particular,  who 
was  decidedly  in  favor  of  annexation  as  a  public 
measure,  with  the  assent  of  Texas  and  Mexico, 
denounced  it  as  a  proceeding  got  up  for  election- 
eering purposes,  which  would  end  in  the  disgrace 
of  its  authors.  Atchinson,  his  colleague,  was  in 
the  confidence  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  supported  the 
treaty. 

Two  days  after  the  rejection  of  the  treaty, 
Colonel  Benton,  whom  the  Calhounites  sought  to 
place  in  a  false  position  before  the  country,  intro- 
duced a  bill  into  the  Senate,  conferring  authority 
on  the  President  to  open  negotiations  with  Mexico 
and  Texas  for  the  adjustment  of  boundaries  and 
the  annexation  of  the  latter  to  the  United  States, 
the  assent  of  Mexico  to  be  obtained  by  treaty,  that 
of  Texas  by  an  act  of  her  legislature,  and  after 
erecting  out  of  Texas  a  State  not  exceeding  the 
size  of  the  largest  State  in  the  Union,  slavery  to 
be  excluded  from  the  northern  half  of  the  re- 
mainder, which  was  ordered  to  be  printed.  The 
subject  then  went  over  to  the  ensuing  session. 

In  his  annual  message  of  December  3d,  to  the 
second  session  of  the  same  Congress,  the  President 
recommended  annexation  especially,  and  without 
reservations  or  conditions,  and  averred  that  which 
had  not  been  generally  understood  in  the  North. 


HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        143 

that  in  the  election  of  his  successor,  the  people  of 
tlie  United  States  had  pronounced  in  fixvor  of  an- 
nexation. The  mode  suggested  by  the  President 
was  a  joint  resolution  or  act  to  be  perfected  and 
made  binding  upon  the  two  governments  when 
adopted,  in-  like  manner,  by  the  government  of 
Texas;  but  when  the  Democratic  members  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  from  the  North  reached  Wash- 
in2:ton  to  attend  this  session  of  Consrress,  some  of 
them,  and  among  others  Senators  Dix,  of  New 
York,  and  Niles,  of  Connecticut,  and  Representa- 
tives Preston  King,  George  Rathbun,  Horace 
Wheeten,  and  Amasa  Dana,  were  surprised  by  in- 
formation of  a  discovery  that  the  President-elect, 
Mr.  Polk,  had  been  in  collusion  with  President 
Tyler  and  the  nuUifier  from  about  the  time  of  the 
Baltimore  convention;  that  prior  to  the  election 
he  had  committed  himself  secretly  but  in  writing 
to  certain  confidential  friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun  to 
depose,  in  the  event  of  his  election,  Francis  P.  Blair 
from  his  position  as  the  editor  of  the  National  Demo- 
cratic organ ;  and  yet  had,  after  so  committing 
himself  in  writing  through  his  particular  friends  in 
Tennessee,  drawn  upon  Messrs.  Blair  and  Rives 
for  several  thousand  dollars  for  use  in  promoting 
his  election,  which  drafts  had  been  accepted  and 
paid ;  that  after  having  thus  obtained  for  election- 
eering purposes  heavy  sums  of  money  from  those 
gentlemen,  whilst  he  was  under  a  secret  contract 
to  establish  a  new  organ  to  their  great  political  and 


144        HISTORY     OF     THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

pecuniary  damage,  he  had  arranged  with  Tyler, 
Calhoun,  and  prominent  men  to  raise  the  requisite 
funds  for  the  purchase  of  such  press ;  and  was  au- 
thorized by  the  President  to  invest  it  in  the  Globe, 
or  in  the  establishment  of  another  press  at  AVashing- 
ton ;  and  that  the  arrangement  had  gone  so  far  to- 
ward completion,  as  to  have  been  intimated  to  Gen- 
eral Jackson  himself,  at  the  Hermitage,  by  General 
Armstrong,  with  a  view  to  obtain  his  assent  to  the 
project.  It  was  seen  at  a  glance,  therefore,  that  a 
conspiracy  which  involved  the  President-elect  in 
such  palpable  treachery  and  ingratitude  might  well 
be  taken  as  an  admonition  that  other  developments 
equally  astounding  were  yet  behind. 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        145 

CHAPTER   VI. 

EFFORTS     AGAINST     THE     PARTY. 

It  soon  afterward  appeared  that  the  information- 
imparted  by  General  Armstrong,  at  the  Hermitage,. 
was  such  as  to  induce  Jackson  on  the  14th  of 
December,  1844,  to  write  Mr.  Blair  as  follows : 
"  Our  mutual  friend,  General  Robert  Armstrong,, 
spent  a  part  of  yesterday  with  me,  from  wliofn  I 
confidentially  learned  some  movements  of  some  of 
our  Democratic  friends,  not  of  wisdom,  but  of  folly,, 
that  would  at  once  separate  the  Democratic  party 
and  destroy  Polk,  and  would  of  course  drive  you 
from  the  support  of  Polk's  administration.  I  fortli- 
Avith  wrote  Colonel  Polk  on  the  subject,  and  am  sure 
he  will  view  it  as  I  do — a  wicked  and  concerted 
movement  for  Mr.  Calhoun's  and  Mr.  Tyler's  politi- 
cal benefit.  It  is  this :  to  amalgamate  the  Madisonian 
and  what  was  the  Spectator,  and  make  that  paper 
the  organ  of  the  government,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
Glohe.  I  am  sure  Polk,  when  he  hears  it,  will  feel 
as  indignant  at  the  plot  as  I  do.  I  will  vouch  for 
one  thing,  and  that  is,  that  Mr.  Calhoun  will  not 
be  one  of  Polk's  cabinet,  not  any  aspirant  to  the 
presidency.  This  is  believed  to  spring  from  Mr. 
Rhett's  brain,  inculcated  into  the  brain  of  some  of 
our  pretended  Democratic  politicians  who  "want  to 

be  great  men  but  will  never  reach  that  height 
10 


146        HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

"As  your  friend  on  the  political  watch-tower,  I 
give  you  this  confidential  information,  and  by 
silence  and  care  you  will  soon  find  the  secret 
movers  of  this  weak  and  wicked  measure  that 
would  at  once  divide  and  distract  the  Republican 
party,  and  dissolve  it — unless  the  measures  we 
have  adopted  here  may  put  it  down,  you  will  soon 
see  the  movement  in  Washington,  and  I  hope, 
if  attempted,  the  whole  Democracy  will  rally 
around  the  Globe,  and  prostrate  the  viper  for- 
ever. This  intrigue  puts  me  in  mind  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's treachery  to,  me,  and  is  well  worthy  of  a 
disciple  of  his. 

"But  there  is  another  project  on  foot  as  void  of 
good  sense  and  benefit  to  the  Democratic  cause  as 
the  other,  but  not  as  wicked,  proceeding  from  weak 
and  inexperienced  minds.  It  is  this — to  bring 
about  a  partnership  between  you  and  Mr.  Ritchie, 
you  to  continue  proprietor  and  Ritchie  editor. 
This,  to  me,  is  a  most  extraordinary  conception, 
coming  from  any  well-formed  mind  or  experienced 
politician.  It  is  true  Mr.  Ritchie  is  an  experienced 
editor,  but  sometimes  goes  off  at  half  cock  before 
he  sees  the  whole  ground,  and  does  the  party  great 
injury  before  he  sees  his  error,  and  then  has  great 
-difficulty  in  getting  back  to  the  right  track  again. 
Witness  his  course  on  my  removal  of  the  deposits, 
;and  how  much  injury  he  did  us  before  he  got  into 
(the  right  track  again.  Kwoihev  faux  pas  he  made 
when  he  went  off  with  Rives  and  the  conservatives, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.        147 

and  advocated  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  public 
revenue  special  deposits  in  the  State  banks,  as  if 
where  the  directory  were  corrupt  there  could  be 
an}'  more  security  in  special  deposits  in  corrupt 
banks  than  in  general  deposits,  and  it  was  some 
time  before  this  great  absurdity  could  be  beaten 
out  of  his  mind. 

"  These  are  visionary  measures  of  what  I  call 
weak  politicians,  but  who  wish  to  become  great  by 
foolish  changes.  Polk,  I  believe,  will  stick  by  you 
faithfully;  should  he  not,  he  is  lost;  but  I  have 
no  fears  but  that  he  will,  and  being  informed  con- 
fidentially of  this  movement,  may  have  it  in  his 
power  to  put  it  all  down.  One  thing  I  know.  Gen- 
eral Armstrong  and  myself,  with  all  our  influence, 
will  stick  by  you  till  the  last.  I  am  not  at  liberty 
to  name  names,  but  you  will  be  able,  by  silent 
watchfulness,  to  discover  those  concerned,  because 
the  amalgamation  of  the  Madisonian  with  Mr. 
Rhett's  paper  will  be  at  once  attempted  to  be  put 
in  operation  to  carry  out  Mr.  Tyler's  administra- 
tion, and  attempt  to  become  the  administration 
paper  under  Polk,  and  the  copartnership  between 
you  and  Mr.  Ritchie  broached  to  you  by  some  of 
your  friends  and  his.  I  therefore  give  you  this 
information  that  you  may  not  be  taken  by  surprise. 
There  will  be  great  intrigue  at  Washington  this 
winter,  and  if  I  mistake  not  Mr.  Polk,  he  will 
throw  the  whole  to  the  bats  and  to  the  wind.  He 
has   energy  enough   to   give    himself  elbow-room 


148        HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

under  all  and  any  circumstances,  and  you  may  rest 
assured,  he  will  have  none  in  his  cabinet  that  are 
aspiring  to  the  Presidency.  I  write  in  confidence, 
and  will  soon  again  write  you.  You  may  rest 
assured  in  my  friendship — all  the  politicians  on 
earth  can  never  shake  it.  I  wish  to  see  you  the 
organ  of  the  Democratic  party  as  long  as  you  own 
a  paper,  and  as  long  as  the  party  is  true  to  itself, 
you  will  be  its  organ,  and  true  to  its  principles. 
"  I  am  very  weak,  and  must  close. 

[Signed]  "Andrew   Jackson." 

On  hearing  this  communication  read,  they  were 
able  to  perceive  that  General  Jackson  had  been 
completely  betrayed  by  Mr.  Polk. 

Further  denouements  were  attentively  looked  for 
until  it  was  ascertained  that  James  Buchanan  had 
been  selected  by  Mr.  Polk  for  Secretary  of  State, 
instead  of  Silas  Wright,  of  New  York,  the  states- 
man of  all  others,  under  the  circumstances,  most 
entitled  to  that  honor,  and  that  William  Marcy, 
the  political  enemy  of  Mr.  AVright,  had  been 
selected  for  his  Secretary  of  War.  This  plainly 
signified  that  although  Mr.  Polk  was  indebted  to 
Mr.  Wright  and  his  friends  in  New  York  for  his 
election,  he  had  resolved  to  repay  the  boon  by 
"crushing  them  out "  so  effectually  that  they  would 
be  unable  to  bring  him  (Mr.  Wright)  ibrward  in 
1848,  as  a  candidate  for  the  succession. 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.         149 

CHAPTER  YII. 

NULLIFICATION    SCHEMES. 

Perceiying  that  it  was  definitely  arranged  to 
put  the  Democratic  ship  on  the  nullification  tack, 
the  old-line  Democrats,  and  the  friends  of  Silas 
Wright,  especially,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  became 
reluctant  passengers  in  the  projected  voyage.  Al- 
though they  were  partially  committed  to  annexa- 
tion by  resolves  of  Democratic  conventions,  they 
determined  at  once  that  in  whatever  they  did  in 
relation  to  that  subject,  their  action  should  enure 
to  the  benefit  of  freedom  rather  than  slavery;  that 
they  would  oppose  annexation  by  all  processes, 
other  than  by  treaty  negotiated  pursuant  to  a 
special  law,  hoping  that  when  a  treaty  should  be 
concluded,  there  would  not  be  found  a  two- third 
vote  in  the  Senate  to  confirm  it.  Hence  their  six 
consecutive  votes  upon  and  against  the  House 
resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  given  on 
the  25th  of  January,  1845. 

About  the  first  of  April,  Mr.  Blair  received  an- 
other letter  from  General  Jackson,  dated  at  the 
Hermitage,  February  28th,  1845. 

'■''My  dear  Bhdr: — For  the  first  time  on  the  23d 
instant.  I  was  informed  that  Colonel  Laughlin  had 
gone  to  the  city  of  Washington  to  become  inter- 
ested in  the  Madisonian.      If  this  is  true,  it  will 


150  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

astonish  me  greatly.  Some  time  ago,  I  did  learn 
that  there  was  a  project  on  foot  to  unite  the  Madi- 
sonian  and  the  Constitution,  and  make  it  the  organ 
of  the  executive.  Another  plan  is  to  get  Mr. 
Ritchie  interested  as  the  editor  of  the  Globe,  all  of 
which  I  gave  you  an  intimation  of,  and  which  I 
thought  had  been  put  down.  But  that  any  lead- 
ing Democrat  here  had  any  thought  of  becoming 
interested  in  the  Madisonian,  to  make  it  the  organ 
of  the  administration,  was  such  a  thing  as  I  could 
not  believe ;  as  common  sense  at  once  pointed  out 
as  a  consequence,  that  it  would  divide  the  democ- 
racy, and  destroy  Polk's  administration.  The 
moment  I  heard  it,  I  adopted  such  measures  as  I 
trust  will  put  an  end  to  it,  as  I  know  nothing 
could  be  so  injurious  to  Colonel  Polk,  and  his  ad- 
ministration. The  pretext  for  this  movement  will 
be  the  Globes  support  of  Colonel  Benton.  Let 
me  know  if  there  is  any  truth  in  this  rumor.  I 
guarded  Colonel  Polk  against  any  abandonment  of 
the  Globe.  It  can  do  you  but  little  harm.  A  few 
subscribers  may  resign,  but  it  will  add  one  hundred 
per  cent,  to  your  subscription  list  one  month  after 
it  is  known.  If  true,  it  would  place  Colonel  Polk 
in  the  shoes  of  Mr.  Tyler. 

"  Your  friend  sincerely, 
[Signed]  Andrew  Jackson." 

In  this  communication  the  General  says  he 
guarded  Colonel  Polk  against  any  abandonment  of 
the  Globe,  vainly  supposing  that  the  question  was 
an  open  one,  and  therefore  within  reach  of  his  in- 
fluence. Had  he  been  aware  of  the  bargain  of 
Mr.  Polk  with  his  (the  General's)  most  implacable 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  151 

enemy,  he  would  have  known  that  his  efforts  would 
be  fruitless.  It  is  well,  for  the  purposes  of  history, 
however,  that  he  was  kept  in  the  dark  on  that 
subject  until  the  intrigue  was  fully  accomplished. 
On  the  9th  of  April  he  wrote  Mr.  Blair  again  as 
follows  : 

Hermitage,  April  9,  1845. 
^^ My  dear  Mr.  Blair: — I  have  been  quite  sick 
for  several  days,  my  feet  and  legs  much  swollen, 
and  it  has  reached  my  hands  and  abdomen,  and  it 
may  be  that  my  life  ends  in  dropsy.  All  means 
hitherto  used  to  check  the  swelling  have  now 
failed — be  it  so :  I  am  fully  prepared  to  say,  the 
Lord's  will  be  done.  My  mind,  since  ever  I  heard 
of  the  attitude  the  President  had  assumed  with 
you  as  editor  of  the  Globe,  which  was  the  most 
unexpected  thing  I  ever  met  with,  has  been  troubled, 
and  it  was  not  only  unexpected  by  me,  but  has 
shown  less  good  common  sense  by  the  President 
than  any  act  of  his  life,  and  calculated  to  divide, 
instead  of  uniting  the  Democracy,  which  appears 
to  be  his  reason  for  urging  this  useless  and  foolish 
measure,  at  the  very  threshold  of  his  administra- 
tion, and  when  everything  appeared  to  augur  well 
for,  to  hitn,  a  prosperous  administration.  The 
President,  here,  before  he  set  out  for  Washington, 
must  have  been  listening  to  the  secret  counsels  of 
some  political  cliques,  such  as  Tyler  or  Calhoun 
cliques  (for  there  are  such  here),  or,  after  he  reached 
Washington,  some  of  the  secret  friends  of  some  of 
the  aspirants  must  have  gotten  hold  of  his  ear, 
and  spoiled  his  common  sense,  or  he  never  would 
have  made  such  a  movement,  so  uncalled  for.  and 
well  calculated  to  sever  the  Democracy,  by  calling 


152  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

down  upon  himself  suspicion,  by  tlie  act  of 
secretly  favoring  some  of  the  political  cliques  who 
are  lookhig  to  the  succession  for  some  favorite.  I 
have  in  ni}^  confidential  letters,  and  particularly  in 
that  of  the  4th  instant,  brought  fully  to  his  view, 
in  my  plain  common  sense  way,  his  situation,  and 
asking  him  at  least,  how  he  can  justify  his  course 
to  you,  to  the  real  Democracy,  that  sustained  my 
administration  and  Mr.  Van  Bnren's. 

"  I  brouofht  to  his  view  that  when  I  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  the  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment, Duff  Green  was  the  Democratic  editor, 
whose  object  was  to  heat  tlie  executive  chair  by 
me  for  Mr.  Calhoun.  He  was  the  executive  organ 
until  I  found  he  was  doing  my  administration  in- 
jury, and  dividing  the  Democratic  ranks;  that  the 
Globe,  with  you,  its  editor,  took  Dufi'  Green's  place; 
that  you  and  Colonel  Polk  went  hand  in  hand  in 
sustaining  all  my  measures  with  ability  and  zeal — 
both  advocated  the  election  of  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
and  went  hand  in  hand  in  sustaining  his  adminis- 
tration— united  in  his  support  for  a  second  term  ; 
that  ever  since  the  Colonel's  name  was  announced 
as  the  nominee  of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  you 
have  given  him  an  undeviating  support,  and  I  have 
fully  explained  to  him  how  your  paper  had  been 
drawn  astray  from  your  own  matured  views  on 
the  Texas  question.  I  then  conclude  by  asking 
him  what  excuse  can  he  give  to  the  old  substantial 
Jackson  and  Van  Buren  Democrats  for  not  letting 
you  and  your  paper  go  on  as  his  organ,  until  you 
are  in  some  fault,  and  then,  as  I  did  Duff  Green, 
turn  you  away.  I  ask,  have  you  (the  Colonel)  any 
new  principles  other  than  those  you  have  always 
advocated,  and  set  forth  in  your  inaugural,  to  bring 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        153 

before  the  people,  that  you  think  Mr.  Blair  will 
oppose,  that  at  the  very  threshold  of  your  admin- 
istration you  have  repudiated  Blair  and  his  Globe 
from  being  your  organ  ?  I  know  this  cannot  be  the 
case ;  therefore,  am  entirely  lost  to  conjecture  any 
good  cause  for  your  unaccountable  course  to  Mr. 
Blair;  and  wind  up,  telling  him  there  is  one  safe 
course  to  pursue — review  his  course,  send  for  you, 
and  direct  you  and  the  Globe  to  proceed  as  the 
organ  of  his  administration,  give  you  all  his  con- 
fidence, and  all  would  end  well.  This  is  the  sub- 
stance ;  and  I  had  a  hope  on  the  receipt  of  this 
letter,  and  some  others  written  by  mutual  friends, 
it  would  have  restored  all  things  to  harmony  and 
confidence  again.  I  rested  on  this  hope  until  the 
7th,  when  I  received  yours  of  the  30th,  and  two 
confidential  letters  from  the  President  directed  to 
be  laid  before  me,  from  which  it  would  seem  that 
the  purchase  of  the  Globe,  and  to  get  clear  of  3-ou, 
as  editor,  is  the  great  absorbing  question  before  the 
President. 

'•  My  own  opinion  is,  that  the  contract  made, 
the  monej^  cannot  be  raised,  and  the  Globe  cannot 
be  bought.  What  then  ?  The  President  will  find 
himself  in  a  dilemma,  have  to  apologize,  and  the 
Globe  will  be  the  organ ;  and  Ritchie  will  return, 
not  so  well  satisfied  with  the  sagacity  of  the  ad- 
ministration as  when  he  left  Richmond.  These 
are  my  speculations.  I  may  be  in  error.  I  would 
like  to  know  what  portion  of  the  Cabinet  are  sup- 
porting and  advising  the  President  to  this  course, 
where  nothing  but  injury  can  result  to  him  in  the 
end,  and  division  in  his  Cabinet  arising  from 
jealousy.  Wliai  political  clique  is  to  be  benefited  ? 
My  dear  friend,  let  me  know  all    about   the  Cabi- 


154        HISTORY    OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

net,  and  their  movement  on  this  subject.  How 
loathsome  it  is  to  me  to  see  an  old  friend  laid 
aside,  principles  of  justice  and  friendship  forgotten, 
and  all  for  the  sake  oi  policy — and  the  great  Dem- 
ocratic party  divided  or  endangered  for  'policy — 
and  that  a  mere  imaginary  policy,  that  must  tend 
to  divide  the  great  Democratic  party  whilst  the 
"Whigs  are  secretly  rejoicing  at  the  prospect  of 
disunion  in  our  ranks.  I  declare  to  you,  it  is  a 
course  that  common  sense  forbade  the  adoption, 
when  the  administration  was  entering  on  its  career 
with  so  much  harmony  and  prospect  of  success.  I 
cannot  reflect  on  it  with  any  calmness ;  every 
point  of  it,  upon  scrutiny,  turns  to  harm  and  dis- 
union, and  not  one  beneficial  result  can  be  ex- 
pected from  it.  I  will  be  anxious  to  know  the 
result.  If  harmony  is  restored,  and  the  Glohe  the 
organ,  T  will  rejoice ;  if  sold,  to  whom,  and  for 
Avhat.  This  may  be  the  last  letter  I  may  be  able 
to  write  you ;  but  live  or  die,  I  am  your  friend 
(and  never  deserted  one  from  policy),  and  leave  my 
papers  and  reputation  in  your  keeping.  As  far  as 
justice  is  due  to  my  fame,  I  know  you  will  shield 
it.  I  ask  no  more.  I  rest  upon  truth,  and  require 
no  more  than  truth  will  mete  to  me.  All  my 
household  join  me  in  wishes  for  your  health  and 
prosperity,  and  that  of  all  your  family ;  and  that 
you  may  triumph  over  all  enemies.  May  God's 
choicest  blessing  be  bestowed  on  you  and  yours 
through  life  is  the  sincere  prayer  of  your  sincere 
friend, 

[Signed]  '-'Andrew  Jackson." 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        155 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    TWENTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 

Haying  noticed  the  plot  against  Silas  Wright 
and  the  newspaper  intrigue,  we  will  return  to  the 
early  part  of  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty- 
eidith  Consrress.  We  remarked  that  when  certain 
Democratic  Senators  and  Representatives  arrived 
at  Washington,  they  were  surprised  by  certain  in- 
formation of  a  coalition  between  Tyler,  Calhoun, 
and  the  President-elect.  The  moment  of  surprise 
having  passed,  the  old-school  Democrats  and  friends 
of  Mr.  Wright  saw  at  a  glance  the  origin,  object 
and  drift  of  the  whole  conspiracy.  They  also  com- 
prehended the  declaration  in  the  message,  that  the 
people  had  decided  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas  at  the  recent  presidential  election.  They 
comprehended,  in  short,  the  general  fact  that  the 
radical  Democracy  of  New  York,  without  whose 
aid  Mr.  Polk  could  not  have  been  elected,  had 
been  most  infamously  betrayed  in  the  house  of 
their  friends. 

But  as  no  public  good  seemed  attainable  by  an 
open  rupture  with  those  who  abetted  the  treason, 
Messrs.  Dix,  Niles,  King,  Rathbun  and  Dan;i  and 
their  associates  concluded  to  abide  results  for  the 
time,  and  until  the  conspiracy  should  ripen  into 
fruits  more  obvious  to  their  constituents  and  the 


156         HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

people  at  large.  On  the  Texas  question  their  posi- 
tion at  that  time  was  well  defined  by  Mr.  Rathbun, 
of  the  Cayuga  district,  in  a  speech  delivered  by 
him  in  the  committee  of  the  whole  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  on  the  22d  of  January,  1845. 

The  joint  resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
reported  by  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs  being 
under  consideration,  Mr.  Rathbun,  after  combating 
various  arguments  of  Messrs.  Rhett,  Holmes,  Bayly, 
Hammitt  and  others,  in  favor  of  their  passage, 
amonii;  other  thins-s  said  : 

"This  is  an  attempt  to  usurp  an  authority  not 
given  to  us  in  the  constitution ;  and  to  exercise, 
by  this  liouse,  a  power  specifically  granted  to 
another  department  of  the  government.  It  is  an 
humble  imitation  of  the  usurpations  of  the  long 
Parliament  in  Great  Britain,  and  a  yet  more  hum- 
ble imitation  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in  France. 

"  They  usurped  the  power  belonging  to  the  other 
departments  of  the  government,  and  established 
the  most  intolerable  despotism  that  ever  existed,  and 
then  in  their  turn  were  overthrown  by  the  armed 
hand  of  military  despots,  whose  power,  usurped  and 
lawless  as  it  was,  was  a  relief  and  refuge  to  those 
countries.  I  am  in  favor  of  exercising  all  the  leg- 
itimate powers  which  belong  to  this  house,  when 
they  can  be  wisely  exerted  ;  but  I  will  not  consent 
to  assume  an  authority  which  has  been  withheld 
by  the  constitution.  This  house  has  no  authority 
to  create  or  confirm  a  treaty. 


mSTORT    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  157 

"  We  are  willing  to  annex  Texas,  but  we  say  here, 
in  the  beginning,  after  we  have  given  jou  of  the 
South  seven  new  States,  and  vou  still  ask  for 
more,  to  give  us  at  least  our  portion  of  the  genial 
climate,  rich  products,  and  fertile  soil  of  this 
southern  Eldorado.  The  North  has  asked  for 
no  addition  to  her  territory.  It  wants  none.  But 
if  we  are  to  add  an  empire  to  the  Union  in  the 
South,  we  ask  you  to  leave  a  part  of  it  open  to  the 
people  in  the  North.  The  South  has  acquired  all. 
The  North  has  been  taxed  to  pay  millions  for  the 
territory  of  Florida  and  Louisiana,  and  yielded  it 
all  to  the  South  and  Southern  institutions.  We 
are  willing  to  go  further  in  the  acquisition  of  terri- 
tory, but  we  demand  a  fair  division  of  it  when  it 
is  obtained.  If  you  will  meet  us  on  fair,  equal  and 
honorable  terms,  it  is  well;  if  not,  no  Northern 
man  who  has  any  respect  for  the  feelings,  honor 
and  interest  of  his  constituents  can  go  with  you. 
I  certainly  will  not. 

"  There  is  one  gentleman  from  South  Carolina, 
(Mr.  Holmes)  whose  remarks  I  cannot  suffer  to 
pass  without  notice.  He  said  that  any  Southern 
man  who  should  consent  to  the  admission  of  Texas, 
on  condition  that  her  territory  should  be  divided 
between  either  slaveholding  or  non-slaveholding 
States,  was  either  a  knave  or  a  fool.  Now,  with 
all  due  deference,  I  doubt  the  propriety  or  wisdom 
of  such  a  remark.  AVe  meet  here  as  one  fimiily  ; 
and  il^  under  strong  and  opposing  prejudices  and 


158  HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

interest,  we  insist  upon  a  fair  portion  of  new  terri- 
tory, I  do  not  think  that  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  is  either  courteous  or  prudent  in  saying 
to  every  Southron  who  should  be  liberal  enough  to 
vote  for  a  fair  and  honorable  division  of  this  large 
acquisition  of  new  territory,  that  he  is  either  a 
knave  or  a  fool." 

In  the  same  speech  he  said,  that  the  second  ma- 
gician of  New  York  (alluding  to  Mr.  Wright)  sat 
trembling  on  his  throne ;  probablj^,  because  in  the 
Senate  he  voted  asrainst  Mr.  Calhoun's  Texas  treatv. 
Now,  in  the  first  place,  the  distinguished  statesman 
alluded  to  occupies  no  throne  in  the  common  ac- 
ceptation of  that  term,  though  it  is  true  that  he 
is,  and  long  will  be,  throned  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen.  They  have  done  and  will  continue 
to  sustain  him.  He  neither  trembles,  nor  has  oc- 
casion to  tremble.  An  upright,  honest  and  con- 
sistent politician  like  Silas  Wright  may  sit  as  calm 
as  a  summer's  morn,  without  the  least  fear  of  the 
threats  of  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  or 
his  friends.  By  a  life  of  integrity  and  purity, 
by  his  great  talents  and  dignified  deportment,  he 
has  fixed  himself  in  the  affections  of  the  people 
of  that  State ;  and  his  throne,  based  on  their  love 
and  confidence,  has  a  foundation  too  deep  to  be 
shaken  by  any  wind  that  can  blow  from  South 
Carolina. 

"  The  gentleman  has  assumed  to  be  weather- 
wise.     He  has  predicted  that  a  storm  is  gathering 


HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        159 

in  the  political  atmosphere  that  we  cannot  stand. 
Now  we  have  occasionally  some  storms  in  the 
North,  compared  with  which  your  Southern  winds 
are  gentle  zephyrs,  your  lightning  the  flash  of  a 
firefly,  your  thunder  but  the  rumbling  of  a  hand- 
barrow;  so  let  me  say  to  the  gentleman  that  he 
who  provokes  the  usually  quiet  elements  of  the 
North  will  have  reason  to  regret  his  temerity. 
The  people  of  the  North  are  a  cool,  quiet,  think- 
ing, moderate  people  ;  but  there  are  points  beyond 
which  they  cannot  be  driven.  A  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  (Mr.  Hammitt)  remarked  that  Texas 
had  killed  Martin  Van  Buren.  I  trust  it  may  not 
kill  the  Constitution  of  our  country.  He  said  it 
was  a  bomb-shell  that  would  blow  everything  to 
atoms  before  it.  I  say  to  the  gentleman  that  the 
Constitution  is  an  obstruction  to  it  here,  and  if  that 
be  blown  to  atoms,  the  suffering  will  not  be  limited 
to  the  North. 

"  The  Richmond  Enquirer  says  that  Democrats 
who  oppose  the  measure  that  Mr.  Polk  is  so  anx- 
ious to  have  settled  this  session  will  have  noth- 
ing to  expect  from  his  administration ;  that  the 
'Northern  Democrats  who  avail  themselves  of  this 
critical  contest  to  indulge  their  hatred  of  the  South 
will  find  themselves  marked  by  a  great  national 
sentiment  in  return.  Gentlemen  from  the  North 
may  see  the  prospect  before  them.  If  they  dare 
oppose  annexation,  or  insist  upon  fair  and  honor- 
able terms,  they  sliall  have  no  share  in  the  loaves 


160        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

and  fishes  of  the  coming  administration.'  I  hope 
gentlemen  will  not  be  alarmed  at  the  crack  of  the 
Virginia  lash.  Practice  submission  in  time.  For 
my  own  part  I  believe  tliat  Mr.  Polk  is  an  honest 
man:  if  he  is  not  he  is  greatly  belied;  and  if  he 
would  object  to  our  insisting  upon  what  we  believe 
to  be  honest  and  fair  and  just,  all  I  shall  say  here 
is,  he  is  not  the  kind  of  man  we  supposed.  We 
voted  for  him  under  the  firm  belief  that  he  was  a 
man  whose  sentiments  and  feelings  were  exalted 
far  above,  and  we  still  believe  him  incapable  of, 
any  such  intention. 

"  If  he  shall  attempt  to  deprive  the  North  of  the 
right  of  acting  in  accordance  with  our  honest  opin- 
ions, we  shall  be  sadly  disappointed  in  him.  The 
gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Bayl\')  told  us  that 
the  people  had  settled  the  question.  I  ask  him, 
How  ?  When  ?  Where  ?  Does  he  take  the  vote  of 
New  York,  without  which  we  should  have  been 
beaten,  as  a  settlement  of  the  question  ?  If  he 
does,  then  Texas  must  not  be  annexed,  for  in  that 
State  there  was  a  majority  of  ten  thousand  on  the 
popular  vote  against'  us. 

"What  is  it  the  South  asks  from  New  York? 
Must  she  commit  suicide  on  this  floor?  Must  she 
yield  her  sentiments,  her  feelings,  and  her  inde- 
pendence to  the  dictation  of  the  South,  and  that 
dictation  to  be  enforced  by  threats  of  punishment? 
No;  we  shall  judge,  from  the  circumstance,  how 
far  we  can  go  in  compliance  with  public  opinion  in 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        161 

our  own  State,  and  beyond  that  we  shall  not  be 
driven.  I  call  the  attention  of  Northern  Demo- 
crats to  the  history  of  the  past  as  a  beacon  light 
to  them  on  the  present  occasion.  This  is  no  new 
question.  The  case  is  precisely  like  the  Missouri 
question.  In  that  ever-memorable  struggle  several 
Northern  men  voted  in  favor  of  allowing  slavery 
to  exist  in  Missouri.  I  call  upon  every  Northern 
man  to  remember  their  fate.  I  am  not  condemnv 
ing  the  vote  they  gave ;  I  wish  the  gentlemen  to 
look  at  the  consequence.  Some  of  them,  it  is  true^ 
were  appointed  to  offices  by  the  government;  but 
when  the  term  of  their  office  expired,  they  ex- 
pired with  them.  They  have  been  politically  dead! 
ever  since.  Let  their  fate  be  a  warning  to  the 
North.  They  were  denounced  as  traitors  to  their 
country,  and  condemned  by  their  constituents.. 
New  York  desires  Texas  if  it  can  be  had  without 
slavery;  and  a  large  number,  and  perhaps  the^ 
majority  of  her  people,  are  willing  to  consent  to  a 
fair  compromise  on  that  subject.  But  throughout 
the  whole  of  that  large  State  there  can  be 
drummed  up  scarcely  a  corporal's  guard,  unless  it 
be  composed  of  men  looking  for  office,  who  go  for 
annexation  without  some  j^ust  and  fair  division  of 
the  territory." 
11 


162  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

THE   PITTSBURG   CONVENTION. 

It  was  remarked  at  the  commencement  o^'  t'tiis 
history  that  the  Republican  party  in  the  Uriited 
States  originated  in  a  high  public  necessity^  which 
manifested  itself  during  the  administrations  of 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams ;  that  it  kept  its 
organization,  faith,  and  name  until  1833,  when  it 
was  dissolved ;  that  after  a  lapse  of  twenty-three 
years  it  was  reformed  again,  for  the  same  principal 
objects — for  the  defense  of  freedom  of  the  person, 
of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  and  for  resistance  to 
usurpations  resulting  from  the  substitution,  by  the 
political  party  temporarily  administering  the  gov- 
<irnment,  of  the  Calhoun  policy,  so  called,  for  that 
of  the  author  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  for  insisting  upon  a  return  to,  and  resumption 
of,  the  policy  from  which  both  the  executive  and 
legislative  departments  have  unwisely  departed. 
It  has  been  the  object  of  these  chapters  to  demon- 
strate that  the  Calhoun  policy  was  prompted  by  a 
local  despotism,  existing  in  the  country  inside  the 
Republic,  as  the  embodiment  of  the  slave  power, 
xind  to  indicate  when,  where,  and  how  that  despot- 
ism arose,  from  time  to  time,  and  by  consecutive 
steps,  until  it  finally  attained  complete  ascendency 
in    the   government.     It  will   now  be   our   more 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  163 

pleasant  duty  to  chronicle  a  general  uprising  of  the 
people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  on  that  ac- 
count, and  the  reformation  of  the  Republican  party 
for  the  purpose  of  unseating  that  power  from  its 
throne  at  Washington. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1856,  a  large  conven- 
tion of  delegates  from  all  the  non-slaveholding 
and  some  of  the  slaveholding  States  was  held  in 
the  city  of  Pittsburg,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  consider,  in  view  of  the  imminency  of  the  public 
danger,  what  means  should  be  adopted  to  restore 
the  government  to  its  true  republican  condition, 
and,  after  mature  deliberation,  it  issued  the  follow- 
inor  address : 


'o 


"To  THE  People  of  the  United  States. 

"  Having  met  in  convention  in  the  city  of  Pitts- 
burg, in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  this  22d  day 
of  February,  1856,  as  the  representatives  of  the 
people  in  various  sections  of  the  Union,  to  consult 
upon  the  political  evils  by  which  the  country  is 
menaced,  and  the  political  action  by  which  those 
evils  may  be  averted,  we  address  to  you  this 
declaration  of  our  principles,  and  of  the  purposes 
which  we  seek  to  promote. 

"  We  declare,  in  the  first  place,  our  fixed  and 
unalterable  devotion  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  ends  for  which  it  was  estab- 
lished, and  to  the  means  which  it  provided  for 
their  attainment.  We  accept  the  solemn  protesta- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  they 
ordained  it  '  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union, 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
themselves  and  their  posterity.'  We  believe  that 
the  powers  which  it  confers  upon  the  government 
of  the  United  States  are  ample  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  these  objects  ;  and  that  if  these  powers  are 
exercised  in  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  itself, 
they  cannot  lead  to  any  other  result.  We  respect 
those  great  rights  which  the  Constitution  declares 
to  be  inviolable — freedom  of  speech  and  of  the 
press;  the  free  exercise  of  religious  belief,  and  the 
right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  peti- 
tion the  government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 
We  would  preserve  those  great  safeguards  of  civil 
freedom,  the  habeas  corpus,  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury,  and  the  right  of  personal  liberty,  unless  de- 
prived thereof  for  crime  by  due  process  of  the  law. 
We  declare  our  purpose  to  obey,  in  all  things,  the 
requirements  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  all  laws 
enacted  in  pursuance  thereof  We  cherish  a  pro- 
found reverence  for  the  wise  and  patriotic  men  by 
whom  it  was  framed,  and  a  lively  sense  of  the 
blessings  it  has  conferred  upon  our  country,  and 
upon  mankind,  throughout  the  world.  In  every 
crisis  of  difficulty  and  of  danger  we  shall  invoke  its 
spirit,  and  proclaim  the  supremacy  of  its  authority. 
"  In  the  next  place,  we  declare  our  ardent  and 
unshaken  attachment  to  this  Union  of  the  Ameri- 
can States,  which  the  Constitution  created,  and  has 
thus  far  preserved.  We  revere  it  as  the  purchase 
of  the  blood  of  our  forefathers,  as  the  condition  of 
our  national  renown,  and  as  the  guardian  and 
guarantee  of  that  liberty  which  the  Constitution 
was  designed  to  secure.     We  will  defend  and  pro- 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  165 

tect  it  against  all  its  enemies.  We  will  recognize 
no  geographical  divisions,  no  local  interests,  no 
narrow  or  sectional  prejudices  in  our  endeavor  to 
preserve  the  Union  of  these  States  against  foreign 
aggression  and  domestic  strife.  What  we  claim 
for  ourselves  we  claim  for  all.  The  rights,  privi- 
leges, and  liberties  which  we  demand  as  our  in- 
heritance, we  concede  as  their  inheritance  to  all 
the  citizens  of  this  Republic, 

"  Holding  these  opinions,  and  animated  by  these 
sentiments,  we  declare  our  conviction  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  is  not  administered 
in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  or  for  the  pre- 
servation and  prosperity  of  the  American  Union ; 
but  that  its  powers  are  systematically  wielded  for 
the  promotion  and  extension  of  the  interests  of 
slaver}',  in  direct  hostility  to  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  the  Constitution,  in  flagrant  disregard  of  other 
great  interests  of  the  country,  and  in  open  con- 
tempt of  the  public  sentiment  of  the  American  peo- 
ple and  of  the  Christian  world.  We  proclaim  our 
belief  that  the  policy  which  has  for  years  past  been 
adopted  in  the  administration  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment, tends  to  the  utter  subversion  of  each  of 
the  great  ends  for  which  the  Constitution  was 
established — and  that,  unless  it  shall  be  arrested 
by  the  prompt  interposition  of  the  people,  the  hold 
of  the  Union  upon  their  loyalty  and  affection  will 
be  relaxed — the  domestic  tranquility  will  be  dis- 
turbed, and  all  constitutional  securities  for  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity 
will  be  destroyed.  Tiie  slaveholding  interest  can- 
not be  made  permanently  paramount  in  the  gen- 
eral government,  without  involving  consequences 
fatal  to  free  institutions.     We  acknowledge  that  it 


166         HISTORY   OF    THE     REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

is  large  and  powerful ;  that  in  the  States  where  it 
exists  it  is  entitled,  under  the  Constitution,  like  all 
other  local  interests,  to  immunity  from  the  inter- 
ference of  the  general  government ;  and  that  it 
must  necessarily  exercise  through  its  representa- 
tives a  considerable  share  of  political  power.  But 
there  is  nothing  in  its  position,  as  there  is  cer- 
tainly nothing  in  its  character,  to  sustain  the 
supremacy  which  it  seeks  to  establish. 

"  There  is  not  a  State  in  the  Union  in  which  the 
slaveholders  number  one-tenth  of  the  free  white 
population — nor  in  the  aggregate  do  they  number 
one-fiftieth  part  of  the  white  population  of  the 
United  States.  The  annual  productions  of  the 
other  classes  in  the  Union  far  exceed  the  total 
value  of  all  the  slaves.  To  say  nothing,  therefore, 
of  the  questions  of  natural  justice  and  of  political 
economy  which  slavery  involves,  neither  its  magni- 
tude nor  the  numbers  of  those  by  whom  it  is  repre- 
sented, entitle  it  to  one-tenth  part  of  the  political 
powers  conferred  upon  the  Federal  Government  by 
the  Constitution.  Yet  we  see  it  seeking,  and  at 
this  moment  wielding,  all  the  functions  of  the  gov- 
ernment, executive,  judicial,  and  legislative — and 
using  them  for  the  augmentation  of  its  powers,  and 
the  establishment  of  its  ascendency. 

"  From  this  ascendency  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  several  States,  the 
safety  of  the  Union,  and  the  welfare  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  demand  that  it  should  be  dis- 
lodged." 

THE    GATHERING    IN    PHILADELPHIA. 

The  Pittsburgh  Convention  foreshadowed  the 
proceedings  of  the  great  gathering  held  in  Philar 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  167 

delphia  on  June  17th  of  the  same  year.  It  was 
then  that  the  heralds  of  the  "grand  old  party 
sounded  the  trumpet  that  freed  tens  of  thousands 
of  slaves."  It  was  fit  that  the  Convention  should 
have  been  held  in  the  birthplace  of  liberty  where 
the  old  bell  rang  out  "  liberty  throughout  all  the 
land,  and  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof"  It  was  a 
meeting  of  representative  men  who  were  as  earnest 
in  their  desire  to  rid  their  beloved  country  of  the 
curse  of  slavery  as  were  their  forefathers  to  throw  off 
the  British  yoke  of  tyranny.  The  Convention  was 
in  session  two  days.  On  the  first  ballot  John  C. 
Fremont,  of  California,  received  359  votes,  to  196 
cast  for  John  McLean,  of  Ohio.  William  L.  Day- 
ton, of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  Democratic  Convention  of  1856  was 
held  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  2d  of  June,  which  action 
marked  the  decline  of  Baltimore  as  a  distinctive 
convention  city.  On  the  first  ballot  James  Bu- 
chanan had  135  votes;  Franklin  Pierce,  122; 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  33,  and  Lewis  Cass,  5.  On 
the  fifteenth  ballot  Pierce's  strength  was  transferred 
to  Douglas,  but  in  spite  of  this  Buchanan  was 
nominated  on  the  seventeenth  and  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  was  placed  on  the  ticket  with 
him.  The  Native  American  or  Know  Nothing 
party  had  absorbed  much  of  the  old  Whig  strength 
in  some  sections  and  was  numerous  enough  to  hold 
a  Convention  in  Philadelphia,  February  22d,  with 
representatives  from  every  State  except  four.     It 


168  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

nominated  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for 
President,  and  Andrew  Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  for 
Vice-President.  Buchanan  and  Breckinrid2:e  had 
174  electoral  votes;  Fremont  and  Dayton,  114, 
and  Fillmore  and  Donelscn,  8 — those  of  Mary- 
land. 

The  Democrats  were  first  in  the  field  in  1860. 
Their  Convention  met  in  Charleston,  S.  C,  on  the 
23d  of  April.  Feeling  ran  high  and  it  was  the 
second  day  before  an  organization  was  effected, 
with  Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts,  as  president. 
After  a  protracted  and  bitter  debate,  the  sixth  day 
the  Douglas  platform  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  165 
to  138,  when  the  delegations  from  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas, 
and  Florida  withdrew.  The  bolters  organized  in 
a  separate  convention,  in  which  the  following 
twelve  States  were  represented :  Delaware,  Vir- 
ginia, South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama 
Mississippi,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  and  New 
York.  There  were  afterwards  splits  in  the  dele- 
gations from  other  States.  On  the  fifty-seventh 
ballot  the  vote  stood  :  Douglas,  151i  ;  Guthrie,  61; 
Lane,  16;  Hunter,  16;  Dickinson,  6;  Jeff  Davis, 
1,  Jeff  Davis  had  received  one  vote  on  every 
ballot,  which  was  cast  by  General  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  Massachusetts.  The  Douglas  men  feared 
that  their  candidate  would  be  abandoned  by  New 
York,  and  adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore,  June 
18th,  by  a  vote  of  195  to  55.     The  bolters  adopted 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  169 

the  platform  which  had  been  rejected  by  the 
regular  Convention,  and  also  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Richmond,  June  11th,  without  selecting  a  Presi- 
dential candidate. 

The  Convention  reassembled  at  Baltimore  on  the 
18th  of  June,  and  on  the  second  ballot  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  was  nominated.  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick, 
of  Alabama,  who  was  selected  for  Vice-President, 
declined,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  was 
substituted.  The  delegates  who  had  seceded  at 
Charleston  again  went  out  and  held  a  convention 
on  the  28th  of  June,  at  which  they  nominated 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and  Joseph 
Lane,  of  Oregon,  as  their  candidates. 

The  Constitutional  Union  or  American  party 
held  its  convention  at  Baltimore  on  the  9th  of  May, 
and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  as  its  candi- 
dates. 

The  Republican  convention  was  held  at  Chicago, 
and  the  platform  prepared  by  Horace  Greeley  and 
John  A.  Kasson.  Delegates  were  present  from  all 
the  free  States  and  from  six  slave  States  and  three 
Territories.  Mr.  Evarts  put  Mr.  Seward  in 
nomination ;  Norman  B.  Judd,  of  Illinois,  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Lincoln ;  Judge  Cartter,  of  Ohio — 
present  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
District  of  Columbia — nominated  Mr,  Chase;  while 
Mr.  Sumner,  of  Ohio,  presented  Judge  McLean. 
Mr.  Schurz  seconded  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Seward. 


170        HISTORY     OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY. 

Lincoln  was  second  in  strengtli  on  the  first  two 
ballots.  On  the  third  the  vote  stood :  Lincoln, 
231i;  Seward,  180;  Chase,  24  J;  Bates,  22  ;  scat- 
ering,  5.  There  was  a  general  changing  of  votes, 
which  resulted  in  aivins:  Lincoln  354  votes  and 
nominating  him.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine, 
was  the  candidate  for  Vice-President. 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin  received  180  votes;  Breck- 
inridge and  Lane,  72  ;  Bell  and  Everett,  39,  and 
Douglas  and  Johnson,  12,  Of  the  popular  vote 
Lincoln  had  1.866,352 ;  Breckinridge,  845,763 ; 
Bell,  589,581 ;  Douglas,  1,375,157. 

In  1864  the  Republicans  met  at  Baltimore  on 
the  7th  of  June,  renominated  Lincoln  and  chose 
Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-President  on  the  first 
ballot.  The  Democrats  held  their  convention  at 
Chicago  on  the  20th  of  x\ugust,  with  Horatio  Sey- 
mour as  President.  George  B.  McClellan  was 
selected  as  its  candidate  for  President  on  the  first 
ballot,  with  George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice- 
President.  The  "Radical  Democracy"  were  dis- 
satisfied with  Lincoln's  conservative  conduct  of  the 
war,  met  at  Cleveland  on  the  1st  of  June  and 
nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for  President  and  John 
Cochrane,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-President,  but  the 
ticket  was  withdrawn  before  the  election.  Lincoln 
and  Johnson  had  212  electoral  votes  to  21  for 
McClelhin  and  Pendleton,  with  81  vacancies  in  the 
Southern  States. 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.  171 

THE     CONVENTION    OF    1868. 

When  the  Republican  Convention  of  1868  met 
at  Chicago,  on  the  21st  of  May,  there  was  no  con- 
test for  the  Presidential  nomination.  Of  the  610 
votes  cast  every  one  was  in  hivor  of  U.  S.  Grant. 
On  the  fifth  ballot  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  was 
selected  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  The 
Democrats  met  at  New  York  on  the  4  th  of  July, 
and  after  a  long  and  exciting  convention  nominated 
Horatio  Seymour,  the  President  of  the  convention, 
who,  "vowing  he  would  ne'er  consent,  consented." 
General  Frank  P.  Blair  was  chosen  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent by  a  unanimous  vote.  The  Republican  can- 
didates received  214  votes  to  80  cast  for  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  and  23  vacancies  still  remaining 
in  the  unreconstructed  States  of  the  South. 

The  dissatisfaction  with  General  Grant's  first 
administration  was  so  strong  in  1872  as  to  produce 
a  party  division  calling  themselves  liberal  Republi- 
cans, who  inaugurated  the  campaign  by  holding  a 
convention  at  Cincinnati  on  the  1st  of  May. 
On  the  sixth  ballot  Horace  Greeley  was  declared 
the  nominee,  while  B,  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri, 
was  made  his  associate  on  the  second  ballot.  The 
Democrats  held  their  convention  at  Baltimore  on 
the  9  th  of  July  and  indorsed  the  Liberal  ticket 
and  platform.  The  Republicans  met  in  Phila- 
delphia on  the  5th  of  June,  renominated  President 
Grant  by  acclamation,  and  chose  Henry  Wilson 
over  Schuyler  Colfax  on  the  second  ballot.    O'Conor 


172  HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

and  Adams  were  the  candidates  of  the  straight-out 
Democracy.  The  Republican  ticket  received  286 
votes  to  80  for  the  Democratic-Liberal  ticket,  the 
latter  of  which  were  cast  for  a  number  of  candi- 
dates after  the  death  of  Greeley  in  December. 

In  1676  the  Republicans  met  at  Cincinnati  on 
the  15th  of  June  after  an  exciting  preliminary 
canvass.  On  the  first  ballot  James  G.  Blaine  had 
285  votes;  Oliver  P.  Morton,  125  ;  Benjamin  H. 
Bristow,  113;  Roscoe  Conkling,  99;  R.  B.  Hayes, 
61 ;  John  F.  Hartranft,  58 ;  Marshall  Jewell,  11 ; 
William  A.  Wheeler,  3.  On  the  seventh  and  final 
ballot  Blaine  had  351 ;  Bristow.  21,  and  Hayes,  384, 
or  five  more  than  a  majority.  William  A.  Wheeler 
was  nominated  for  Vice-President  on  the  first  ballot. 
On  the  27th  of  June  the  Democrats  met  at  St. 
Louis.  The  first  ballot  showed  the  following 
result;  Tilden,403i;  Hendricks,  133  i  ;  Allen,  56  ; 
Hancock,  75 ;  Parker,  18 ;  Bayard,  27.  On  the 
second  ballot  Tilden  had  508  votes,  more  than 
the  necessary  two-thirds,  and  was  nominated. 
Hendricks  was  chosen  on  the  first  ballot  for  Vice- 
President.  The  Greenbackers  held  a  convention 
at  Indianapolis  May  17th,  and  nominated  Peter 
Cooper,  of  New  York,  and  Newton  Booth,  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  the  Prohibitionists  held  a  similar  con- 
vention May  16th  at  Cleveland,  and  put  Green  Clay 
Smith,  of  Kentucky,  and  G.  S.  Stewart,  of  Ohio, 
in  the  field.  The  result  was  fixed  up  by  the 
Electoral  Commission,  and  Hayes  declared  elected 
for  four  years. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY.  173 

THE   CONVENTIONS   OF    1880. 

The  Republicans,  as  the  majority  party,  opened 
the  canvass  of  1880.  For  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  country  a  serious  effort  was  made 
to  nominate  a  Presidential  candidate  for  a  third 
term.  The  contests  in  the  State  Conventions  of 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Illinois,  whereby 
the  delegations  were  instructed  to  cast  a  solid  vote 
for  Grant,  and  the  overthrow  of  the  uiiit  rule  bv 
the  convention,  are  matters  of  too  recent  history 
to  require  elaboration.  The  convention  met  at 
Chicago  on  Wednesday,  June  2.  Senator  George 
F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  was  both  temporary 
and  permanent  chairman.  The  first  ballot,  taken 
on  Monday,  June  7,  disclosed  the  following  result: 
Grant,  304  ;  Blaine,  284  ;  Sherman,  93  ;  Edmunds, 
34  ;  Washburne,  30  ;  Windom,  10.  On  the  third 
ballot  one  vote  was  cast  for  James  A.  Garfield, 
which  was  continued  until  the  thirty-fifth  ballot, 
with  the  exception  of  from  the  fourteenth  to  the 
eighteenth  inclusive.  On  some  ballots  this  was 
reinforced  by  an  additional  vote.  No  decided 
change  took  place  until  the  thirty-fourth  ballot, 
which  stood  :  Grant,  312  ;  Blaine,  257  ;  Sherman, 
99  ;  Edmunds,  11 ;  Washburne,  30  ;  Windom,  4  ; 
Garfield,  17.  This  accession  to  Grant's  strength, 
which  had  been  going  on  for  several  ballots,  led  to 
a  stampede  to  Garfield,  who  had  50  votes  on  the 
next  ballot.  The  thirty-sixth  ballot  stood  :  Grant, 
306 ;    Blaine,  42 ;    Sherman,   3 ;    Washburne,   5 ; 


174      HISTORY    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY. 

Gtarfield,  399,  and  the  latter  was  declared  the  nom- 
inee. On  the  first  ballot  Chester  A.  Arthur  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  receiving  468  votes 
to  193  for  Washburne,  44  for  Jewell,  and  30  for 
Horace  Maynard.  Marshal  Jewell  was  chairman 
of  the  national  committee  and  S.  W.  Dorsey  sec- 
retary. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  in 
Cincinnati  on  Tuesday,  June  22,  1880,  and  was  in 
session  three  days.  On  the  first  ballot  the  vote 
stood  as  follows:  Bayard,  153^;  Hancock,  171; 
Payne,  81 ;  Thurman,  68 J;  Field,  65;  Morrison, 
62;  Hendricks,  50^:  Tilden,  38,  with  scattering 
votes  for  eleven  other  candidates.  On  the  next 
ballot  a  movement  in  favor  of  General  Hancock 
manifested  itself  Before  the  ballot  w^as  concluded 
so  manv  delejiiations  manifested  a  desire  to  chansre 
to  Hancock  that  it  was  voted  to  becrin  anew  .and 
take  it  over.  The  result  was :  Hancock,  705 ; 
Hendricks,  30 ;  Tilden,  1.  William  H.  English, 
of  Indiana,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  by 
acclamation.  William  H.  Barnum,  of  Connec- 
ticut, was  chairman,  and  F.  0.  Prince,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, secretary  of  the  national  committee. 

The  Greenbackers  held  a  convention  at  Chicago, 
June  9,  and  nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa, 
for  President,  and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for 
Vice-President. 

The  Prohibition  candidates  were  Neal  Dow,  of 
Maine,  and   H.  A.  Thompson,  of  Ohio,  while  the 


HISTORY    OF     THE     REPUBLICAN     PARTY.        175 

Anti-Secret  Society  people  named  J.  W.  Phelps,  of 
Vermont,  and  S.  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas. 

Garfield  and  Arthur  received  4,449,053  votes  to 
4,442,035  cast  for  Hancock  and  English,  807,306 
for  Weaver  and  Chambers,  and  12,576  scattering. 
Garfield  had  214  electoral  votes  and  Hancock  155. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  of  1884 
met  in  Chicago  on  June  3d,  and  nominated  James 
G.  Blaine  for  President  on  the  fourth  ballot.  It 
also  nominated  General  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice- 
President.  A  full  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
this  convention  will  be  found  in  another  part  of 
this  work. 

Both  parties  hold  their  conventions  in  the  hall 
of  the  Exposition  Building,  which  has  been  fitted 
up  to  accommodate  about  9,000  people.  Each 
convention  is  composed  of  two  delegates  for  each 
Senator,  Representative,  and  Territorial  delegate, 
making  820  men  in  each  convention. 


The  Convention  of  1884. 


Scenes  and  Incidents  of  the  Great  Republican 
Gathering  at  Chicago. 


CHAPTER   T. 

The  Contest  Between  the  Adherents  of  Blaine, 
Arthur,  Edmunds,  Lincoln,  Logan  and  other  Candi- 
dates—Pen Pictures  of  the  Chicago  Assemblage  of 
Noted  Men. 

A  POLITICAL  convention  in  the  United  States  is 
totally  unlike  any  similar  gathering  in  any  other 
part  of  the  world.  It  is  a  meeting  of  representatives 
chosen  by  the  people  of  a  great  country  to  signify 
their  will.  Whether  it  be  a  township,  county, 
State  or  National  Convention,  that  is  the  purpose 
and  that  is  the  result.  To  the  average  foreigner 
a  National  Convention  is  a  bewilderment.  He  is 
utterly  dumbfounded  by  its  stupendousness;  he 
cannot  comprehend  its  workings,  and  he  is  utterly 
lost  in  an  intricate  maze  when  he  reads  about  tem- 
porary and  permanent  chairman,  contested  seats, 
committees  on  resolutions,  and  the  wonderful  man- 
ner in  which  clashing  interests  unite,  decide  upon 
a  certain  movement,  and  then  turn  in  and  work 
with  might  and  main  for  a  common  cause. 

To  the  average  American  —  and  you,  dear 
reader,  are  doubtless  one  of  them — there  is  no  be- 
wilderment. Like  the  majority  of  your  country- 
(176) 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  177 

men,    you    are   fairly    well   conversant    with    the 
methods   pursued    in    all    conventions;    you    can 
figure  out  pretty  closely  the  probable  chances  of 
this  candidate  or  that ;  you  know  when  you  see 
the  announcement  made  in  a  newspaper  bulletin, 
board  that  a  certain  man  has  been  made  temporary- 
chairman  just   how  it  will   affect  the   chances  of 
your  favorite  candidate  ;  you  are  competent  to  cah- 
culate  the  result  of  the  combination  of  such  and^ 
such    factions,   and  you    almost   know  just  what 
efforts  are  being  made  by  rival   leaders  to  accom- 
plish certain  ends.     You  are  thoroughly  interested 
and  thoroughly  in  fa\-or  of  a  certain  line  of  policy 
and  of  the  candidacy  of  a  certain  man,  but  when 
the  representatives  of  sixty  million  people  decide' 
upon  their  policy  or  their  candidate,  like  a  true  and^ 
loyal  Republican  you  accept  the  decision  and  bend: 
every  energy  towards  giving  the  party,  a  brilliant 
victory. 

It  is  singular,  to  us  at  least,  that  in  all  political 
gatherings  in  foreign  countries  the  people  are  con- 
tent to  await  the  final  result.  The  newspaper 
correspondents  make  no  attempt  to  prophesy  the- 
result;  they  are  content  to  plod  along  and  take 
things  as  they  come.  The  public  does  not  demand' 
prognostications,  and  the  correspondents  are  willing 
enough  to  avoid  extra  work.  But  how  different  in 
America !  For  weeks  and  weeks  before  the  meet- 
ing of  an  important  convention,  the  newspapers 
are  teeming  with  news.  Political  prophets  are  in 
12 


178  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

the  field  reviewing  the  situation  and  figuring  out 
the  probabilities.  The  people  eagerly  scan  every 
line  written  from  the  scene  of  action,  and  soon 
learn  to  know  the  vahie  of  certain  men's  predic- 
tions. It  appears  to  be  a  gift  with  some  men — 
this  work  of  outlining  the  action  of  a  great  conven- 
tion. The  most  astonishing  prophecies  have  been 
made  by  journalist-politicians,  which,  while  seem- 
ingly ridiculous  at  the  time,  turned  out  to  be 
wonderfully  accurate  in  the  end.  Of  course,  there 
have  been  many  bad  guesses  made.  Among  the  men 
who  have  been  good  political  prophets  is  Colonel 
McClure,  of  Philadelphia.  He  has  been  a  member 
of  both  political  parties,  and  is  fully  conversant 
with  their  inner  workings.  As  far  back  as  Decem- 
ber, 1883,  he  made  a  clever  forecast  of  the  princi- 
pal candidates  who  would  come  before  the  great 
National  Republican  Convention  on  June  3d,  1884. 
With  one  single  exception,  he  named  all  the  dark 
horses  and  said  that,  notwithstanding  James  G. 
Blaine's  positive  refusal  to  become  a  candidate,  that 
gentleman's  name  would  be  presented  and  enthusias- 
tically received.  How  far  he  told  the  truth  the 
reader  now  knows.  Colonel  McClure  was  one  of 
the  earliest  men  on  the  ground.  He  arrived  in 
Chicago  several  days  before  the  convention  was 
held,  and  in  two  hours  had  gathered  sufficient 
material  to  send  the  following  graphic  and  char- 
acteristic despatch  to  his  paper  : 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  179 


THE   FIRST   ARRIVALS. 

"  Chicago,  May  29,  1884. 

*'  For  the  first  time  the  hotels  to-day  gave  evi- 
dence of  the  approach  of  the  great  National  Re- 
publican Convention.  To-day's  trains  brought 
hundreds  of  politicians  and  newspaper  men,  but 
few  delegates,  Tlie  Arthur  men  were  reinforced  by 
a  delegation  from  Buffalo,  headed  by  James  D. 
Warren,  Collector  of  Customs  at  that  port.  He 
was  accompanied  by  Isaac  Bromley,  0.  G.  Warren 
and  Charles  A.  Gould,  of  Buffalo,  and  James 
Senort,  of  Cambridge,  N.  Y.  All  the  Montana 
delegates  arrived  to-day,  along  with  Governor 
Crosby,  of  that  Territory.  Among  others  were 
Colonel  G.  L.  Shorup,  member  of  the  national 
committee  from  Idaho;  Collector  Smart,  of  Troy, 
N.  Y. ;  James  H.  Stone,  member  of  the  committee 
from  Michigan  ;  Ex-District  Attorney  Corkhill,  of 
Washington ;  Clint  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  and 
William  H.  Pleasants,  a  colored  Mahone  delegate 
from  Virginia. 

"  It  is  rumored  here  that  there  was  a  consulta- 
tion at  the  White  House  last  week  of  a  couple  of 
Chicago  newspaper  men  with  the  President  and  his 
New  York  managers,  at  which  the  campaign  was 
mapped  out  and  they  are  prepared  to  act  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  President's  wish.  The  idea  of 
having  a  business  men's  meeting  here,  which  was 
entertained  two  weeks  ago,  but  was  abandoned  on 
account  of  the  financial  flurry  in  Wall  street,  is 
again  revived.  It  is  said  that  the  boom  is  not 
keeping  up  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  President's 
friends  and  there  is  talk  of  a  meeting  here  next 
Monday,  in  Central  Music  Hall,  which  would  be 


180  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

attended  by  all  the  Arthur  delegates.  The  Logan 
and  Blaine  men  say  that  the  *  business  meeting  '  in 
New  York  has  injured,  rather  than  helped,  Presi- 
dent Arthur  in  the  West,  as  there  was  '  a  flavor 
of  Wall  street '  about  it. 

"  Stephen  B.  Elkins,  of  New  Mexico,  is  one  of 
the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  the  Grand  Pacific 
Hotel  lobby.  He  is  the  embodiment  of  activity  and 
is  ready  at  any  moment  to  assure  his  listeners  that 
Blaine  is  certain  to  win.  He  is  regarded  as 
the  leader  of  the  Blaine  forces.  To  the  writer  he 
said  :  '  W.  E.  Chandler  will  not  lead  the  Arthur 
forces.  Until  last  week  it  was  given  out,  and  he 
himself  let  it  be  understood  that  he  intended  to 
lead  the  Arthur  forces,  but  for  some  reason  or 
other  he  has  failed  to  come  to  the  front,  and  Frank 
Hatton,  the  Assistant  Postmaster-General,  will 
lead  them  and  he  is  here  now  for  that  purpose.' 

"'  This  is  in  a  measure  borne  out  by  the  fact  that 
Chandler  is  not  here,  though  it  was  announced  he 
would  be  here  several  days  ago. 

"The  Logan  managers  are  keeping  quiet,  believ- 
ing that  the  time  will  come  when  they  can  talk 
with  more  effect  than  now.  They  do  not  wish  to 
burn  their  powder  too  soon.  They  are  not  even 
considering  who  shall  put  him  in  nomination.  It 
probably  will  not  be  Senator  Cullom,  who  is  said 
to  be  very  anxious  to  be  chairman  of  the  conven- 
tion, hoping  that  in  case  of  a  prolonged  dead-lock 
that  body  might  take  as  its  candidate  the  most  dis- 
tinguished citizen  of  the  former  home  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

"  W.  H.  Pleasants,  a  bright-looking  colored  man, 
who  is  the  forerunner  of  the  Mahone  delegation 
from  Virginia,  is  around  trying  to  impress  upon 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  181 

even^body  that  Mr.  Mahone  and  his  delegation 
should  be  admitted  and  that  Dezendorf  should  be 
left  out  in  the  cold. 

"As  between  Blaine  and  Arthur,  the  former's 
friends  say  that  not  only  will  Blaine  lead  on  the 
jSirst  ballot,  but  will  more  likely  rise.  They  say 
not  one  in  a  dozen  of  his  adherents  could  be  in- 
duced to  go  to  Arthur,  even  though  he  might  be 
willing  to  desert  Blaine.  On  the  other  hand,  they 
say  the  President's  large  following  from  the  South 
might  be  changed  by  sections  to  the  man  from 
Maine.  Blaine's  following  is  largely  sentimental 
and  disinterested,  Arthur's  is  practical  and  merce- 
nary. The  sentimental  fellows  are  not  going  to 
Arthur,  as  they  have  nothing  to  ask  for." 

This  despatch  clearly  foretold  what  a  desperate 
battle  would  take  place  between  the  opposing 
forces,  and  it  is  known  to  every  schoolboy  in  the 
land  to-day,  that  the  battle  was  waged  with  the 
greatest  vigor  on  all  sides.  There  was  a  vast 
amount  of  work  to  be  done  before  the  convention 
came  together.  In  fact,  the  greater  part  of  the 
work  was  done  during  the  sixty  hours  immediately 
preceding  the  morning  of  June  3d.  Wavering 
delegations  had  to  be  attended  to ;  uninstructed 
delegates  had  to  be  argued  with  and  persuaded; 
combinations  had  to  be  formed  ;  opposing  managers 
were  obliged  to  consult  as  to.  whether  it  was  the 
best  policy  to  unite  their  forces  beforehand  or  wait 
until  the  convention  was  in  session,  and  there  were 
a  thousand  and  one  other  matters  of  importance  to 
be  looked  after,  that  required  constant  vigilance, 


182  THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

untiring  perseverance  and  ready  tact.  That  Col. 
McClure  managed  to  keep  the  inside  track  is 
shown  by  the  second  despatch  which  he  sent  from 
Chicago  on  the  second  day  after  his  arrival.  It  is 
brief,  but  bristles  with  news  from  beginning  to  end, 
and  is  as  follows  : 

blaine's  enthusiastic  friends. 

"  Chicago,  Mmj  30. 

"  If  the  Blaine  people  now  here  have  the  slight- 
est knowledge  of  what  they  are  talking  about  it 
will  be  a  complete  w  aste  of  time  for  the  friends  of 
any  other  candidate  to  attend  the  convention.  No 
Blaine  man  for  a  moment  so  far  forgets  himself  as 
to  admit  a  doubt  of  Blaine's  nomination.  They 
expect  this  as  early  as  the  third  ballot.  They 
would  not  be  surprised  if  it  was  done  on  the  first. 

''  The  Blaine  people  have  the  most  of  the  argu- 
ments so  far,  at  least.  They  make  two  things  very 
conspicuous — that  Blaine  is  tlie  choice  of  the  Re- 
publican States,  while  Arthur's  strength  is  almost 
wholly  in  Democratic  States  which  cannot  give 
the  Republican  candidate  an  electoral  vote.  The 
other  point  they  make  is  that  Arthur's  nomination 
would  lose  Ohio  in  October  and  that  would  end 
the  Republican  campaign  and  insure  the  election 
of  a  Democratic  President.  They  claim  that 
Blaine  would  be  as  strong  in  New  York  as  Arthur, 
while  Arthur's  nomination  might  even  cost  the 
party  Pennsylvania.  Some  of  the  Blaine  people 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  say  the  Republicans  would 
certainly  lose  Pennsylvania  with  Arthur  on  one 
ticket  and  Randall  on  the  other,  and  they  are 
gently  giving  the  hint  that  the  Democratic  ticket 
may  be  Tilden  and  Randall 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  183 

"  There  is  a  great  deal  of  bustling  about,  and 
these  arguments  are  used  on  the  straggling  dele- 
gates now  here.  The  Blaine  managers,  however, 
deny  that  any  effort  is  being  made  to  win  delegates. 
They  say  they  don't  need  any  more.  They  also 
say  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  take  any  of 
their  men  away,  and  they  do  not  believe  any  such 
effort  will  be  made. 

"  The  quiet  workers  are  the  Arthur  men.  It 
looks  very  dull  at  the  Arthur  headquarters,  but  a 
very  active  Arthur  lobby  is  at  work.  The  town  is 
half  full  of  Federal  office-holders,  away  from  their 
posts  of  duty,  all  working  for  Arthur,  and  yet  they 
say  from  motives  of  delicacy  Secretary  Chandler  is 
to  be  kept  away.  The  failure  of  Chandler  to  come 
here  has  given  the  Blaine  people  a  chance  to  say 
that  Arthur's  defeat  is  thus  confessed  and  they  are 
making  the  most  of  it.  The  Arthur  lobby  will  be 
enlarged  to-morrow  by  the  arrival  of  the  business 
men's  committee  from  New  York.  They  expect 
to  distribute  themselves  about  at  the  hotels  and  let 
everybody  know  what  a  nice,  quiet  administration 
Arthur  has  made,  and  how  anxious  all  the  busi- 
ness men  in  New  York  are  that  the  present  ad- 
ministration should  be  continued.  They  will  show 
that  Arthur  is  the  only  man  who  can  carry  New 
York;  that  the  State  has  never  had  a  Republican 
candidate  for  President;  and,  quite  as  important  as 
anything  else,  it  is  expected  to  furnish  the  money 
for  the  campaign. 


184  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

'■'  Edmunds  is  credited  with  between  eighty  and 
ninety  votes,  and  these  the  Blaine  men  claim  would 
be  pretty  evenly  divided  as  between  Blaine  and 
Arthur.  Nobody  seems  to  regard  Edmunds  as  a 
probability.  The  two  or  three  who  are  already 
here  in  his  interest  are  for  him  rather  because  they 
don't  like  the  other  candidates.  Sherman  is  not 
seriously  talked  of.  His  total  vote  is  put  at  not 
over  thirty.  As  for  Logan,  the  Blaine  men  seem 
quite  confident  that  all  his  delegates  are  safely 
within  their  reach  whenever  thev  want  them. 
Both  Arthur  and  Blaine  workers  have  been  trying 
to  stampede  the  Logan  people,  but  they  will  not 
be  disturbed  for  a  time.  They  are  hoping  some- 
thing from  the  South,  as  a  number  of  Southern 
delegates  have  expressed  themselves  for  Logan 
after  Arthur.  As  long  as  this  hope  prevails  Logan's 
friends  will  hold  together." 

That  is  the  situation  as  it  is  to-night,  with 
probably  not  more  than  a  hundred  delegates  yet  in 
Chicago.  Although  the  lobby  is  numerous  and 
noisy,  not  one  State  delegation  is  here  in  its 
entirety. 

It  is  curious  to  note  how  differently  the  same 
thing  is  viewed  by  different  eyes.  Mr.  M.  P. 
Handy,  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  was  in  Chicago 
several  days  before  the  convention  assembled.  His 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  intricacies  of  national 
politics  renders  him  an  excellent  authority  on  such 
matters,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  possibilities  is 
shown  in  the  following  despatch  : 


THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884.  185 

"Chicago,  May  30. — Another  day  has  not 
thrown  much  more  light  on  the  situation,  and 
nothing  is  settled  as  to  the  work  of  the  convention. 
The  most  apparent  manifestation  is  the  certainty 
of  a  close  and  bitter  fight  between  Arthur  and 
Blaine.  Blaine's  friends  were  never  more  confi- 
dent than  to-night,  the  claims  of  his  several  man- 
agers ranging  from  330  to  350  on  the  first  ballot." 

But  the  Arthur  men  show  no  signs  of  lowering 
their  colors,  and  promise  a  life  and  death  struggle 
to  prevent  the  overthrow  of  the  Administration 
forces  in  the  triumph  of  the  candidate  of  the 
Republican  masses. 

These  observations,  however,  refer  only  to  the 
outlook  of  the  current  day,  with  but  few  delegates 
on  the  ground,  and  the  relations  of  certain  impor- 
tant factors  in  the  struggle  as  much  a  matter  of 
doubt  as  ever.  The  arrivals  of  to-morrow  will  ex- 
ceed those  of  all  of  the  other  days  of  the  week 
combined,  and  an  intelligent  forecast  of  the  result 
may  then  be  within  the  range  of  possibility. 

Midnight. — At  a  late  hour  to-night  the  Arthur 
headquarters  \vere  thrown  into  something  of  a 
panic  by  the  discovery  of  a  serious  defection  in 
the  Southwest.  It  came  to  them  from  a  trust- 
worthy source  that  Blaine  had  captured  a  good 
part  of  the  Missouri  delegation,  and  sliced  off  a 
majority  of  the  Arkansas  delegation,  both  of  which 
have  been  counted  upon  as  solid  for  Arthur,  and 
that  Texas  had  gone  like  Maine  in  the  days  of 
Governor  Kent  in  the  same  direction. 


186  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

There  is  no  doubt  of  a  solid  foundation  for  the 
report.  The  Blaine  managers  have  known  it  all 
along,  and  are  only  annoyed  that  their  strength  in 
the  Southwest  has  been  disclosed  so  early  in  the 
day. 

Judge  Foraker,  who  is  in  charge  of  the  Sherman 
boom,  views  the  night's  development  wath  con- 
siderable alarm,  and  says  the  thing  all  the  other 
candidates  are  to  guard  against  now  is  a  stampede 
to  Blaine  before  a  second  ballot  can  be  had. 

It  was  evident  that  twenty-four  hours  had 
materially  strengthened  our  correspondent's  beliel" 
in  the  Plumed  Knight's  chances  of  success,  for  the 
next  night  he  telegraphed  as  follows : 

"Chicago,  Mat;  31. 

"  This  has  been  a  Blaine  day.  It  was  felt  in- 
stinctively, although  the  Blaine  people  could  not 
explain  it  beyond  the  fact  that  two  or  three  large 
Blaine  delegations  have  arrived  in  a  body  and  make 
a  great  deal  of  noise  with  shouting  and  music  of 
brass  bands. 

"The  Blaine  figure  men  have  been  busy  to-night 
casting  up  the  result  of  the  day's  work.  They 
claim  to  have  gathered  a  vote  here  and  there,  but 
they  have  also  been  compelled  to  drop  one  or  two 
which  have  been  in  the  Blaine  columns.  This  has 
enabled  them  to  get  nearer  hard  pan,  and  it  is 
sufficiently  encouraging  to  them  that  they  are  still 
able  to  stand  by  their  calculations  of  last  night. 
Substantially  they  claim  to  have  340  Bhiine  votes 
for  the  first  ballot.  This,  however,  still  includes 
some  twenty  who  are  claimed  because  their 
position  is  not  actually  known." 


THE   CONVENTION    OF    1884,  187 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE    WORK   OF    SATURDAY   AND    SUNDAY, 

STRENUOUS   EFFORTS    BY    OPPOSING    FACTIONS  TO   CAPTURE 
WAVERING  DELEGATES. 

Four  years  ago  the  Sunday  preceding  the  meeting 
of  the  Republican  National  Convention  was  a  veri- 
table bedlam.  The  fight  then  was  the  field  against 
Grant,  and  only  after  a  desperate  contest,  lasting 
five  days,  was  the  Old  Guard  vanquished.  The 
Convention  of  1880  met  on  Wednesday,  but  there 
were  nearly  twice  as  many  strangers  in  the  city 
the  Sunday  previous  as  there  were  to-day,  the  Con- 
vention being  only  two  days  o£f.  The  Palmer 
House  was  then  the  headquarters  of  the  Grant 
delegates,  and  the  Stalwart  claquers  from  the  great 
cities  were  on  hand  in  full  force,  shouting  loudly 
for  their  candidate,  and  rather  more  willing  to  use 
their  fists  in  argument  than  their  tongues. 

An  army  of  Federal  officeholders,  sent  here  by 
the  friends  of  Grant  and  Sherman,  swelled  the  mob 
and  lifted  their  voices  in  songs  born  of  the  inspira- 
tion of  necessity.  The  immense  rotunda  of  the 
Palmer  was  swathed  in  flags,  banners  and  streamers. 
A  big  oil  painting  of  General  Grant  hung  from  the 
balcony  over  the  main  stairway.  It  was  with 
difficulty  that  a  man  could  elbow  his  way  through 
the  perspiring,  bellowing  crowd  to  the  headquarters 


188  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

of  the  candidates.  Men  stood  in  rows  a  dozen 
deep  before  the  bars,  and  excitement  ran  higher 
than  at  any  convention  since  the  war.  The  scenes 
on  the  Sunday  preceding  this  great  convention  were 
altogether  different.  Instead  of  confusion  and 
quarreling  there  was  order  and  peace. 

Delegates  from  every  point  of  the  compass  ar- 
rived on  the  morning  trains.  Some  were  booked 
for  rooms  in  private  residences ;  others  after  some 
delay  were  assigned  rooms  in  the  hotels.  Tired 
with  travel,  dust- begrimed,  ignorant  of  the  situa- 
tion, and  anxious  to  learn  the  latest  news,  they 
flocked  through  the  hotel  corridors,  stopping  at  the 
various  headquarters,  wearily  searching  for  the  in- 
formation that  was  really  unattainable. 

The  new  headquarters  of  the  Blaine  men  at  the 
Grand  Pacific  were  opened  in  the  morning.  The 
room  is  the  ladies'  dining-room  of  the  hotel,  one 
of  the  largest  apartments  in  the  house,  ten  times 
the  size  of  the  Arthur  headquarters.  It  was  not 
as  accessible  as  the  President's  parlors,  but  the 
searcher  for  Blaine  sentiment  could  not  miss  the 
way.  It  was  blazoned  not  only  by  the  pushing 
throng  of  Blaine  adherents,  moving  constantly  to- 
ward the  headquarters,  but  by  fine  lithographs  of 
the  popular  candidate  and  large  linen  posters 
swung  across  the  corridors,  on  which  were  painted, 
"  Blaine  Headquarters,"  "  Blaine  and  Victory," 
"  The  People's  Choice."  All  day  the  headquarters 
were  crowded. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  189 

Colorado  had  headquarters  adjoining  those  of 
Blaine.  About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the 
Colorado  delegates  marched  from  the  depot  up  to 
the  Grand  Pacific.  The  small  procession  carried 
at  its  head  a  huge  staff  wrapped  in  a  large  Amer- 
ican flag,  and  surmounted  by  a  fine  stuffed  speci- 
men of  the  Eocky  Mountain  eagle.  The  men 
marched  directly  to  the  Blaine  headquarters,  where 
they  were  received  with  three  hearty  cheers,  and 
then  escorted  to  their  headquarters. 

Next  to  the  Blaine  headquarters  in  size  and  im- 
portance were  the  headquarters  of  the  Logan  men, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hotel.  From  ceiling  to 
floor  around  the  heavy  mantels  and  large  pier 
glasses  flags  were  tastefully  draped.  The  State 
banner  of  Illinois  hung  across  one  corner  of  the 
inner  room.  A  big  table  laden  with  documents, 
pamphlets,  songs,  and  newspapers  advocating 
Logan's  nomination  stood  in  the  centre,  from 
which  all  callers  were  invited  to  take  new  inspi- 
ration for  the  cause. 

A  bronze  bust  of  the  General,  and  a  very  poor 
lithograph  of  his  warlike  countenance,  stood  on  the 
mantels,  and  his  earnest  supporters  discussed  the 
prospects  for  his  nomination  in  whispers. 

The  Arthur  headquarters  ranked  third  in  size. 
A  tastefully  draped  banner,  two  common  oil 
paintings,  a  picture  of  the  President,  and  a  table 
covered  with  newspapers  containing  complimentary 
notices  of  General  Arthur,  were  minor  features  of 


190  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

the  room.  Its  main  attractions  were  the  burly 
form  of  Clint  Wheeler,  the  handsome  figure  of 
Robert  McCord,  the  dandy  shape  of  Michael  Cre- 
gan,  and  the  substantial  form  of  Joel  Werhardt. 

The  delegates  smiled  as  they  glanced  into  the 
large  parlor  of  the  Michigan  delegation  adjoining 
the  ladies'  main  parlor  of  the  hotel.  The  walls 
were  hidden  from  view  by  a  dozen  large  silk  flags, 
the  coat  of  arms  of  the  State  was  placed  conspic- 
uously opposite  the  main  entrance,  but  the  big  card 
attracting  the  attention  of  all  callers  was  a  large 
painted  sign  hanging  across  the  wall  bearing  these 
words  :  "  Michigan  pledges  her  electoral  vote  for 
the  nominee."  Every  one  seemed  satisfied  that  the 
Republicans  would  carry  Michigan. 

The  Blaine  people  claimed  that  Hoar  would  go 
to  Blaine  as  second  choice,  and  the  Massachusetts 
Senator  seemed  to  give  them  sufficient  ground  for 
the  claim.  The  Blaine  campaign  consisted  of  a 
continuation  of  the  labor  with  the  Ohio  and  Indi- 
ana delegations  to  get  them  to  swing  in  for  Blaine 
at  a  favorable  moment,  and  effect  his  nomination. 
They  also  renewed  their  assaults  upon  the  South- 
ern delegates,  many  of  whom  they  believed  to  be 
purchasable. 

The  Ohio  people  were  not  in  a  temper  to  listen 
much.  They  had  good  luck  in  the  last  two  con- 
ventions in  holding  out.  Those  who  were  inclined 
to  Sherman  regarded  his  chances  as  quite  favor- 
able, and  said  they  would  do  their  utmost  to  hold 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  191 

him  in  place  to  receive  any  advantage  from  a  pos- 
sible break  from  the  leading  candidates. 

Indiana  took  rather  different  shape.  Without 
any  hope  that  Harrison  would  be  nominated,  it  was 
agreed  that  his  name  should  be  formally  presented 
to  the  convention.  Twenty-seven  of  the  thirty 
delegates  from  Indiana  promised  to  vote  for  him 
until  they  could  see  some  advantage  beyond  the 
promises  held  out  by  Blaine's  friends. 

The  claim  that  the  Blaine  workers  had  made 
some  inroad  on  Arthur's  Southern  delegations  was 
stronger  than  at  any  previous  time.  Many  of  the 
delegates  who  were  thought  to  have  been  won 
over,  however,  denied  it  when  questioned  on  the 
subject.  The  influences  under  which  they  were 
sent  to  Chicago  made  it  next  to  impossible  for 
them  to  sit  in  the  midst  of  their  delegations  in  the 
convention  and  vote  contrary  to  the  influences. 

The  Arthur  people  kept  very  close.  Hatton 
and  Warren  were  little  seen,  except  by  those  who 
were  brought  to  them  for  a  purpose.  George  Bliss 
was  the  most  approachable  man  among  those  con- 
spicuous at  the  President's  headquarters.  No 
noise  whatever  was  made,  and  there  were  touches 
here  and  there  of  Arthur's  personal  direction. 

THE    NATIONAL   COMMITTEE. 

At  noon  the  Republican  National  Committee 
began  its  sessions,  the  chairman,  D.  M.  Sabin,  of 
Minnesota,  presiding;  John  A.  Martin,  of  Kansas, 


192  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

secretary,  and  George  W,  Hooker,  of  Vermont, 
assistant  secretary,  were  present  in  their  respec- 
tive capacities.  All  the  States  and  Territories 
were,  on  calling  the  roll,  found  to  be  represented, 
with  the  exception  of  Louisiana,  Utah,  Florida  and 
South  Carolina.  The  following  were  represented 
by  proxies :  Delaware,  Oregon,  Illinois,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Maine,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Arizona, 
Washington  Territory,  Nevada  and  the  District 
of  Columbia.  The  committeemen  and  proxies 
were  as  follows : 

Alabama,  Paul  Strobach ;  Arkansas,  Powell 
Clayton  ;  California,  Horace  Davis  ;  Colorado,  John 
S.  Routt;  Connecticut,  0.  H.  Piatt;  Delaware, 
Washinii'ton  Hastinsrs;  Georo-ja,  James  B.  Deveaux  ; 
Illinois,  Burton  C.  Cook;  Indiana,  John  C.  New; 
Iowa,  John  S.  Runnells  ;  Kansas,  John  A.  Martin  ; 
Kentucky,  William  0.  Bradley;  Maine,  Charles  A. 
Boutelle  ;  Maryland,  James  A.  Garey  ;  Massachu- 
setts, John  M.  Forbes;  Michigan,  James  H.  Stone; 
Minnesota,  D.  M.  Sabin ;  Mississippi,  George  C. 
McKee ;  Missouri,  Chauncey  I.  Fille}-;  Nebraska, 
James  M.  Dawes;  Nevada,  Seiu^tor  Jones;  New 
Jersey,  George  A.  Halsey ;  New  York,  Thomas  C. 
Piatt;  North  Carolina,  W.  P.  Canaday ;  Ohio, 
William  C.  Cooper ;  Oregon,  John  T.  Asperson ; 
Pennsylvania,  C.  L.  Magee ;  Rhode  Island,  Nelson 
W,  Aid  rich ;  Tennessee,  E.  G.  Sanford ;  Texas, 
A.  G.  Malley ;  Vermont,  George  W.  Hooker ;  Vir- 
ginia, Samuel  M.  Yost;  West  Virginia,  John  W. 
Mason ;  Wisconsin,  Elisha  Enos ;  Arizona,  R.  C. 
Kearnes ;  Dakota,  C.  T.  McCoy ;  Idaho,  George  L. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884,  193 

Shang;  Montana,  Alexander  H.  Beattie;  Ne\^ 
Mexico,  Stephen  B.  Elkins ;  Washington  Territory. 
George  D.  Hill ;  Wyoming,  Joseph  L.  Carey ;  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  Frank  B.  Conger. 

THE    CONVENTION   HALL. 

Mr.  New,  chairman  of  the  sub-committee,  made 
a  report  on  behalf  of  the  committee  to  which  hadi 
been  referred  the  work  of  securing  a  hall  for  the' 
convention  and  of  arranging  for  the  printing  of' 
tickets  of  admission  to  the  convention.  As  to  the- 
convention  hall,  Mr.  New  said  it  was  undoubtedly 
the  best  ever  prepared  for  the  holding  of  a  National 
Convention.  The  acoustic  properties  were  excel- 
lent, and  the  seating  arrangements  perfect.  The' 
expense  in  accomplishing  this  had  been  incurred 
and  cared  for  by  the  local  committee.  The  sub- 
committee had  arranged  for  seating  the  delegates- 
in  alphabetical  order,  beginning  with  Alabama  in' 
front  of  the  stage,  at  the  left  or  east  side  of  the 
hall,  and  ending  with  Wisconsin  in  front  of  the' 
right  of  the  stage,  four  aisles  distant. 

It  was  decided  in  the  matter  of  the  distribution' 
of  tickets  that  the  quota  for  each  State  be  deliv- 
ered to  the  member  of  the  national  committee  for 
such  State,  with  instructions  to  deliver  to  each 
delegate  for  his  State  six  tickets,  and  to  eacb 
alternate  one  ticket  in  cases  where  there  are  no 
contests,   and   in   cases  where   there   are  contests 

five  tickets  to  each  delegate  and  one  ticket  to  each 
13 


194  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

alternate  whose  names  are  placed  on  the  roll  by 
the  committee,  and  one  each  to  each  contesting 
delegate. 

James  A.  Sexton  was  chosen  sergennt-at-arms 
of  the  convention.  J.  M.  Bean,  of  Wisconsin,  and 
James  M.  Stone,  of  Michigan,  were  named  as 
reading  clerks. 

The  committee  met  again  at  7.30  o'clock  to- 
night. Senator  CuUom,  of  Illinois,  presented  cre- 
dentials to  act  as  proxy  for  Senator  Logan,  in  view 
of  the  illness  of  Burton  C.  Cook,  heretofore  acting 
as  prox}^  By  a  unanimous  vote  it  was  decided  to 
take  up  the  case  of  the  contested  delegations  from 
the  State  of  Virginia,  which  embraces  all  the  dele- 
gations in  the  State,  including  the  four  delegatcs- 
at-larsre.  Senator  Aldrich,  of  Rhode  Island,  nioved 
that  the  delegation,  headed  by  Senator  Mahone, 
be  placed  upon  the  rolls.  Mr.  Beattie,  of  Montana, 
offered  an  amendment  referring  the  contest  to  the 
committee  on  credentials  of  the  National  Conven- 
tion without  action.  The  amendment  was  lost  on 
a  vote  by  a  call  of  the  States,  as  follows : 

Ayes — California,  Maine,  Nebraska,  New  Jer- 
sey, West  Virginia,  Arizona,  Idaho,  Montana,  New 
Mexico,  and  Wyoming — 10. 

Noes — Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Dela- 
ware, Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Kentucky,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Michigan, 
Minnesota,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  New  York,  North    Carolina,  Oregon, 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  195 

Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Vermont, 
Virginia,  Wisconsin,  Dakota,  Utah,  Washington 
Territory,  and  the  District  of  Columbia-— 31. 

The  original  motion  of  Senator  Aldrich  was 
then  carried  by  a  similar  vote. 

As  soon  as  the  committee  had  adjourned,  the 
members  made  a  break  for  the  different  headquar- 
ters, and  eagerly  sought  for  information.  Arthur's 
supporters  in  the  committee  were  especially  san- 
guine, although  they  said  little.  A  dozen  dark 
horses  were  disposed  of  before  one  o'clock,  but,  as 
the  day  wore  on,  the  Blaine  people  increased  their 
confidence.  At  two  o'clock  the  noisiest  of  them 
were  claiming  that  the  Arthur  cause  had  com- 
pletely broken  down.  The  Arthur  men  themselves 
were  not  in  good  spirits.  The  presence  of  so  many 
of  the  old  Grant  followers  in  Blaine's  interest  was 
having  its  effect,  without  doubt,  and  Blaine  was 
getting  support  in  this  way  where  he  could  not 
otherwise  get  it.  The  capture  of  a  delegate  here 
and  there  had  a  wonderful  influence  at  this  stage 
of  the  struggle.  The  Edmunds  people  showed  a 
much  better  disposition  toward  Blaine,  and  the 
disinclination  of  the  Southern  people  to  allow  any 
new  man  to  come  in  gave  Blaine  a  great  boost. 

Our  correspondent's  faith  in  Blaine's  strength 
increased  as  the  night  advanced.  After  carefully 
reviewing  the  field  he  sent  the  following  despatch, 
as  the  Chicago  clocks  were  striking  the  hour  of 
twelve : 


196  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

"  Chicago,  June  1,  midniglit. — Arthur  has  per- 
ceptibly weakened  to-night.  It  is  manifested  by 
a  growing  disposition  to  unite  the  Arthur.  Ed- 
munds, Sherman  and  Logan  forces  against  Blaine, 
and  the  Arthur  men  are  conspicuous  in  the  as  yet 
unorganized  movement.  The  cause  of  the  weaken- 
insf  of  the  Arthur  men  is  the  demoralization  dis- 
played  in  several  of  the  Southern  delegations. 
Clayton,  of  Arkansas,  has  openly  deserted  Arthur 
with  a  considerable  number  of  the  Southern  dele- 
gates. The  Arthur  leaders  speak  confidently  of 
repairing  all  breaks  in  their  line ;  but  the  general 
judgment  at  this  hour  is  that  Arthur  cannot  beat 
Blaine.  If  that  impression  shall  be  confirmed  to- 
morrow, as  now  seems  probable,  Arthur  will  be 
practically  and  possibly  formally  out  of  the  race 
before  a  ballot  is  reached.  Unless  the  field  ele- 
ments shall  fail  to  concentrate  on  a  new  man,  in- 
teresting developments  may  be  expected  to-morrow. 
Blaine  is  stronger  within  the  last  hour  than  he  has 
been  at  any  time  in  the  contest." 

Of  course  it  was  impossible  for  any  person  not 
gifted  with  the  power  of  prescience  to  make  a  pre- 
diction, except  from  the  way  things  looked  on  tlie 
surface.  There  did  not  appear  to  be  as  clear  an 
understanding  of  the  situation  as  on  Sunday,  and 
the  wisest  of  wiseacres  were  pretty  much  at  sea. 
Mr.  Handy  felt  pretty  confident,  however,  that 
matters  were  shaping  themselves  in  favor  of  the 
Maine  statesman  when  he  sent  the  following  des- 
patch to  the  Philadelphia  Press.  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  message,  while  sanguine  in  tone,  is 
guarded  and  written  with  great  care  : 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  197 

"Chicago,  June  1,  1884. 

"All  signs  point  to  the  nomination  of  Blaine  on 
an  early  ballot.  His  success  is  not,  indeed,  assured 
beyond  doubt,  but  the  opposition  cannot  stand 
another  Blaine  day  such  as  yesterday  and  to-day 
have  been.  The  weakening  of  the  administration 
cause  has  been  steady  and  rapid  since  Friday 
night,  when  the  news  came  to  Mr.  Hatton  that 
there  was  a  break  in  the  Arkansas  delegation, 
under  the  leadership  of  Powell  Clayton,  and  the 
drift  meanwhile  has  been  steadily  toward  Blaine. 

"  If  Arthur  is  saved,  or  the  opposition  to  Blaine 
is  handled  with  any  degree  of  success  whatever, 
it  must  be  through  some  new  device  or  combina- 
tion which  is  not  now  in  sight.  In  the  opinion  of 
experienced  observers  the  solid  Southern  support 
of  Arthur  has  been  the  key  of  the  situation.  If 
the  South  could  be  kept  solid  for  him  on  a  couple 
of  ballots,  it  was  thought  by  the  Arthur  managers 
that  they  could  nominate  him,  and  the  Blaine 
managers  conceded  that  in  that  even  this  candidacy 
would  be  formidable  enough  to  challenge  their 
greatest  exertions. 

"  The  Blaine  managers  now  claim  that  they  have 
broken  every  Southern  delegation.  They  point  to 
the  secessions  of  one,  two,  three,  and  even  a  half  a 
dozen  in  one  and  another  delegation,  some  of  the 
deserters  going  to  Blaine  direct  and  others  making 
the  first  step  by  promising  their  support  to  Logan 
or  to  Sherman. 

"At  the  Arthur  headquarters  it  is  claimed  that 
the  Virginia  break  is  magnified  in  Blaine's  interest, 
and  that  their  seceding  brethren  from  other  South- 
ern States  are  only  on  a  strike  and  will  return  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  administration.     But  their 


198  THE     CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

denials  and  assertions  are  put  forth  in  a  half- 
hearted way  which,  coupled  with  the  depression 
prevailing  in  the  administration  camp  all  day,  en- 
courages the  idea  that  they  see  the  handwriting  on 
the  wall,  although  they  may  not  read  it  in  its  full 
meaning.  A  still  stronger  indication  of  their  con- 
scious weakness  is  afforded  by  the  feelers  they  hav^ 
thrown  out  to  Edmunds,  Gresham,  and  even  Logan 
and  Sherman. 

SCENES   AT   THE   HEADQUARTERS. 

From  the  time  the  first  Sabbath  bells  ranor  for 
early  mass  to  the  disappearance  of  the  moon  in  a 
storm  of  rain  the  headquarters  were  crowded,  es- 
pecially at  the  Grand  Pacific,  where  the  principal 
headquarters  of  the  leading  candidates  and  most 
interesting  delegations  were  located.  Blaine  and 
Arthur  opened  branch  offices  at  the  Palmer,  the 
Sherman  and  the  Leland.  Ohio  and  New  York 
hung  out  their  delegation  banners  "elsewhere," 
but  the  drift  of  the  crowd  followed  the  tendency 
of  the  most  conspicuous  figures  to  the  Grand 
Pacific.  Sanguine  statistics  and  dizzy  prophecies 
were  generously  interchanged,  and  Blaine  was  nom- 
inated on  the  first  ballot  again  and  again. 

An  Edmunds  man,  an  oldish,  thin-faced,  pro- 
fessional-looking man  from  New  York,  happened 
in,  to  do  a  little  missionary  work  perhaps.  In 
about  ten  minutes  he  was  in  the  condition  of  a 
plump  infant  who  had  been  dropped  into  a  den  of 
wolves.     As  soon  as  the  crowd  realized  what  he 


\ 


THE     CONVENTION     OF    1884.  199 

was  at  they  charged  on  him.  They  surrounded 
him  with  enthusiasm,  hammered  him  with  hurrahs, 
tore  him  up  with  arguments,  mangled  him  with 
history  and  buried  him  in  prophecy.  He  tried  to 
reason  with  them,  but  he  might  as  well  have  dis- 
puted with  an  insane  asylum.  They  yelled  him 
down,  hung  Blaine  pictures  on  his  shoulders  and 
sent  him  out  with  a  Blaine  badge  floating  in  surrep- 
titious triumph  from  his  venerable  coat-tails. 

Later  in  the  day  they  had  a  more  congenial  in- 
terruption. The  Colorado  delegation  arrived  and 
everybody  in  Chicago  knew  it  immediately^  The 
Colorado  men  swept  proudly  through  the  corridors, 
at  their  head  Hamill,  the  smooth-faced,  boyish 
young  bonanza  king,  who  is  to  be  Senator  next 
year;  at  their  head,  also,  borne  upon  a  stately 
pole,  a  stuffed  Rocky  Mountain  eagle,  wtih  wings 
outstretched.  The  procession  halted  just  outside 
the  Blaine  headquarters,  and  the  file  leader 
shouted:  "Colorado  sends  her  six  delegates  solid 
for  James  G.  Blaine  !  "  If  the  eagle  did  not  scream 
it  was  no  matter.  It  would  have  been  drowned 
in  the  general  hurrah  from  the  delegates. 

All  along  the  corridor  leading  from  the  Blaine 
headquarters  to  the  Arthur  camp  in  the  hotel  and 
the  Logan  fort  around  the  corner,  the  walls  were 
decorated  with  pictures  of  the  candidates,  flags 
and  banners  of  the  different  State  delegations. 
Minnesota's  door  bore  the  legend :  "  Minnesota's 
delegation  divided,  but  40,000  for  the  nominee." 


200  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

The  most  of  the  delegates  were  scattered  about. 
Senator  Sabin  was  not  in  the  room  much  during 
the  day,  and  a  good  many  of  the  delegates  seemed 
to  put  in  their  time  looking  for  him.  In  the  Wis- 
consin rooms  half  a  score  of  quiet  gentlemen  sat 
piousl}'  talking  together.  Their  room  was  hand- 
somely decorated  with  flags,  and  the  mantel-piece 
was  adorned  with  a  non-connnittal  array  of  por- 
traits of  Blaine,  Arthur,  Logan  and  Edmunds  stand- 
ing side  l)y  side.  Congressman  Horr,  the  joker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  sat  a  short  dis- 
tance back  from  the  head  of  the  long  table  in  the 
Michigan  headquarters,  and  entertained  a  group  of 
acquaintances  with  funny  stories,  among  others  one 
that  Arthur  would  get  only  two  delegates  out  of 
their  delegation. 

Mahone  fluttered  about  the  Arthur  headquarters 
once  or  twice  looking  like  a  midget.  Governor 
Pierpont  and  Judge  Nichols,  of  Vermont,  pushed 
about  arm-in-arm,  and  Martin  I.  Townsend,  the  old 
man  with  the  snow  on  his  head  but  the  fire  in  his 
heart,  presented  the  business  men  of  New  York  to 
Senator  Bowen  of  Colorado,  a  millionaire,  who 
wears  an  alpaca  coat  and  a  straw  hat  and  looks 
like  Senator  Wallace  with  his  hair  and  side 
whiskers  dyed.  Both  the  Colorado  Senators  are 
working  for  Arthur,  while  their  delegation  is 
shouting  for  Blaine. 

The  Arthur  headquarters  were  rather  quiet  all 
day,  although  they  were  full  of  delegates.      They 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  201 

lacked  the  necessary  ingredient  of  Pacific  Slope 
men  to  make  an  uproar. 

"  It's  all  right,"  cheerfully  remarked  Collector 
Gould,  of  Buffalo,  who  was  looking  after  things ; 
"Arthur  will  be  nominated  just  the  same  and  I 
would  advise  you  to  say  so.  Henry  Clay  had  the 
hurrah,  too,  but  the  other  fellow  had  the  votes, 
and  that's  us." 

Elsewhere  the  responsible  leaders  of  the  opposing 
factions  laid  dark  plots  and  matured  deep  strategy 
in  the  seclusion  of  their  private  rooms,  or  worked 
them  with  delegates  drawn  off  by  twos  and  threes 
in  out-of-the-way  nooks  and  corners.  The  slender 
Prince  Albert  of  Hatton,  the  massive  handshake 
of  Magee,  the  dress-parade  greeting  of  General 
Warren  were  missing  from  the  room  where  the 
assorted  mixture  of  business  men  and  office-holders 
held  court  for  such  as  showed  a  willingness  to  save 
their  country  through  Arthur. 

Collector  Robertson  only  appeared  long  enough 
to  receive  a  report  from  Colonel  Schaefer  that 
Florida  and  Texas  were  breaking  away  from  Arthur, 
and  disappeared  in  the  effulgence  of  a  gratified  but 
very  inartistic  smile.  Colonel  Bayne  dropped  in 
occasionally  to  greet  the  new  arrivals  and  assure 
them  of  Blaine's  nomination  on  the  second  ballot 
at  furthest,  and  Tom  Donaldson  appeared  at  inter- 
vals to  pass  around  fresh  enthusiasm. 

The  notables  were  notably  absent  from  the 
gathering  places,  and  the  headquarters  were  almost 


202  THE    CONVENTION    OF    18S4. 

altogether  given  over  to  tlie  rank  and  file.  Judges 
alternated  meekly  with  Congressmen  in  the  mo- 
notony of  great  names,  and  to  call  out  "Colonel" 
in  the  neis:hborhood  of  the  Losran  rooms  was  to 
invoke  a  general  uprising. 

Tired,  sleepy,  and  worn  out  with  the  constant 
strain,  a  majority  of  the  delegates  were  obliged  to 
seek  their  beds  to  recuperate  for  the  final  skirmish 
of  Monday,  before  the  great  battle  of  Tuesday. 
By  Monday  morning  at  two  o'clock  nearly  every- 
body was  snoring.  Here  and  there  could  be  found 
a  noisy  party  of  revellers,  but  they  had  no  further 
interest  in  the  fight  than  mere  curiosity  and  were 
able  to  lose  sleep  without  interfering  with  their 
interests. 

Monday  opened  with  the  boom  and  strategic  ad- 
vantage largely  on  the  Blaine  side.  The  osten- 
tatious proclamation  in  favor  of  Blaine,  made  at  a 
late  hour  the  night  before  by  ex-Senator  Clayton, 
of  Arkansas,  started  a  young  panic  in  the  Arthur 
ranks,  as  Clayton  was  regarded  as  the  advance 
guard  of  a  large  defection  from  Arthur  in  the 
South. 

The  scenes  of  the  day  are  thus  cleverly  described 
by  an  eye-witness : 

"  This  has  been  a  day  of  activity  and  excitement. 
The  hotel  lobbies  and  the  headquarters  of  candi- 
dates and  delegations  have  been  uncomfortably 
crowded.  Men  have  been  rushing  about  as  if  lost. 
Missionary  work  has  been  going  on  in  all  direc- 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  203 

tions.  Delegations  have  met  and  canvassed  the 
situation,  and  as  far  as  can  be  before  the  ballot  is 
actually  taken  the  strength  of  the  candidates  is 
known  to  their  respective  leaders.  But  that  is  in- 
formation which  they  refuse  to  disclose  to  the  news- 
paper correspondents,  who  have  to  exercise  their 
own  judgment.  Above  all  the  din  and  clatter, 
however,  there  remains  uppermost  the  undoubted 
fact  that  James  G.  Blaine  will  lead  on  the  first 
ballot,  that  he  will  steadily  gain  thereafter,  and 
that  his  nomination  can  only  be  prevented  hy  a 
combination  on  some  dark  horse,  which  now  seems 
improbable.  If  the  contest  narrows  to  Blaine  and 
Arthur  the  former  is  sure  to  win. 

"  The  Blaine  men  have  been  using  the  day  to 
solidify  their  vote.  Their  enthusiasm  is  contagious 
and  it  is  extending  to  delegations  heretofore  divided, 
but  who  are  preparing  to  go  over  solidly  to  the 
Maine  statesman  as  soon  as  they  have  discharged 
their  complimentary  obligations  to  home  candi- 
dates. In  the  meantime,  the  instability  of  the 
Arthur  support  is  becoming  more  and  more  ap- 
parent. A  large  part  of  it  is  preparing  to  go  to 
the  winning  side. 

"  The  Blaine  management  is  surprisingly  acute 
and  vigorous.  This  has  been  shown  to-day  in  a 
way  that  may  somewhat  change  calculations  as  to 
the  first  ballot.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Blaine 
men  will  lead;  that  is  conceded  by  the  Adminis- 
tration men.     Blaine  will  also  lead  Arthur  by  a 


204  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

great  many  votes,  but  not  so  many  as  might  be  the 
case  if  the  management  were  conducted  in  the 
same  way  as  that  of  the  Administration  men.  In 
the  latter  case  it  is  a  game  of  brag  and  show. 
With  the  Blaine  men,  it  is  an  earnest  canvass, 
where  all  shadows  are  cast  aside,  and  only  the  sub- 
stance sought  after.  Hence,  to-daj^,  when  repre- 
sentatives of  several  Western  States  called  at  the 
Blaine  headquarters,  offering  large  additions  to 
Blaine  on  the  first  ballot,  they  were  asked  if  the 
votes  would  stick.  The  reply  was  that  in  all  cases 
that  could  not  be  depended  upon.  '  Then  we  don't 
want  them  on  the  first  ballot,'  said  a  Blaine  leader. 
'  We  prefer  our  candidate's  vote  to  grow,  and  not 
decrease.  We  want  on  the  first  ballot  only  votes 
that  will  stick  to  the  end.'  That  is  the  Blaine 
programme,  and  all  doubtful  votes  have  been 
eliminated  as  far  as  possible  from  the  first  ballot. 
It  will  still  rise  over  300,  and  it  is  growing. 

"  The  Arthur  men  feel  to-night  that  they  have 
been  leaning  on  a  slender  reed  in  depending  on 
their  place-holding  contingent  from  the  'rotten 
boroughs'  of  the  South.  Until  to-day  they  have 
scouted  all  assertions  that  General  Powell  Clayton 
was  anything  but  a  straightout  Arthur  man,  and 
Louisiana  they  claimed  solid  for  Arthur,  and  also 
North  Carolina ;  but  when  the  Southern  Republi- 
cans got  together  to-day  and  concluded  to  demand 
the  temporary  chairman  as  the  only  thing  they 
could   expect   from    the    Convention,  the   Arthur 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  205 

leaders,  Assistant  Postmaster-General  Hatton  in 
charge,  declined  to  accede.  They  ordered  that  the 
Southern  men  should  vote  for  Hoar.  This  some 
of  them  declined  to  do.  An  Arthur  man  from 
Louisiana  nominated  General  Clayton,  and  an- 
other Arthur  man  from  North  Carolina  seconded 
the  nomination.  Some  of  the  opponents  of  the 
President  from  the  North  thought  that  the  demand 
was  not  unreasonable,  and  in  order  to  sow  discord 
in  the  Administration  ranks  they  aided  in  the 
selection  of  Clayton.  These  signs  of  disintegration 
in  the  South  alarmed  the  Arthur  men,  and  to- 
night they  have  been  panic-stricken.  Rumors 
have  been  flying  thick  and  fast,  first  that  Arthur 
would  be  withdrawn,  and  second  that  his  sup- 
porters would  unite  on  General  Sherman.  These 
rumors  cannot  be  verified.  It  is  known,  however, 
that  to-night  the  Arthur  men  have  beseeched  the 
Edmunds  leaders  to  give  the  President  a  part  of 
the  Edmunds  vote  on  the  first  ballot,  asserting  that 
it  is  the  only  hope  of  defeating  Blaine. 

"  The  Edmunds  men  are  angry  over  the  selec- 
tion of  Clayton  and  are  contemplating  a  union  with 
Arthur  men  to  defeat  General  Clayton  for  tem- 
porary chairman.  But  the  Arthur  leaders  fear  to 
antagonize  the  Southern  men.  They  tried  to-night 
to  get  the  Edmunds  people  to  unite  on  Register 
Bruce  for  temporary  chairman,  and  Theodore 
Roosevelt  went  to  George  William  Curtis  and 
asked  him  to  make  the  nomination.     Mr.  Curtis 


206  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

declined  to  do  so.  Bruce  himself,  however,  said 
that  he  could  not  afford  to  oppose  his  Southern 
friends,  and  declined  to  be  a  candidate.  The 
panic-stricken  Arthur  men  hardly  know  what  to 
do  next." 

This  is  the  way  matters  looked  to  an  impartial 
observer.  His  conclusions  in  some  instances  were 
verified,  but  in  others  shot  wide  of  the  mark.  The 
Blaine  men  decided  to  make  no  more  propositions 
to  the  Sherman  side  of  the  house. 

Judge  William  H.  West,  the  leader  of  the  Ohio 
Blaine  forces,  stepped  into  the  Blaine  headquarters 
after  dinner.  He  was  soon  discovered  and  a 
speech  was  called  for.  There  were  loud  cheers 
when  he  mounted  a  table,  and  before  he  could 
speak  three  loud  shouts  were  given  for  Blaine. 
Judsie  West  said  :  "  Fellow-citizens  of  the  United 
States,  I  did  not  come  here  to  speak  to  you,  and  I 
can  only  say  that,  by  the  help  of  God  Almighty, 
to-morrow  or  thereafter  will  see  the  nomination 
of  that  great  statesman,  James  G.  Blaine."  [Pro- 
longed cheering.] 

Loud  calls  were  made  for  Judge  Norton,  of 
Texas,  who  said  :  "  The  great  metropolis  is  ready 
to  spend  money  for  Arthur;  but  we  can  elect 
Blaine  without  a  dollar.  [Great  cheering.]  Texas 
wants  Blaine  and  the  country  wants  him," 

The  executive  meeting  of  the  Ohio  delegates 
was  held  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and 
the  following  committee-men  appointed :    Chairman 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  207 

of  the  delegation,  J.  B.  Foraker ;  Secretary,  E.  L. 
Lainpson;  member  of  the  National  Executive 
Committee,  A.  L.  Conger;  Committee  on  Resolu-. 
tions,  Major  William  McKinley;  Permanent  Or- 
ganization, Samuel  Craighead ;  Credentials,  Mark 
A.  Hanna;  Vice-President,  Edwin  Cowles;  Rules 
and  Order  of  Business,  Alphonso  Hart;  Secretary 
of  National  Convention,  Clarence  Brown.  The 
Sherman  men  succeeded  in  capturing  the  best  of 
the  organization,  but  the  Blaine  men  expressed 
themselves  as  satisfied  with  the  result.  The  Cali- 
fornia delegation  visited  the  Ohio  headquarters 
later  in  the  afternoon.  Colonel  Conger  made  a 
speech  on  behalf  of  Ohio.  When  he  said  that  the 
people  of  Ohio  demanded  the  nomination  of  James 
G.  Blaine,  the  wildest  enthusiasm  followed.  E. 
L.  Lampson,  of  Garfield's  old  district,  declared  that 
Ohio  w^ould  give  40,000  majority  for  the  Plumed 
Knight.  General  Charles  Grosvenor,  of  Athens, 
Ohio,  followed,  saying  that  any  man,  ^vith  the 
exception  of  one  (Arthur),  could  carry  Ohio;  but 
the  people  wanted  Blaine. 

The  question  of  electing  a  temporary  chairman 
has  ever  been  a  struggle  in  every  convention  held. 
On  his  selection  largely  depends  the  selection  of 
the  permanent  chairman,  who  may  or  may  not  be 
a  fair  man.  The  permanent  chairman  can,  if  he 
so  desires,  delay  matters  and  hamper  people  to 
whom  he  may  be  opposed,  so  that  his  own  personal 
choice  can  stand  a  better  chance.     The  delegates 


208  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

to  the  great  convention  of  1884  were  fully  aware 
of  this,  and  the  National  Committee  determined  to 
select  a  man  who  should  be  thoroughly  impartial, 
and  whose  influence,  if  any,  should  be  thrown  in 
favor  of  a  man  as  upright  as  himself.  There  were 
a  number  of  candidates,  the  most  prominent  being 
Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas,  Senator  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  Representative  Horr,  of  Michigan. 

The  committee  met  at  two  o'clock  on  the  after- 
noon of  June  2d. 

The  Chair  stated  that  nominations  would  be  in 
order  for  Temporary  Chairman  of  the  National 
Convention. 

Mr.  Runnells,  of  Iowa,  rose  to  offer  the  name  of 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  a  gen- 
tleman who,  in  the  midst  of  the  exciting  features 
of  the  convention  of  four  years  ago,  had  presided 
with  that  rare  wisdom  which  had  commended  him 
to  the  good  opinion  of  every  delegate  in  that  body. 

Paul  Strobach,  of  Alabama,  seconded  the  nom- 
ination. 

A  member  from  Louisiana  said  that  he  voiced 
the  sentiments  of  the  members  of  the  Southern 
States  in  according  all  honor  to  Senator  Hoar,  and 
that  they  would  doubtless  like  to  see  him  chosen 
for  the  permanent  chairmanship,  but  in  the  distri- 
bution of  the  honors  to  be  conferred  by  the  con- 
vention he  thought  as  a  recognition  of  Southern 
Republicanism  that  in  naming  a  man  for  a  position 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  209 

not  fraught  with  patronage  it  could  gracefully  be 
given  to  a  Southern  Republican.  He  then  named 
Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas.  Mr.  Canaday,  of 
North  Carolina,  seconded  the  nomination. 

Mr.  Stone,  of  Michigan,  said,  in  obedience  to  the- 
vote  of  his  State  delegation,  he  desired  to  nom- 
inate Roswell  G.  Horr,  of  Michigan. 

Mr.  Magee,  of  Pennsylvania,  nominated  Galusha- 
A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  vote  stood  as 
follows : 

For  Clayton — California,  Colorado,  Illinois,  In- 
diana, Kansas,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Mississippi,  Mis- 
souri, Nebraska,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Oregon,  South  Carolina,  Virginia^ 
West  Virginia,  Wisconsin,  Arizona,  Dakota,  Idaho, 
Montana, .  New  Mexico,  Washington  Territjory,. 
Wyoming  and  Utah.     Total,  27. 

For  Senator  Hoar — Alabama,  Connecticut,  Flor<- 
ida,  Iowa,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Massachusetts, 
Minnesota,  Nevada,  Rhode  Island,  New  Hamp- 
shire, Vermont  and  District  of  Columbia.  Total,. 
io. 

For  Grow — Delaware  and  Pennsylvania..  To- 
tal, 2. 

For  Horr — Arkansas  and  Michigan.     Total,  2. 

A  motion  to  make  the  vote  unanimous  brought 
out  three  dissenting  votes.     Mr.  Clayton  said : 

Gentlemen  of  the  committee,  I  deem  it  proper 

to  return  thanks  for  the  honor  you  have  conferred 

upon  me,  not  as  being  rendered  to  me  personally, 

but  to  the  section  which  I  in  part  represent.     I 

14 


210  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

also  accept  it  with  pleasure,  as  having  no  signifi- 
cance whatever  as  to  its  bearing  upon  the  nomina- 
tion of  a  candidate  for  President.  In  fulfilling  the 
functions  of  the  office,  if  there  be  any  mistakes, 
they  will,  gentlemen,  let  me  assure  you,  be  of  the 
head  and  not  of  the  heart. 

The  committee  then  adjourned  until  the  follow- 
ing morning  at  eleven  o'clock,  little  knowing  the 
surprise  in  store  for  them. 

Meantime  Chicago  wns  overflowing  with  visitors. 
A  well-known  writer  painted  the  following  strong 
pen-picture  of  the  scene : 

"  The  Chicago  hotel,  or  at  least  the  two  Chicago 
hotels  which  suck  in  these  thousands,  and  send 
them  out  in  eddying  streams  upon  the  street,  the 
Palmer  House  and  the  Grand  Pacific;  are  each 
mighty  shells  of  rooms  shutting  in  great  sky- 
lii^hted  cavernous  lobbies.  The  Grand  Pacific  has 
something  like  an  acre  of  dim,  grimy  pavement  in 
its  bowels,  and  the  Palmer  House  another  acre,  and 
off  from  this  thronged,  tesselated,  gas-lighted  space, 
staircases  lead  to  the  endless  tangle  of  corridors, 
which  thread  the  double  shell  of  rooms,  roofing  in 
these  great  loafing  places  spread  out  for  the  use  of 
ithe  busiest  city  in  Christendom. 

"Over  these  great  lobbies,  up  and  down  the  end- 
less corridors,  the  great  battle  sways  and  pulses; 
every  parlor  a  redoubt,  and  every  room  with  its 
intrigue,  its  argument,  or  its  conference.  At  best 
this  great  national  convention  comes  close  to  being 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  211 

a  government  by  a  mob.  Think  of  it.  You  know 
how  big  a  spread  a  thousand  people  make,  and 
how  easily  two  or  three  bring  a  jam  in  the  biggest 
of  buildings,  how  hopeless  a  haystack  of  humanity 
four  or  five  thousand  become  when  some  event 
forces  it  into  the  largest  of  halls. 

"  There  are  here  to-day  820  delegates ;  double 
these  for  their  alternates,  1640 ;  multiply  them  by 
ten  for  camp-followers,  and  the  total  piles  up  to 
16,400.  This  is  no  exaggeration.  It  is  under  the 
truth. 

"They  fill  the  lobbies,  jam  the  sidewalks,  and 
all  day  and  all  night  the  bustle  and  stir,  the  strug- 
gles and  the  cheers  of  the  mob  are  echoing  through 
the  two  great  caves  over  which  the  crowd  is  only 
the  chaff  out  of  which  800  delegates  are  being 
winnowed  and  fanned  at  by  the  political  threshing- 
machine,  running  at  each  of  the  steaming  head- 
quarters with  buz  and  rattle,  and  prodigious  clouds 
of  dust,  to  gather  the  few  bushels  of  grain  stream- 
ing into  the  hoppers  marked  Blaine,  Arthur^ 
Logan,  and  the  rest. 

"Attendance  on  a  national  convention  is  an  ex- 
pensive luxury.  You  see  men  hustled  here  and 
there  who  are  in  the  habit  of  taking  seats  on  the 
leather  cushions  of  bank  parlors,  and  men  conspic- 
uous for  unusual  success  in  money-getting  are  too 
numerous  in  this  mob  to  attract  attention.  This 
great  crowd  includes  all  sorts  and  conditions  of 
men,  and  it  is  dotted  with  the  political  bummer, 


212  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

who  is  always  astonishing  you  by  his  poverty  the 
rest  of  the  time,  and  his  ability  to  pay  bills  con- 
vention weeks,  or  by  his  still  greater  ability  in 
persuading  other  men  to  pay  his  bills  for  him. 

"  But  the  surprising  thing  about  this  mob  is  that 
it  is  a  mob  of  marked  men.  Congress  does  not 
include  the  ruling  forces  of  5,000,000  voters ;  State 
legislatures  do  not;  the  big  State  political  machines, 
able  as  they  are,  do  not;  but  here  at  a  national 
convention,  once  in  four  years,  the  ruling  class  in 
the  politics  of  a  great  Republic  is  visibly  gathered, 
from  the  quick-mannered  Massachusetts  men,  with 
their  good  clothes,  high  breeding,  and  the  organized 
ill-temper  of  an  aristocracy,  as  displayed  in  men 
like  Hoar  and  Lodge,  to  tlie  men  who  were  born 
plantation  negroes,  and  have  risen  to  take  a  per- 
sonal share  in  the  selection  of  a  president. 

"All  forms  and  classes  of  political  power  are 
here,  and  the  consciousness  of  power,  the  posses- 
sion of  influence,  the  accustomed  share  in  the  con- 
duct of  affairs,  give  this  mob  a  restrained  habit  of 
standing  in  buzzing  groups,  through  which  tears 
the  Logan  storm  and  the  Blaine  whirlwind,  when 
some  delegation  leaves  its  headquarters,  and 
pushes  its  squeezing,  shouting,  cheering  way 
through  the  throng  from  headquarters  to  head- 
quarters. 

"  For  all  these  differences  it  is  a  homogeneous 
mob.  The  extremes  you  know  at  a  glance.  There 
are  two  or  three  big  cartwheel  hats — Texans,  of 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  213 

course — and  the  Southern  negro  in  his  own  impor- 
tant self,  his  face  shining  with  appreciation  of  the 
situation,  and  his  shoulders  alive  with  conscious 
pride.  A  man  like  Roosevelt,  with  his  eager  face 
and  eye-glasses,  is  at  another  extreme,  and  the  Cal- 
ifornian,  a  little  rough  at  the  edges,  and  all  alive 
at  the  centre,  is  a  type  of  his  own. 

"  The  world  over  you  would  never  mistake  an- 
other type,  the  smallish,  thin-featured  man,  with 
a  composed,  colorless  face,  a  thick  moustache  curl- 
ing around  an  extraordinarily  thick  cigar,  dark  as 
your  boot,  who  interrupts  a  conversation  hard  by 
with  '  Did  you  say  Northern  Pacific  was  off?  I 
beg  pardon,  but  I  am  a  member  of  the  New  York 
Stock  Exchange.' 

"  But  the  great  national  alembic  has  distilled 
this  seething  mass  into  the  familiar  American  type 
of  successful  men.  Alert,  aware  of  his  powers,  not 
given  to  saying  much,  clumsy  in  his  amusements 
and  given  to  sad  unconcern  in  his  dress,  but  un- 
commonly facile  in  getting  things  done.  Driftwood 
and  human  flotsam  there  is  also,  but  the  former  is 
the  coloring  peculiarity  of  the  crowd  which  the 
hard-worked  manasjers  are  feedin";  throu2;h  their 
threshing-machines. 

"  The  biggest  of  these  threshers  fills  a  whole 
corridor  of  this  hotel,  and  is  built  like  an  ingenious 
pitfall  of  South  Africa,  whose  narrowing  admits 
game  to  its  open  pit,  and  on  each  side  of  the  Blaine 
thresher   stand    those   mighty   delegate    hunters, 


214  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

Steve  Elkins  and  Tom  Donaldson.  The  head- 
quarters are  hung  with  flags,  and  there  are  seduc- 
tive suggestions  of  Blaine  on  every  banner.  Little 
pitfalls  are  on  each  side,  in  the  shape  of  rooms  with 
a  man  at  the  handle,  into  which  the  doubtful  dele- 
gate is  passed  to  come  out  a  Blaine  man,  and,  at 
the  end,  a  big  hotel  dining-room,  cleared  of  every- 
thing but  Blaine  flags  and  a  table  from  which  end- 
less speeches  are  spouted. 

"  Down  this  corridor  the  Southern  delegates  have 
been  flocking  all  day  in  a  great  sable  crowd  of 
anxious  expectancy ;  to  it  Northern  delegates  have 
swarmed  by  the  eager  score.  About  the  corridor 
and  the  big  room  steps  the  slow-footed  Warner 
Miller ;  there  stops  the  bobbing  Tom  Cooper ;  there 
flits  Bayne  with  much  of  the  rapidity  of  a  minnow 
in  a  pool — are  they  not  all  therCj  the  big  spokes 
and  little  wheel-belt,  and  travelling-board  of  the 
Blaine  threshing-machine — bald-headed  Tom  Piatt, 
the  sober,  benignant  Robertson,  the  expansive 
Boutelle,  and  the  ubiquitous  and  free-spoken  Cali- 
fornians  who  met  the  mild  plea  of  an  Independent 
that  the  business  interests  feared  Blaine  with : 
'  Why,  your  soul,  we  have  three  men  in  our  dele- 
gation who  pay  more  taxes  than  Curtis  and  his 
literary  crowd  ever  sneezed  at.' 

"  The  Arthur  threshing  is  done  around  the  cor- 
ner, with  a  big  annex  full  of  boys  and  bankers 
whose  business  dust  raises  a  cloud  about  the 
Arthur   headquarters,   but   brings   precious   little 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  215 

grain  to  the  hopper.  The  Chicago  business  men 
at  the  Palmer  House  are  made  up  of  red-badged 
base-ball  directors  and  the  like.  But  the  New 
York  crowd  is  the  genuine  article,  and  when  you 
see  wealthy  men  wearily  standing  all  day  doing 
nothing,  under  the  supposition  that  their  impres- 
sive presence  is  boosting  a  boom,  you  realize  that 
millionaires  may  misunderstand  their  importance. 

"  The  genuine  Arthur  threshers  are  next  door, 
and  their  deadfall  consists  of  two  bed-rooms  open- 
ing out  of  a  parlor,  into  which  the  delegates 
straggle.  James  Warren,  a  large,  comfortable, 
thin-whiskered  man,  sits  on  the  bed  in  one  room, 
and  Frank  Hatton,  alert,  moustached  and  bump- 
tious, sits  on  the  other  bed,  and  the  wiry  Burleigh, 
of  New  York,  and  heavy,  grouty  General  George 
H.  Sharpe  vibrate  back  and  forth.  Mahone,  with 
his  long  hair,  short,  limp  cuffs  and  rumpled  shirt- 
front,  is  in  occasionally,  but  he  spends  his  time  at 
the  Virginia  headquarters,  sitting  on  the  little  bag 
full  of  grain  threshed  out  with  such  pains  at  the 
Richmond  Convention. 

"  The  Logan  machine  is  clanking  down  the 
aisle  in  a  room  which  looks  like  a  grand  army 
meeting-room  with  corps  badges,  regimental  flags, 
and  a  big  bronze  bust  of  Logan  in  major-general's 
uniform.  The  Edmunds  wheat  has  had  to  thresh 
itself  There  is  no  machine,  no  delegate  hunters, 
and,  it  begins  to  appear,  no  permanent  vote." 

A  more  perfect  description  of  a  ^reat  character- 


1^16  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

istic  American  gathering  has  seldom  been  written. 
That  the  estimate  of  the  various  thre.shing-machines 
was  correct  was  shown  later  in  tlie  evening  when 
the  various  managers  got  together  and  began 
making  estimates.  The  Blaine  people,  thoroughly 
sanguine,  figured  up  the  chances  of  their  candidate 
late  on  Monday  night. 

When  all  the  good  people  of  Chicago  were  in 
their  beds,  the  politicians  were  hard  at  work 
planning  out  the  battle  of  the  morrow.  Before 
one  o'clock  in  the  mornini?  it  was  thou2;ht  that 
Powell  Clayton  would  not  be  the  temporary  presi- 
dent of  the  great  convention.  Blaine's  opponents 
had  worked  hard  to  compass  this  end,  and  were 
overjoj'ed  to  find  their  efforts  promised  to  be  suc- 
cessful. On  the  other  hand,  the  Maine  statesman's 
friends  were  sanguine  and  jubilant,  and  were  ren- 
dered more  hopeful  when  the  following  circular 
was  distributed  among  them,  with  the  announce- 
ment tliat  it  would  be  read  and  presented  on  the 
day  following : 

To  the  National  Repuhlican  Convention: — The 
Republican  districts  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
under  the  rule  of  direct  popular  representation, 
have  declared  emphatically  and  unmistakably  for 
James  G.  Blaine,  and  this  is  their  message  to  the 
National  Republican  Convention  : 

Blaine  can  get  more  votes  in  the  State  of  New 
York  than  any  other  man,  and  can  carry  the  State 
triumphantly.      An    analysis   of   the    Republican 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  217 

representation  in  the  national  convention,  on  the 
basis  of  the  presidential  vote  of  1880,  shows  that 
from  President  Arthur's  own  State  a  decided  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates  to  the  convention  are  op- 
posed to  his  nomination ;  that  the  overwhelming 
preponderance  of  the  delegates  from  the  districts 
giving  Republican  majorities  is  for  Blaine;  that 
twelve  Republican  districts  and  four  Democratic 
districts  are  for  Blaine ;  that  five  other  districts 
send  Edmunds,  or  anti-x\rthur  delegates,  while  but 
five  Republican  districts  send  delegates  for  Arthur, 
the  large  majority  of  his  support  coming  from  ten 
Democratic  districts;  that  in  the  Blaine  districts 
there  is  an  aggregate  of  63,773  Republican  major- 
ities, against  17,456  Republican  majorities  in  the 
Arthur  districts. 

These  facts  and  figures  are  conclusive,  that  in 
New  York,  as  in  other  States,  where  the  electoral 
votes  may  be  given  to  a  Republican  candidate  for 
President,  the  direct  Republican  expression  is  in 
favor  of  James  G.  Blaine's  nomination ;  indeed, 
that  he  is  the  accepted  leader  of  the  Republican 
party  to  a  sure  victory. 

In  full  confidence  that,  with  James  G.  Blaine  as 
the  Republican  standard-bearer,  the  State  of  New 
York  will  give  him  its  electoral  vote,  the  under- 
signed delegates  fro!n  that  State  commend  the 
above  statement  to  the  favorable  consideration  of 
the  national  convention. 

[Signed]  Anson  G.  McCook,  Leslie  W.  Russell, 
George  A.  Bagley,  W.  E.  Scripture,  R.  J.  Richard^ 
son,  Hobart  Krum,  Titus  Sheard,  Thomas  C.  Piatt, 
Milton  Delano,  Edmund  L.  Pitts,  Carroll  E.  Smith, 
Henry  L.Duguid,  D.  M.  Osborne,  T.  A.  Youmans, 
Jeremiah   W.   Dwight,    W.    L.    Smith,   George   R. 


218  THE   CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

Corn  well,   Stephen    T.   Royt,  Norman    L.   Allen, 
Frank  S.  Smith. 

The  situation  remained  materially  unchanged, 
even  after  this  card  had  been  distributed.  Every- 
body was  tired  and  pretty  well  surfeited  with  po- 
litical talk,  but,  nevertheless,  all  hands  appeared 
anxious  to  maintain  their  strength  for  the  coming 
battle.  By  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates  were  in  bed  dreaming  of 
home,  of  ballots,  and  of  future  rewards. 


t 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  219 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Conventions — First  Regular  Session — Pre- 
paring FOR  the  Work. 

A  CLOUDLESS  sky,  bright  sunlight,  and  a  breeze 
from  the  lake,  welcomed  the  delegates  to  the  first 
day's  session  of  the  national  convention.  Before 
eisfht  o'clock  the  hotel  lobbies  were  crowded  to 
suffocation,  and  guests  had  to  wait  for  places  at  the 
breakfast  tables.  An  hour  before  noon,  the  time 
set  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  the  sidewalks 
leading  to  the  Exposition  Building  were  crowded, 
bands  of  music  played,  peddlers  of  Blaine,  Arthur, 
and  Logan  badges  hawked  their  wares,  and  occa- 
sionally an  enthusiastic  friend  of  one  of  the  can- 
didates addressed  on  the  street  corners  a  throng  of 
curious  idlers. 

The  Exposition  Building,  in  which  the  conven- 
tion was  held,  fronts  on  Michigan  avenue.  In  its 
rear  are  the  tracks  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  built  upon  the  shores  of  the  lake.  The 
building  itself  resembles  more  than  anything  else 
a  huge  machine-shop  without  smokepipes.  There 
is  a  central  building,  two  long  glass-roofed  exten- 
sions running  North  and  South,  and  two  huge 
wings,  each  fronting  on  the  avenue.  The  building 
is  of  brick,  painted  a  sombre,  green  color,  which 
the  storms  of  five  years  have  turned  mouldy. 


220  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

Ov^er  the  main  entrance  was  hung  a  long  linen 
banner,  upon  which,  painted  in  blue  letters,  edged 
with  red,  were  the  words,  ".Republican  National 
Convention."  A  profusion  of  big  flags  decorated 
the  gabled  archway  of  the  main  hall,  streamers 
and  small  banners  floated  from  the  poles  along  the 
roof,  and  heavy  silk  flags  crackled  in  the  wind 
from  the  main  staff  on  the  central  dome  of  the 
building  and  its  projecting  wings. 

At  half-past  eleven  o'clock,  the  pedestrians  on 
Adams  street  were  halted  by  a  procession  marching 
down  to  the  Exposition  Building.  An  excellent 
band  played  a  lively  march  and  it  was  followed  by 
the  Young  Men's  Republican  Club.  Everj'  mem- 
ber was  attired  in  a  light  spring  suit  of  clothes,  a 
high  white  hat  and  a  fancy  cane.  The  club  marched 
with  the  regularity  and  precision  of  veterans.  The 
ladies  smiled  as  the  handsome  fellows  passed  by, 
and  they  passed  into  the  building  with  an  evident 
determination  to  howl  the  loudest  for  their  favorite 
candidate. 

The  diflerent  delesjations  stra2;e:led  into  the  hall 
between  eleven  and  twelve  o'clock.  Some  marched 
in  together;  others  straggled  along  by  twos  and 
threes,  keeping  the  ushers  bus}'^  to  find  them 
places.  An  enterprising  manufacturer  of  patent 
medicine  had  chartered  a  brass  band  and  a  huge 
stage,  on  the  sides  of  which  were  posters  calling  at- 
tention to  the  stuff  and  had  stationed  the  dodger 
at  the  main  approach  to  the  building,  where  it  at- 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  221 

traded  the  attention  of  every  passer.  The  ap- 
proaches to  the  main  floor  and  the  different  galler- 
ies were  indicated  by  signs,  so  that  there  was  no 
delay  in  seating  the  holders  of  tickets  Helmeted 
policemen  and  doorkeepers  decorated  with  blue 
badges  guarded  the  approaches  and  rigidly  excluded 
every  intruder. 

The  huge,  unwieldy  machine  for  grinding  out 
presidential  candidates  settled  to  its  work  with  a 
buzz  of  talk  and  handshaking. 

The  distant  band  hummed  rather  than  played 
airs  from  "  Patience,"  and  at  last  Chairman  Subin, 
with  his  broad,  sallow  face  and  curving  moustache, 
stepped  forward  and  put  his  hand  on  the  starting 
bar,  picking  up  a  little  mallet,  sadly  out  of  place  in 
a  situation  which  needed  a  beetle  to  deal  a  con- 
trolling blow.  A  slim  clergyman,  with  a  white 
hand  and  a  small  moustache,  made  an  eloquent 
prayer,  which  drew  subdued  applause  from  people 
M'ho  mistook  the  peroration  not  unnaturally  for  a 
speech,  and  the  big,  broad-shouldered  Kansan  Mar- 
tin, who  acts  as  Secretary  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee, read  an  inaudible  call. 

A  little  stir,  a  sort  of  dressing  of  ranks  and  Sa- 
bin's  speech  ended  with  the  nomination  for  tempo- 
rary chairman  of  Powell  Clayton,  a  tall,  sallow, 
round-headed,  crop-haired  Arkansan,  with  an 
empty  sleeve  and  the  expression  of  a  Southwest- 
erner.  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  a  crisp-haired, 
brown-bearded  young  fellow,  climbs  a  chair  in  the 


222  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

Massachusetts  delegation  and  puts  up  John  R. 
Lynch.  One  great  jell  goes  up — the  shrill  cry  of 
Southern  delegates — as  a  dozen  negroes  jumped  in 
their  seats,  camp-meeting  fashion.  A  sturdy,  stocky 
side-whiskered  drover-like  looking  man,  Dutcher, 
of  New  York,  seconds  the  nomination,  meeting  the 
Edmunds  move  half  way  with  an  Arthur  welcome. 
Gravity  follows  in  every  Blaine  State,  while  the 
Arthur  States  bubble  and  boil  over  into  the  aisle. 
Frank  Hatton,  slim  and  earnest,  watches  the  bat- 
tle on  one  side,  and  Sharpe,  with  his  bulldog  face, 
fairly  looks  pleasant.  Chris  Magee,  a  tall,  fine- 
looking  man,  seeks  a  side  aisle,  while  his  alternate 
slips  into  his  seat,  and  Tom  Cooper  looks  anxiously 
from  a  high  stage  seat. 

Speech-making  begins;  George  William  Curtis 
on  one  side,  suave,  courtly,  with  a  voice  of  wonder- 
fully sympathetic  quality  and  face  all  soft  serenity, 
speaks,  his  voice  rising  and  falling  from  one  tremb- 
ling cadence  to  another,  and  Stewart  on  the  other 
side,  with  sharp,  strident  voice  and  clear,  dark  face, 
and  features  with  a  straight,  strong  profile,  puts 
the  Blaine  side  in  a  great  stir  and  swing  and 
rustle. 

There  are  other  speeches.  Carr,  of  Illinois,  a 
big,  round  fellow,  with  a  crackling,  explosive  voice, 
rides  the  buzz  triumphantly-  Roosevelt's  boyish 
effort  is  drowned  in  it.  Hoar,  a  big,  broad-chested 
swimmer  in  this  sea  of  manifold  sound,  breasts  its 
current  for  a  few  moments  and,  after  a  running 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  223 

wrangle  over  the  method  of  voting,  the  slow  roll  is 
called.  It  takes  two  hours,  man  after  man,  lean- 
ing against  the  reading  desk  and  shouting  his  share 
of  820  names  into  space,  wearies  of  the  work. 

By  relays  it  goes  on.  A  name  is  called  ;  up  rises 
a  distant  man,  and  shouts  the  syllabic  reply, 
Powell  Clayton  or  John  R.  Lynch.  The  tally  goes 
on.  The  cheering  is  short  and  small.  The  inter- 
est lies  below  the  names.  Illinois  starts  off  for 
Clayton  and  when  the  votes  change  to  Lynch  a 
shout  goes  up.  Connecticut  shrewdly  divides.  Mc- 
Kinley  leads  off  in  Ohio,  with  a  big  purple  badge 
on  his  breast  New  Jersey  runs  by  commentless, 
but  in  New  York  every  vote  is  watched  until  the 
full  Blaine  strength  is  registered  of  twenty-nine. 

In  Pennsylvania  McManes  leads  off  for  Lynch. 
Grow  raises  his  gray  head  to  vote,  and  Stewart 
steps  forward  with  hat  and  note-book  tally  in  his 
hand,  as  the  roll  runs  through  Republican  districts 
which  vote  for  Clayton.  Once  there  is  a  cheer  over 
Tom  Piatt,  and  when  Virginia  is  reached  and  a 
thin,  weazened,  long-haired  figure,  Mahone,  rises, 
the  cheering  rises  and  fiills  like  the  pulse  of  a 
storm.  The  vote  is  known  before  it  is  announced, 
and  a  tall  Mississippian  jumps  in  a  chair  and 
waves  the  square  yard  of  blue  silk  on  which  the 
State  is  marked. 

Yell,  cheer  and  shout,  hand-clapping  and  stamp- 
ing, and  at  last  John  R.  Lynch,  a  mulatto  of  the 
agile,  facile  type  of  ability  in   many  directions, 


224  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

takes  the  gavel  of  a  National  Convention  in  his 
hand.  The  rest  is  routine,  and  after  an  empty 
stump-speech,  the  great  barrel  of  a  hall  empties, 
and  surmise  and  speculation  over  the  vote  of  431 
for  Lynch  and  387  for  Clayton  spreads  over  tlie 
town. 

PROCEEDINGS   IN   DETAIL. 

The  full  proceedings  of  this  most  important  con- 
vention in  detail  will  be  found  below.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  session,  Tuesday,  June  3d,  the  con- 
vention was  called  to  order  at  12.25  by  United 
States  Senator  Sabin,  of  Minnesota,  as  follows : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Eighth  Republican  National 
Convention  :  The  hour  having  arrived  appointed 
for  the  meeting  of  this  convention,  it  will  now  be 
opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Frank  Bristol,  of 
Chicago. 

The  prayer  was  then  offered  by  Mr.  Bristol  as 
follows : 

"  God  of  our  fathers,  we  adore  and  worship  Thee, 
and  to  Thee,  by  whose  grace  and  providence  we 
are  what  we  are,  as  a  nation,  we  would  lift  our 
hearts  in  rendering  thanksgiving  and  everlasting 
prayer. 

"  We  thank  Thee  for  our  glorious  national  heri- 
tage, for  this  magnificent  land  of  wealthy  hills  and 
fertile  plains,  and  for  the  laws  and  institutions 
which  make  it  a  land  of  progress  and  liberty. 

"  We  thank  Thee  for  our  Christian  sires,  lovers 
of  freedom  and  of  God,  men  of  conscience  and  in- 
tegrity, whose  names  have  jewelled  history,  and 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  225 

the  memory  of  whose  deeds  is  an   inspiration  to 
heroism  and  patriotic  pride. 

"  We  thank  Thee  for  Plymouth  Rock,  for  York- 
town,  for  Appomattox,  footsteps  to  mark  the  pro- 
Q-ress  of  risrhteousness  and  the  higher  Law. 

"  We  tiiank  Thee  for  the  Dechiration  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,. 
the  Emancipation  ProcLamation,  our  blood-bought 
charter  of  freedom. 

"  We  thank  Thee  for  the  Republican  party  and! 
for  its  splendid  history,  and  its  still  more  splendid', 
possibilities.  And  now,  as  this  great  convention 
enters  on  a  work  which  will  involve  the  most  pre- 
cious interests  of  millions  of  people,  and,  in  a  large 
sense,  the  interests  of  free  institutions,  we  devoutly 
and  most  earnestly  supplicate  the  blessing  of  Al- 
mighty God.  Bless  the  members  of  this  body,  the 
homes,  the  States,  the  parts  of  the  nation  which 
they  represent.  May  the  ambition  of  patriotism, 
the  wisdom  of  statesmanship  and  the  righteousness 
of  Christian  consciousness  possess  every  breast  andl 
control  every  action.  And  may  the  result  of  this 
convention  be  in  harmony  with  the  will  of  Cod 
concerning  us,  and  be  received  w^ith  joy  by  the' 
people  of  the  whole  land.  And  grant,  Almighty- 
God,  that  the  coming  political  campaign  may  be' 
conducted  with  that  intelligence,  patriotism  and' 
dignity  of  temper  that  becomes  a  great  and  intelli- 
gent people.  Continue  Thy  mercies  to  us.  Bless 
our  country  with  peace,  prosperity  and  universal 
enlightenment.  May  we  never  deny  the  faith  of 
our  fathers.  May  we  never  cease  to  be  a  temper- 
ate, a  free,  an  industrious,  a  Sabbath-keeping,  a 
God-fearing  and  a  Christian  people,  blessed  with 
the  righteousness  which  exalteth  a  nation.  Amen.' 
15 


226  THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

The  Chair — The  Secretary  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee will  now  read  the  call  for  the  convention. 

The  secretary  then  read  the  call. 

When  he  had  finished  Mr.  Sabin  addressed  the 
convention  as  follows : 

^^  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: — On  behalf  of  the 
National  Republican  Committee,  permit  me  to 
welcome  you  to  Chicago.  As  chairman  of  that 
committee  it  is  both  my  duty  and  pleasure  to  call 
you  to  order  as  a  National  Republican  Convention. 
This  city,  already  known  as  the  "  City  of  Conven- 
tions,' is  among  tlie  most  cherished  of  all  the  spots 
of  our  countrv  sacred  to  the  memories  of  a  Re- 
publican.  It  is  the  birth-place  of  Republican  vic- 
tory. On  these  fields  of  labor  gathered  the  early 
fathers  of  our  political  faith  and  planned  the  great 
battle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

'"Here  they  chose  that  immortal  chief  that  led 
us. on  to  victory — Abraham  Lincoln.  [Applause.] 
Here  were  gathered  in  counsel  those  men  who 
secured  the  fruits  of  that  long  trouble  by  elevating 
to  the  first  place  in  the  nation  the  foremost  chief- 
tain of  that  great  contest — General  Grant.  [Loud 
applause.]  Here  was  afterwards  witnessed  that 
signal  triumph,  which  anticipated  the  wish  of  the 
nation,  by  nominating,  as  color-bearer  of  the  party, 
that  honored  soldier,  that  shining  citizen,  that 
representative  American  —  James  A.  Garfield. 
[Loud  applause.]  Every  deliberation  of  Republi- 
can forces  on  this  historic  ground  has  been  followed 
by  signal  victory,  and  every  convention  on  this 
spot  has  carried  forward  our  line  of  battle  until  to- 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  227 

day  our  forces  overlook  every  position  of  the 
snemy. 

"  Indeed,  so  secure  now  is  the  integrity  of  the 
Union,  so  firmly  imbedded  in  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  land  are  the  safeguards  of  individual 
liberty,  so  fairly  and  fully  achieved,  that,  by  gen- 
eral consent,  the  time  has  now  arrived  for  the  new 
disposition  of  party  forces  in  contemplation  of  new 
lines  of  operation.  Having  compassed  the  defeat 
of  our  opponents  on  all  former  occasions,  the  party 
is  about  to  set  its  house  in  order,  and  take  counsel 
as  to  the  direction  and  the  management  of  its 
future  course. 

"  In  the  comparative  lull  of  party  strife,  which 
distinguishes  the  present  condition  of  national 
politics,  there  is  discernible  an  increasing  disposi- 
tion to  look  after  the  men  who  are  to  execute,  and 
the  methods  that  are  to  guide  them  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  powers  committed  to  them  for  the  man- 
agement of  the  affairs  of  the  Republic.  As  a  result 
of  the  rule  adopted  in  the  last  National  Republican 
Convention,  this  convention  finds  itself  constituted 
of  a  large  majority  of  gentlemen  who  have  been 
clothed  with  the  delegated  powers  of  the  conven- 
tion in  their  several  congressional  districts.  On 
this  consideration  may  be  grounded  a  hope  that 
the  voice  of  the  people  [applause]  will,  beyond 
recent  precedent,  be  felt  in  moulding  the  work  you 
are  assembled  to  perform,  so  that  its  results  may 
be  such  as  to  win  the  unhesitating  and  undivided 
support  of  every  lover  of  those  principles  by  which 
the  party  has  heretofore  triumphed  and  yet  will 
triumph.     [Applause.] 

When  we  consider  the  memories  of  the  past  so 
intimately  connected  with  this  city,  and  even  with 


228  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

this  edifice,  which  the  people  of  Chicago  liave  so 
gjenerously  placed  at  your  disposal  ;  \vlien  we  re- 
flect upon  the  deep-seated  concern  among  all  people 
in  the  result  of  your  deliberations,  and  the  various 
incentives  to  the  abandonment  of  personal  ambi- 
tions in  the  interest  of  the  party  welfare,  you  can- 
not wonder  that  the  Committee,  and  beyond  it  the 
great  Republican  masses,  extend  you  a  most  hearty 
welcome  to  this  scene  of  labor,  in  the  constant  hope 
that  your  efforts  will  result  in  such  an  exposition 
of  Republican  doctrine  and  disclose  such  a  just 
appreciation  of  Republican  men  in  the  choice  of 
your  nominees  as  to  rejoice  the  hearts  of  your  con- 
stituents and  keep  victory  on  the  side  of  your 
ever  victorious  banner.  In  conclusion,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  National  Republican  Convention,  I 
have  to  propose  to  you  as  temporary  chairman  of 
this  Convention  the  Hon.  Powell  Clayton,  of  Ar- 
kansas.    [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts — Mr.  Chairman, 
in  accordance  with  the  vote  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee, and  in  accordance  with  precedent,  you  have 
presented  the  name  of  a  gentleman  as  temporary 
chairman.  AVith  no  view  of  introducing  any  per- 
sonal contest,  with  no  view  of  attempting  to  make 
any  test  of  the  votes  as  to  the  strength  of  the  re- 
spective candidates,  I  have  the  honor  to  present — 
as  it  is  certainly  most  desirable,  that  we  should 
recognize,  as  you  have  done,  Mr.  Chairman,  the 
Republicans  of  the  South,  [applause] — the  name  of 
a  gentleman  well  known  tlu'oughout  the  South 
for  his  conspicuous  parliamentary  ability,  for  liis 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  229 

courage  and  his  character.  I  move  you,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, to  substitute  the  name  of  the  Hon.  John  R. 
Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  and  I  ask,  sir,  that  when  the 
vote  is  taken  the  roll  may  be  called  on  that 
question. 

A  delegate — I  second  the  motion. 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  You 
hear  the  motion  for  the  substitution  of  the  name  of 
John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  and  on  that  motion 
a  call  of  the  roll  is  demanded. 

Mr.  Dutcher,  of  New  York — Mr.  Chairman:  I 
desire  to  happily  second  the  nomination  of  John  R. 
Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  and  move  that  the  roll  be 
called,  and  that  the  delegates  express  their  choice 
for  either  of  the  men  presented.     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  roll  will  be  called  by  the  Sec- 
retary, and  as  the  names  are  called  by  States  the 
gentleman  will  rise  in  his  seat  and  name  the 
gentleman  whom  he  desires  to  vote  for  as  tempo- 
rary chairman  of  this  Convention. 

Mr.  Morrow,  of  California — Before  we  proceed 
to  call  the  roll  of  States,  I  desire  to  suggest  that  it 
appears  to  me  that  it  is  proper  we  should  proceed 
with  deliberation  in  these  preliminary  proceedings 
in  the  formation  of  this  Convention.  I  believe 
it  to  be  a  fact  that  for  over  forty  years  it  has  been 
the  practice  for  the  National  Committee  to  name 
to  the  National  Convention  some  gentleman  who 
should  act  as  a  temporary  chairman.  [Applause.] 
That  practice  has  grown  to  be  the  common  law  of 
the  political  parties  of  this  country.     [Applause.] 


230  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

"  I  desire  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  it  seems  to 
me  inappropriate  on  this  great  occasion,  when  we 
are  proposing  to  start  with  unanimity  and  with 
courage  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  campaign 
that  shall  lead  to  victory,  for  us  to  commence  here 
on  this  floor  with  a  suggestion  of  the  possibility 
that  there  should  be  any  division  with  respect  to 
so  simple  a  question.  The  National  Committee, 
the  representative  of  the  great  Republican  party 
of  this  country,  in  its  w^isdom  has  selected  the 
gentleman  from  Arkansas  to  act  as  the  temporary 
chairman  of  this  Convention.  I  have  faith  in  the 
sincerity  and  wisdom  of  that  National  Committee 
in  their  choice  [applause],  and  I  do  not  think  that 
this  Convention  is  prepared  to  reverse  the  pre- 
cedent of  over  forty  years  for  the  purpose  of  rais- 
ing a  contest  on  the  preliminary  battle-ground. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  allow  me  to  suggest  that  we 
should  take  counsel  from  the  wisdom  and  gallantry 
of  those  heroes  of  the  party  who  heretofore  in  the 
Convention  have  suggested,  and  under  their  guided 
wisdom  have  formed  this  Convention  in  the  pre- 
liminary matters  with  entire  harmony  and  with 
entire  success.  [Applause.]  Now  let  us  sustain 
the  National  Committee  in  this  thing.  [Loud  ap- 
plause.] I  tell  you,  gentlemen,  it  is  for  the  success 
and  harmony  of  this  country."     [Applause.] 

Loud  calls  were  made  for  George  William  Curtis, 
of  New  York,  and  that  gentleman  rose  in  his  place 
to  respond.      As   his  well-known    face    appeared 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  231 

above  the  heads  of  the  delegates,  he  was  received 
with  a  storm  of  apphiuse.     He  spoke  as  follows : 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  the  supreme  council  of  the 
Republican  party.  Here,  at  this  moment,  sir, 
American  citizens  professing  the  Republican  faith 
have  to  open  the  great  campaign  of  1884.  That, 
sir,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  by  the  true  heart  of 
the  Republican  party,  shall  be  like  those  other 
campaigns  to  which  you  have  so  well  and  fitly  al- 
luded. Now,  sir,  what  is  to  be  done  on  the  ques- 
tion now  raised  before  this  Convention?  This 
Convention  is  to  first  act,  and  then  the  people  of 
this  country  will  judge  the  purposes  of  the  Republi- 
can party.      [Applause.] 

Unquestionably  it  has  been  the  usual  practice 
as  the  gentleman  from  California  has  said,  that  the 
nomination  of  the  temporary  chairman  made  by 
the  National  Committee  should  be  ratified  by  the 
Convention  itself  The  spirit  of  the  nomination 
made  to  this  Convention  is  the  spirit  of  recogni- 
tion of  Southern  Republicanism  [loud  applause], 
and,  sir,  when  this  Convention,  without  in  the 
slightest  degree  impugning  the  purpose  or  the  au- 
thority of  that  Committee,  within  its  bounds  pro- 
ceeds to  exercise  its  own  unquestionable  right  to  be 
the  judge  in  the  first  act  of  the  campaign,  I  sup- 
pose unquestionably  that  this  Convention  might 
rightfully  and  with  perfect  liberty  appoint  its  own 
head.  [Cheers.]  We  ought  to  have  a  representa- 
tive of  this  people  who,  in  great  part,  constitute 
the  Republican  party  of  the  South.  [Loud  ap- 
plause.] He  is  himself  a  man  who  justifies  the 
friendship  and  devotion  of  the  Republican  party 
and  of   the  citizens   whom   he  represents.     He  is 


232  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

himself,  sir,  a  candidate  such  as  this  Convention 
will  naturally  seek  without  any  invitation  from 
any  gentleman.  He  is  himself  a  candidate  of 
whom  every  Republican  can  be  justly  proud. 

Mr.  Drummond,  of  Maine,  then  spoke  as  follows  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  take  up  but  a  moment 
of  the  time  of  this  Convention,  and  yet  I  desire  to 
say  that  no  one  in  Massachusetts  or  New  York  has 
any  higher  regard  for  the  Republicans  of  the  South 
than  I  myself,  and  my  fellow-delegates  from  the 
State  of  Maine.  If  we  can  trust  the  report  of 
the  public  press  in  relation  to  the  public  proceed- 
ings of  the  National  Committee  the  name  of  the 
distinguished  gentleman  from  Mississippi  was  not 
presented  to  that  Committee.  I  say  that  we,  who 
support  the  nominee  of  this  convention,  must  not, 
and  shall  not,  be  unjust  to  the  Repui/licans  of  the 
South,  and  in  particular  the  ones  who  have  pre- 
sented and  placed  this  person  in  nomination,  and 
I  arise  to  move  that  the  roll  of  States  be  called, 
and  that  each  State  may  answer. 

I  know  nothing  of  the  private  record  of  either 
of  these  distinguished  gentlemen.  I  do  know 
something  of  their  political  record  and  that  which 
is  publicly  written  in  the  light  of  day.  I  do  know 
that  he  who  has  been  nominated  by  the  Executive 
Committee  of  this  party  has  rendered  to  his  coun- 
iry  distinguished  services  [applause]  on  the  field 
of  battle.  No  man  could  assail  him.  Why  then 
deny  or  reject  the  action  of  your  Committee?  This 
Convention  will  not  listen  to  the  noise  or  demand 
of  faction  or  personal  animosity.  This  question 
arising  at  this  point,  this  body  will  realize  its  great 
duty  and  the  high  responsibilities  resting  upon  it, 


h 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  233 

and  will  ratify  the  action  of  the  Committee  and 
give  voice  to  the  sentiment  of  the  Republican 
party  of  the  United  States.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Horr,  of  Michigan  :  "  I  rise  for  the  pur- 
pose of  seconding  the  motion  the  gentleman  made, 
as  I  understood  he  made  such  a  motion,  that  we 
proceed  to  settle  this  question  by  a  call  of  the 
States  [cries  of  "Order,  order"].  Let  me  explain 
why  it  takes  over  two  hours  to  call  and  receive  the 
votes  of  820  men  called  in  their  consecutive  order. 
[Cries  of  "It  takes  ten  hours"  and  "All  summer." 
Laughter  and  applause.]  If  you  call  the  votes  by 
States,  each  State  is  at  work  taking  its  votes  all 
at  the  same  time,  and  we  can  do  in  thirty  minutes 
what  we  cannot  do  in  the  other  form  in  an  hour 
and  a  half  And  it  certainly  can  make  no  dif- 
ference in  the  result,  because  the  question  being 
before  this  Convention,  each  man  is  going  to  vote 
his  conviction  when  he  votes,  whether  his  name  is 
called  by  the  secretary  or  by  the  chairman  of  his 
delegation.  Now  in  the  interest  of  the  economy  of 
time,  I  move,  sir,  that  the  roll  be  called  by  States, 
permitting  each  State  to  collect  its  own  vote  and 
announce  it  to  the  chair." 

Mr.  Prentiss,  of  Missouri :  "  Mr.  Chairman,  I 
arise  for  a  particular  purpose.  I  know  not  the 
object  of  this  motion  to  ignore  the  action  of  the 
National  Committee.  I  understood  that  they  have 
recommended  to  this  Convention  an  old  comrade 
of  mine.      [Applause.]     I  wish  to  say  that  I  en- 


234  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

tertain  the  idea  that  a  refusal  to  indorse  the  re- 
commendation of  the  National  Committee  goes 
forth  to  the  American  people  as  a  stigma  upon  a 
man  about  whom  I  am  not  willing  to  remain  silent 
when  I  know  his  conduct.  I  know  him  as  a  citi- 
zen. I  have  known  him  as  a  soldier.  I  want  to 
say  to  this  Convention,  gentlemen,  be  careful  how 
you  stigmatize  men  placed  before  you  by  the  Na- 
tional Committee." 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — '•  I  hope  that  the 
motion  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts will  be  adopted,  suggesting  as  chairman 
of  this  Convention  that  representative  Republican, 
Mr.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  has 
been  said  that  it  is  without  precedent  to  reverse 
the  action  of  the  National  Committee.  Who  has 
not  known  of  instances  where  in  State  matters  the 
action  of  a  State  committee  has  been  reversed  by 
a  State  convention?  Not  one  of  us  but  has  known 
such  instances.  Now  there  are,  as  I  understand 
it,  but  two  delegates  to  this  Convention  who  have 
seats  on  the  National  Committee,  and  I  hold  it  to 
be  derogatory  to  our  honor,  to  our  capacity  for 
self-government,  to  say  that  we  must  accept  the 
nomination  of  the  National  Committee,  and  that 
our  hands  are  tied  and  we  dare  not  reverse  their 
action.     [Applause.] 

''Now,  one  word  more.  I  trust  that  the  vote 
will  be  taken  by  individual  members  and  not  by 
States.     [Cries  of  "  No  !  "  "  No ! "]     Let  each  man 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  235 

stand  accountable  to  those  whom  he  represents  for 
his  vote.  [AppUiuse.]  Let  no  man  be  able  to 
shelter  himself  behind  the  shield  of  his  State. 
[Applause.]  What  we  say  is,  that  one  of  the  car- 
dinal doctrines  of  the  American  system  of  govern- 
ment is  accountability,  that  each  man  should  be 
accountable  to  his  people,  and  let  each  man  stand 
up  here  and  cast  his  vote  and  then  go  home,  to 
abide  by  what  he  has  done.  It  is  now  less  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  since,  in  this  city,  the  great 
Republican  party,  for  the  first  time,  organized  it- 
self for  victory.  It  is  but  little  over  twoscore  of 
years  ago  that  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  smote 
upon  the  fetters  of  the  slaves  and  they  sprang 
asunder  forever.  [Applause.]  It  is  a  fitting  thing 
for  us  to  put  to  preside  over  this  Convention  one 
of  the  race  that,  through  the  action  of  the  founder 
of  the  Republican  party,  we  claim  as  brothers,  and 
that  have  so  nobly  vindicated  the  wisdom  we 
showed  when  we  spent  our  blood  for  them.  [Ap- 
plause.] I  trust  that  the  Honorable  Mr.  Lynch 
will  be  elected  temporary  chairman  by  this  Con- 
vention."    [Applause.] 

The  Chair  here  recognized  Mr.  Carr,  of  Illinois, 
who  said : 

'  Mr.  Chairman,  it  seems  to  some  gentlemen 
speaking  in  the  neighborhood  of  where  I  am,  that 
the  question  to  be  considered  at  this  time  is 
whether  or  not  the  action  of  a  National  Committee 
has  been  wise,  prudent,  and  for  the  best  interests 


236  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

of  tlie  Eepublican  party.  Whether  or  not  the 
National  Committee  have  selected  a  fit,  proper, 
^vise  man  to  be  the  temporary  chairman  of  this 
Convention.  If  it  has  failed  in  this  it  is  proper 
that  its  action  should  be  overruled  and  another 
put  in  his  place.      [Applause.] 

If  the  National  Counnittee  has  succeeded  in 
this,  it  is  proper  that  the  action  of  the  National 
Conmiittee  should  be  sustained  by  this  Convention. 
[Loud  applause.]  The  question  that  comes  to  us 
here  is  whether  General  Powell  Clayton  is  or  is 
not  a  lit  man  to  preside  here.  Some  of  us  have 
known  him  for  many  years.  We  have  known  his 
devotion  to  the  principles  for  which  we  fought. 
Some  of  us  have  known  how  much  he  himself  has 
done  in  fiiihtino;  the  battles  of  the  freemen  of  this 
country.  [Cheers.]  Some  of  us  are  unwilling 
that  a  stigma  should  be  pi  need  upon  his  great  and 
grand  name.  [Cheers.]  We  know  that  there  are 
five  hundred  men  in  this  Convention  who  would  be 
fit  and  proper  presiding  officers,  but,  having  been 
selected  by  this  Convention,  we  are  unwilHng  that 
we  should  place  a  stigma  upon  Powell  Clayton  at 
this  time  by  voting  against  the  action  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee.  There  are  some  gentlemen 
here  from  Illinois  who  do  not  feel  that  it  would  be 
proper  and  right  for  them  to  go  before  the  world 
with  a  candidate  from  a  convention  whose  action 
the  first  of  all  had  been  to  put  down  a  man  who 
carries  an  empty  sleeve.     [Cheers.] 

Mr.  W.  H.  Taft,  of  South  Carolina—^'  Had  not 
the  gentleman,  in  behalf  of  the  National  Republi- 
can  Committee,   put  his  argument   upon    a  new 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  237 

ground,  I  would  not  have  risen  from  my  seat  or 
have  said  one  word.  The  first  thing  that  he  said 
was  that  the  National  Committee  did  this  out  of 
respect  to  Southern  Republicanism,  and  then,  upon 
the  other  hand,  they  say  that  we  should  conform 
to  the  action  of  the  National  Committee.  In  the 
first  place,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  action  of  the 
National  Committee  be  not  in  accord  with  the 
wishes  of  this  Convention,  it  is  not  only  our  right, 
but  our  duty  to  ourselves,  that  we  reverse  the 
action. 

"And  again,  it  has  been  said,  Mr.  Chairman, 
and  1  regard  it  as  being  rather  interjected  into  this 
debate,  that  we  must  elect  Powell  Clayton  because 
he  is  an  old  soldier  of  the  Union  Army.  We  have 
more  of  them  among  the  Southern  delegates.  We 
favor  Mr.  Lynch,  and  we  do  it  because  a  majority, 
and  a  vast  majority,  of  the  South'ern  delegates  on 
this  floor  believe  that  he  most  truly  represents  the 
Republican  party  of  the  South — that  spirit  of  the 
Republican  party  that  will  go  to  the  polls  to  vote, 
whether  against  shotguns  or  not.       [Applause.] 

"  This  question  has  been  before  the  country  for 
a  long  time,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  we  stand 
by  him  and  vote  for  him.  I  do  not  think  it  will 
be  any  slur  upon  the  National  Committee.  That 
committee  is  not  composed  entirely  of  delegates 
upon  the  floor,  and  if  they  were,  they  would  know 
more  of  the  opinion  of  the  delegates  than  they 
seem  to  have  done.     They  say  that  they  want  to 


238  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

recognize  Southern  Republicanism,  but  we  say,  if 
you  want  to  honor  Southern  Republicanism,  vote 
for  Mr.  Lynch."     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Winston,  of  North  Carolina :  '*  If  I  under- 
stand the  action  of  this  Committee,  it  has  no 
more  force  than  a  mere  recommendation  to  this 
body.  As  such,  and  appreciating  that  recom- 
mendation as  a  Southern  Republican,  I  have  the 
right  to  say,  with  all  courtesy  to  the  Committee,  I 
prefer  somebody  else.  [Applause.]  I  take  it,  that, 
with  the  best  of  feeling,  this  Convention  has  the 
same  right  to  decide  who  shall  preside  over  its  de- 
liberations. Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  not  a 
time  to  engender  a  bad  spirit  here ;  but,  sir,  the 
appeal  has  been  made  that  Mr.  Clayton  is  a  soldier. 
I  honor  him  that  he  fought  under  the  flag  of 
liberty.  But,  sir,  I  remember  that  there  are  three 
millions  of  black  Republicans,  inhabitants  of  this 
country,  who  have  no  voice  except  what  we  are 
about  to  give  them  this  day.  [Applause.]  And, 
sir,  the  names  of  Copiah  and  Danville  and  a  thou- 
sand others  [applause]  appeal  to  this  Convention, 
and  will  not  appeal  in  vain. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  a  simple  matter.  There 
is  a  great  ado  and  kick-up  here  about  it.  Why  ? 
Haven't  we  the  right  to  decide  whom  we  want  for 
a  chairman?  I  think  I  have,  for  one  delegate  here, 
and  I  propose  to  cast  my  vote  for  the  distinguished 
gentleman  from  the  great  Southern  State  of  Mis- 
sissippi." 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  239 

The  Chair:  "The  Chair  desires  to  state  that 
this  matter  being  unexpected  to  him,  he  felt  called 
upon  to  call  to  his  assistance  one  of  the  best  par- 
liamentarians of  the  country,  and  he  has  presented 
a  ruling  which  I  will  now  read.  It  is  made  by  the 
chairman  of  the  last  National  Republican  Con- 
vention— that  Parliamentarian,  that  distinguished 
jurist,  Senator  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts.  From 
this  he  takes  the  position  which  he  feels  bound  to 
assume  and  maintain  at  this  time.  It  reads  as 
follows  : 

"  The  Chair  proposes  that,  in  the  absence  of 
any  rules,  the  method  of  taking  the  question  must 
rest  in  the  sound  discretion  of  the  Chair,  subject, 
of  course,  to  the  orders  of  the  Convention,  etc. 

"The  Chair  would  state  this  is  emphatically 
a  convention  of  the  people  and  that  every  citizen 
representing  a  State  on  this  floor  has  the  undoubted 
right  to  the  free  expression  of  his  opinion,  and  the 
right  to  have  that  expression  recorded.  Therefore, 
after  a  reasonable  debate  in  this  respect,  it  will  not 
assume  to  follow  any  arbitrary  rules,  but  will  give 
the  utmost  liberality  and  latitude  to  debate,  and 
will  call  for  the  roll  by  delegates." 

Mr.  Thurman,  of  Nebraska:  "Mr.  Chairman,  I 
appreciate  the  fact  that  this  discussion  has  already 
wearied  the  patience  of  this  Convention,  and  yet  I 
believe  that  Ave  can  better  afford  to  stay  here  for 
a  day  or  a  year  rather  than  that  an  injustice 
should  be  done  to  any  man  of  this  Convention.  If 
this  Convention,  sir,  is  to  overturn  the  action  of  its 


240  TUE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

National  Committee,  let  it  not  be  done  under  a 
pretext  which  masks  the  real  design.    [Applause.] 

"  If  it  be  true,  sir,  that  the  spontaneous  expres- 
sion of  the  Convention  is  in  favor  of  recognizing 
the  colored  element  of  the  South — if  that  be  the 
honest  purpose  of  these  gentlemen,  as  they  have 
honestly  said  to  us — then  let  the  committee  ap- 
pointed by  this  Convention  on  permanent  organi- 
zation voice  it  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Lynch,  of 
Mississippi.  [Applause.]  But,  sir,  in  recognizing 
the  colored  element  let  us  also  do  justice  to  that 
element  which  made  it  possible  for  a  colored  man 
to  sit  on  the  floor  of  this  Convention.  [Applause.] 
If  it  be  true  that  there  are  any  just,  wise,  potent, 
overwhelming  reasons  why  the  action  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee  should  be  disregarded  and  sat 
down  upon  by  this  Convention,  let  the  voice  be 
heard  here,  where  every  man  has  a  right  to  speak 
before  the  people  and  before  God.  But  on  behalf  of 
the  Western  country,  where  almost  every  quarter- 
section  is  the  homestead  of  a  man  that  proved  his 
loyalty  to  the  party  by  carrying  a  musket  and  fol- 
lowing the  flag,  we  say  that  we  are  for  General 
Clayton,  the  choice  of  the  National  Committee." 
[Applause.] 

The  Chair  then  directed  a  call  of  the  roll  of  the 
delecrates,  and  it  began  with  Alabama,  which  voted 
solidly  for  Lynch.  When  the  State  of  Arkansas 
was  reached,  Mr.  Roots  of  that  State  arose  and 
said  :  '*  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  authorized  by  the  del- 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  241 

egation  from  Arkansas,  thirteen  of  whom  are  pre- 
sent, General  Powell  Clayton  being  absent,  to  say 
that  they  cast  the  thirteen  votes  of  the  delegation 
for  Powell  Clayton."      [Loud  calls  for  the  roll.] 

The  Chair  directed  the  Secretary  to  finish  the' 
reading  of  the  roll.  When  the  name  of  Benjaraini 
Harrison,  of  Indiana,  was  called,  Mr.  Thompson,, 
of  Indiana,  said:  "The  delegate  who  represents- 
at  large  the  State  of  Indiana  in  place  of  Generah 
Harrison  is  Mr.  Roelker.  General  Harrison  will 
not  be  here.     Shall  his  name  be  called  ?  " 

The  Chairman — "  His  name  will  be  called — tha- 
alternate," 

Mr.  Thompson — "It  is  John  H.  Roelker." 

When  the  name  of  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  called,  there  was  tremendous  ap- 
plause. He  voted  for  Lynch.  General  Mahone's 
name  headed  the  list  of  Virginia  delegates^  and;  the' 
Secretary  called  upon  him  to  record  his  vote,  and' 
as  the  little  Readjuster  stood  up  to  speak,  a  great 
yell  went  up  all  over  the  house,  and  the  colored' 
delegates  waved  their  hats  and  handkerchiefs  franti- 
cally. Senator  Mahone  announced  his  vote  for 
John  R.  Lynch,  and  another  boisterous  demonstra- 
tion was  made,  extendina;  from  the  rear  of  the 
platform  to  the  furthermost  corner  of  the  gal- 
lery. 

When  the  roll-call  was  ended,  General  Clayton 
rose  in  his  place.     He  said  :  "  Mr.  Chairman,  when 
the  vote  of  Arkansas  was  called  I  was- absent  from. 
16 


242  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

my  seat  and  my  vote  was  not  recorded.  I  desire 
to  cast  my  vote  now  for  Mr.  Lynch."     [Applause.] 

The  Secretary — '*  The  result  of  the  vote  is  :  John 
R.  Lynch,  431  votes.  John  R.  Lynch  has  received 
a  majority  of  the  votes  cast."  [Loud  and  long- 
continued  applause.]  Voices:  "The  vote!  the 
vote !  the  vote !  " 

The  Chair :  The  whole  number  of  votes  cast  is 
818,  of  which  General  Clayton  has  387,  and  John 
R.  Lynch,  431.  John  R.  Lynch  has  received  a 
majority  of  the  votes  cast  and  is  hereby  declared 
elected. 

General  Clayton — I  move  to  make  the  election 
of  John  R.  Lynch  unanimous. 

The  Chair — It  is  moved  by  General  Clayton,  of 
Arkansas,  that  the  election  of  John  R.  Lynch,  as 
temporary  chairman  of  this  Convention,  be  made 
unanimous.  All  in  favor  of  that  motion  will  say 
"aye."  [Loud  response  of  "aye."]  Contrary,  "no," 
[with  not  a  single  response.]  John  R.  Lynch  is 
temporary  chairman.  The  Chair  will  appoint  as  a 
committee  to  escort  Mr.  Lynch  to  the  platform. 
General  Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas,  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Henry  Taft,  of  South 
Carolina.  The  gentlemen  will  please  escort  him 
to  the  platform.  [Loud  applause.]  Mr.  Lynch 
appearing.  General  Sabin  said  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  have  the  honor 
and  the  great  pleasure  to  present  to  you,  as  tem- 
porary chairman  of  this  Convention,  the  Hon.  John 
R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,     [Uproarious  applause.] 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  243 

Mr.  Lynch  on  taking  the  chair  spoke  as  follows : 

Oenflemen  oftJie  Committee:  I  feel  that  I  ought 
not  to  say  that  I  thank  you  for  the  distinguished 
honor  that  you  have  conferred  upon  me,  for  I  do 
not.  Nevertheless,  from  the  standpoint  that  no 
patriot  should  fail  to  respond  to  liis  country's  call, 
and  that  no  loyal  member  of  his  party  should  fail 
to  comply  with  the  demand  of  his  party,  I  yield 
with  reluctance  to  your  decision,  and  assume  the 
duties  of  the  position  to  which  you  have  assigned 
me. 

Every  member  of  this  Convention  who  ap- 
proached me  on  this  subject  within  the  last  few 
hours  knows  that  this  position  was  neither  expected 
nor  desired  by  me.  If,  therefore,  there  is  any  such 
thing  as  a  man  having  honors  thrust  upon  him, 
you  have  an  exemplification  of  it  in  this  instance. 
[Laughter  and  applause.]  I  came  to  this  Conven- 
tion not  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  defeat  of 
any  man  or  the  success  of  any  man,  but  for  the 
purpose  of  contributing,  to  the  extent  of  my  vote 
and  my  influence,  to  make  Republican  success  in 
November  next  an  assured  fact.  [Cheers,]  I  hope 
and  believe  that  the  assembled  wisdom  of  the  Re- 
publican party  of  this  nation,  through  its  chosen 
representatives  in  this  hall,  will  so  shape  its  plat- 
form and  will  present  such  candidates  before  the 
American  people  as  will  make  that  victory  beyond 
the  shadow  of  a  doubt. 

So  far  as  the  candidates  for  the  presidential  nomi- 
nation are  concerned,  I  do  not  wish  any  gentleman 
to  feel  that  my  election  (by  your  vote)  is  indicative 
of  anything  relative  to  the  preference  of  one  candi- 
date over  another.     I  am  prepared,  and  I  hope 


244  THE     CONTENTION    OF     1884. 

that  every  member  of  this  Convention  is  prepared, 
to  return  to  his  home  with  an  unmistakable  deter- 
mination to  give  to  the  candidates  of  this  Conven- 
tion a  loyal  and  hearty  support,  whoever  they  may 
be.  [Cheers.]  I  am  satisfied  in  my  own  mind  that 
when  we  go  before  the  people  of  this  country  our 
action  will  be  ratified,  because  the  great  heart  of 
the  American  people  will  never  consent  to  have  a 
political  party  gain  the  ascendency  in  this  Govern- 
ment whose  chief  reliance  is  upon  a  fraudulent 
ballot  and  on  violence  at  the  polls.     [Applause  ] 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  people  of  this  country  are 
too  loyal  ever  to  allow  a  man  to  be  inaugurated 
president  whose  title  to  the  position  is  brought 
forth  in  fraud.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  American 
people  will  ratify  our  action,  because  they  will 
never  consent  to  have  a  revenue  system  for  the 
Government  other  than  one  that  will  not  only  raise 
the  necessary  revenue  for  its  support,  but  will  also 
be  sufficient  to  protect  every  American  citizen  in 
his  business,  [Cheers.]  Gentlemen,  not  for  my- 
self, but,  perhaps,  in  obedience  to  custom,  I  thank 
you  for  the  honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me. 

Mr.  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey — I  move  that  the 
roll  of  States  be  called,  and  that  the  chairmen  of 
the  dijfferent  delegations  report  to  the  Convention 
the  natnes  of  the  persons  who  are  to  serve  on  the 
committees  on  credentials,  rules  of  order,  and 
resolutions. 

The  Chair — The  motion  of  the  gentleman  from 
New  Jersey  is  that  the  roll  of  States  be  called,  and 
the  chairman  of  each  State  delegation  announce 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1S84.  245 

the  names  of  the  different  persons  to  serve  on  the 
several  committees. 

Mr.  Russell — Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  suggest  to 
the  chairman  that  before  that  motion  is  put  it  is 
advisable  to  inquire  of  the  National  Committee 
who  they  have  recommended  for  secretaries  of  this 
Convention,  for  at  the  present  time  there  are  no 
secretaries.  We  have  to  have  two,  and  it  should 
be  the  duty  of  the  National  Committee  to  have 
recommended  two  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  Stearns,  of  Massachusetts — The  National 
Committee  has  had  before  it,  at  different  times,  the 
subject  of  a  revised  apportionment  of  the  delegates 
to  the  National  Convention,  and  has  by  common 
consent  referred  that  subject  to  this  Convention  as 
the  source  of  Republican  power.  I  therefore  move 
to  add  to  the  committees  a  committee  of  eight  on 
revised  apportionment  of  delegates  to  the  National 
Convention,  and  a  revised  apportionment  of  the 
members  of  the  National  Committee.  I  move  to 
add  that  to  the  list  of  committees  proposed  by  the 
gentleman. 

Mr.  Russell — I  move  we  appoint  temporary 
secretaries. 

The  Chair — The  custom,  heretofore,  has  been  not 
to  have  any  secretaries  until  the  committees  were 
announced  by  the  chairmen  of  the  different  dele- 
gations. 

Mr.  Russell — I  call  your  attention  to  the  pub- 
lished proceedings  of  the  last  Convention,  which 


246  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

show  that  immediately  after  the  temporary  chair- 
man was  elected,  temporary  secretaries  were 
appointed,  before  any  further  proceedings  were 
had.  I  move  that  Mr.  Sheard,  of  New  York,  and 
Mr.  Lee,  of  Pennsylvania,  act  as  temporary  secre- 
taries of  this  Convention.     [Motion  seconded.] 

The  motion  was  then  put  by  the  Chair  and  car- 
ried. Tlie  motion  of  Mr.  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey, 
w^as  then  put  and  carried. 

Mr.  Horr,  of  Michigan — I  rise  to  a  question  of 
order.  I  move,  sir,  that  we  adopt  the  rules  of  the 
last  Convention  to  guide  us  until  a  permanent 
organization  is  perfected.  The  motion  was  sec- 
onded and  carried. 

The  Chairman — It  would  facilitate  the  business 
of  the  Convention  for  the  roll  of  States  to  be  called 
and  have  each  committee  separately  named,  if  that 
be  the  wish  of  the  ConA^ention. 

Mr.  Horr — There  is  no  precedent  for  that. 

The  Chair — It  will  simply  save  time — the  chair- 
men of  the  different  delegations  will  give  the 
names.  The  Secretary  will  call  the  State  of 
Alabama. 

It  was  ordered  that  these  names  be  written  out 
and  sent  up  to  the  Chair  to  be  read. 

The  Chair  then  called  for  the  names  of  the  dele- 
gates to  serve  on  the  various  committees  on  creden- 
tials, resolutions,  rules  and  order  of  business,  etc. 
When  the  State  of  Virginia  was  called  Mr.  Fisher, 
of  Pennsylvania,  arose  and  stated  that  there  was  a 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  247 

contest  from  that  State,  and  that  the  reception  of 
the  list  of  delegates  presented  should  be  refused 
until  the  committee  on  credentials  had  passed  on 
the  matter. 

The  Chair  stated  that  he  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  recognize  the  list  of  delegates  participating  in 
the  Convention  until  the  Convention  had  ordered 
otherwise. 

Mr.  Carson,  of  the  District  of  Columbia — I  ob- 
ject to  the  list  of  committees  presented  by  Mr. 
Conger,  because  there  is  a  dispute  between  us. 

The  Chair — That  will  have  to  be  decided  be- 
tween Mr.  Conger  and  yourself  The  secretary 
says  the  name  of  both  delegates  is  signed  in  the 
report. 

The  list  of  committees  was  then  announced. 

Mr.  Doran,  of  Iowa — I  hold  in  my  hand  a 
memorial — a  memorial  of  the  women  of  the  United 
States,  the  Christian  Temperance  Union,  a  memo- 
rial representing  twenty-eight  States  and  Territo- 
ries, asking  for  a  prohibitory  amendment  to  the 
National  Constitution.  The  memorial  is  brief,  and 
I  ask  that  it  be  read  at  the  Secretary's  desk.  It 
will  occupy  but  three  minutes,  and  then  it  can 
stand  referred  to  the  committee  on  resolutions. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Iowa  asks  that 
the  memorial  be  read  from  the  clerk's  desk  and 
referred  to  the  committee  on  resolutions.  The 
gentleman  will  send  it  up. 

Mr.  McClure,  of  California — I  move  that  this 


248  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

memorial  be  referred  to  the  committee  on  resolu- 
tions, without  being  read  or  the  motion  seconded. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  California 
moves  that  this  memorial  be  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions  without  being  read. 

Mr.  Doran — That  is  a  very  small  courtesy, 
which,  it  seems  to  me,  is  due  to  tlie  noble  women 
of  America  who  are  engaged  in  this  cause.  I  ask 
of  the  Convention  to  delay  three  minutes  to  have 
the  memorial  read.      [Apphuise.] 

Mr.  Horr,  of  Michigan — If  we  commence  read- 
ing every  resolution  that  is  offered — [Cries  of 
"  order,  order,"  and  "  read  it."] 

Mr.  McClure — I  withdraw  my  resolution.  We 
have  no  time  to  debate  such  a  question. 

Mr.  Horr — I  make  a  motion  that  all  resolutions 
be  referred,  without  reading,  to  the  committee  on 
resolutions,  and  I  will  suggest  to  the  Chair  that 
the  motion  which  was  adopted  at  my  instance  pro- 
vided that  we  adopt  the  rules  of  the  last  Convention, 
and  under  those  rules  all  resolutions  were  referred, 
without  readino;  and  without  debate,  to  the  com- 
mittee  on  resolutions,  and,  until  you  change  that 
order  and  ruling,  no  other  rule  is  in  order  here. 

The  Chair — The  Chair  is  of  the  opinion  that  the 
point  taken  by  the  gentleman  from  Michigan  is 
well  taken,,  and  that  it  would  require  a  suspension 
of  the  rules  and  the  unanimous  consent  to  have 
the  resolution  read. 

Mr.  Doran — I  a.'^k  that  it  be  read.     I  ask  for  no 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  249 

debate.  This  is  a  memorial,  not  a  resolution.  I 
ask  unanimous  consent  simply  that  it  be  read. 

Mr.  McLean — I  object. 

The  Chair — Objection  being  made,  I  cannot 
entertain  the  subject. 

Mr.  Gilbert,  of  New  York — I  understand  that 
the  rule  reads  as  follows  : 

"All  resolutions  relating  to  the  platform  shall  be 
referred  to  the  committee  on  resolutions  without 
debate."  It  does  not  touch  the  point  of  reading. 
The  rule  does  not  exclude  the  reading,  and  I  cer- 
tainly hope  that  three  minutes  will  be  accorded  to 
the  reading  of  this  memorial. 

"  Does  the  gentleman  read  from  the  printed 
reports  ?  "  was  asked. 

Mr.  Gilbert — I  read  from  the  printed  report  of 
1880,  on  page  152,  the  last  rule. 

The  Chair  is  of  the  opinion  that  under  the  lan- 
guage of  the  rule  the  reading  is  not  excluded. 
[Crres  of  "  read."] 

The  secretary  then  read  the  memorial,  as  fol- 
lows : 

To  the  National  Convention  of  the  Republican 
Parti/ : — We,  the  members  of  the  Women's  Chris- 
tian Temperance  Union  of  the  United  States, 
herein  represented  by  the  signatures  of  our  officers, 
while  believing  that  while  the  poison  habits  of  the 
nation  can  be  largely  restrained  by  an  appeal  to 
intellect  through  argument,  to  the  heart  through 
sympathy,  and  to  the  conscience  through  the  mo- 


250  THE     CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

lives  of  religion,  believe  that  the  traffic  in  those 
poisons  will  be  best  controlled  by  prohibitory  law. 
We  believe  that  the  teachings  of  science,  expe- 
rience and  the  golden  rule  combine  to  testify 
against  the  traffic  in  alcoholic  liquors  as  a  drink, 
and  that  the  homes  of  America,  which  are  the 
citadels  of  patriotism,  purity  and  happiness,  liave 
no  enemies  so  relentless  as  the  American  saloon. 
Therefore,  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  irre- 
spective of  sex,  or  religion,  or  section,  but  having 
deeply  at  heart  the  protection  of  our  homes,  we  do 
hereby  respectfully  and  earnestly  petition  you  to 
advocate  and  adopt  such  measures  as  are  requisite 
to  the  end  that  prohibition  of  the  importation,  ex- 
portation, manufacture  and  sale  of  alcoholic  bever- 
ages mny  become  an  integral  part  of  the  national 
Constitution,  and  that  your  candidate  shall,  by 
character  and  public  life,  be  committed  to  a  na- 
tional prohibitory  constitutional  amendment. 

The  Chair — It  is  referred  to  the  committee  on 
rules. 

Mr.  Bajne,  of  Pennsylvania — At  the  suggestion 
of  different  gentlemen,  I  renew  my  motion  that  we 
take  a  recess  until  to-morrow  morning  at  eleven 
o'clock. 

The  Chair — The  resolution  offered  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  New  York  has  not  yet  been  read. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  withdraw  my  motion. 

Senator  Cullom,  of  Illinois — I  desire,  before  the 
motion  to  adjourn  is  put,  to  make  a  statement  to 
the  convention.  In  the  call  of  the  States  for  the 
vote  of  the  different  States  on  the  question  of  the 


THE     CONVENTION     OF    1884.  251 

election  of  temporary  chairman,  Mr.  Cook,  one  of 
my  colleagues,  was  absent,  and  an  alternate  voted 
his  name  without  his  own  name  being  called.  Mr. 
Cook  is  now  present.  If  he  had  been  in  his  seat 
he  would  have  voted  for  the  gentleman  from  Ar- 
kansas, instead  of  the  present  chairman  of  the 
convention. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  renew  my  motion. 

Chairman — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
moves  that  the  convention  adjourn  until  to-morrow 
at  eleven  o'clock.  The  question  is  upon  that  mo- 
tion. Those  in  favor  of  the  motion  for  a  recess 
will  say  aye. 

The  motion  was  carried,  and  the  convention 
stood  adjourned  until  the  next  morning  at  eleven 
o'clock. 


252  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1SS4. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SECOND   DAY   OF    THE    CONVENTION. 

Great  Enthusiasm  Exhibited  for  the  White  Plumed 
Knight  of  Maine. 

The  feature  of  the  second  day  of  the  Convention 
was  the  enthusiasm  over  Blaine,  during  which  an 
unprecedented  scene  was  witnessed.  When  the 
committee  on  permanent  organization  was  ready 
to  report,  Smalls,  the  colored  delegate  from  South 
Carolina,  and  one  or  two  others,  questioned  the 
propriety  of  making  the  permanent  organization 
before  the  credentials  committee  had  reported  as 
to  the  title  of  contested  delegates,  but  these  few 
objectors  v/ere  quietly  overruled,  as  they  were  in 
1880,  and  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  George 
Williams,  of  Indiana,  presented  the  report. 

It  advised  the  election  of  ex-Senator  John  B. 
Henderson,  of  Missouri,  as  permanent  chairman 
of  the  Convention,  together  with  a  long  list  of  vice- 
presidents  and  secretaries,  too  numerous  even  to  be 
read  to  the  Convention.  There  were  not  half  a 
dozen  dissenting  votes  to  the  adoption  of  the 
committee  report.  Some  of  the  Blaine  leaders  had 
been  advised  to  oppose  the  election  of  Henderson 
by  moving  to  substitute  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  this  they  refused  to  do.  Sev- 
eral days  ago  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  253 

Blaine  managers  publicly  avowed  that  the  election 
of  General  Henderson  as  permanent  president  of 
the  Convention  would  be  acceptable,  and  soon 
afterward  General  Henderson  publicly  declared 
that  he  would  not  present  President  Arthur's  name 
to  the  Convention. 

Knowing  General  Henderson's  choice  to  be  Ar- 
thur, the  Blaine  managers  were  perfectly  willing 
to  give  him  a  solid  vote  for  permanent  chairman. 
As  soon  as  the  election  was  announced,  Mr.  Lj'nch 
appointed  Mr.  Grow,  Mr.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Mr.  Williams,  of  Indiana,  a  committee  to 
escort  Mr.  Henderson  to  the  chair.  The  temporary 
chairman  then  placed  his  soft  black  felt  hat  on  the 
desk  before  him,  stuffed  a  few  pamphlets  in  his 
pocket,  and  prepared  to  vacate  a  seat  to  which  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  party  a  man  of 
his  color  has  been  elected. 

Loud  cheering  greeted  Henderson  as,  flanked 
on  either  side  by  this  distinguished  escort,  he 
ascended  the  platform  and  advanced  to  the  desk. 
The  presiding  officer  of  the  Convention  is  a  tall, 
slender,  well-proportioned  man,  who  does  not  look 
to  be  over  forty-five  years  of  age,  but  is  consider- 
ably older.  He  has  regular  features,  blue  eyes, 
thin,  brown  hair,  a  bald  spot  on  the  back  of  his 
skull,  carefully-trimmed  brown  chin-whiskers,  and, 
with  gold-bowed  glasses  astride  his  nose,  looks  the 
picture  of  an  active,  prosperous  lawyer. 

From   the  outside  pocket  of  Mr.   Henderson's 


254  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

coat  protruded  the  end  of  a  package  of  manuscript 
containing  his  address  to  the  Convention.  He  laid 
this  paper  on  the  desk  and  took  the  handle  of  the 
new  gavel,  trimmed  with  ribbons,  in  his  hand,  and 
sharply  rapped  the  body  to  silence.  A  bustling 
usher  advanced  and  pinned  a  huge  white  silk,  gold- 
tasseled  badge  upon  the  lapel  of  Mr.  Henderson's 
coat,  and,  with  a  prefatory  cough,  he  began  to 
read  his  speech. 

The  Convention  listened  quietly  until  the  Chair- 
man, with  questionable  taste,  called  attention  to 
some  of  the  more  prominent  men  upon  whom  it 
could  fitly  bestow  the  honor  of  the  nomination. 
Without  mentioning  names,  Mr.  Henderson,  in 
unmistakable  terms,  brought  out  singly  the  differ- 
ent candidates  who  are  most  prominently  dis- 
cussed. First  on  his  list  was  Arthur,  and,  as  he 
complimented  the  Administration,  a  cheer,  loud, 
brief,  and  by  no  means  enthusiastic,  was  given  by 
the  President's  followers. 

His  next  reference  was  to  Vermont's  candidate, 
and  the  few  Edmunds  men  in  the  hall  made  all 
the  noise  they  could.  The  reference  to  John 
Sherman  brought  forth  shrieks  of  delight  from 
half  the  Ohio  delegation  and  a  few  men  in  the 
galleries.  Logan  was  next  on  the  list,  and  he 
received  the  loudest  and  heartiest  applause  of  any 
of  the  gentlemen  before  mentioned.  His  friends 
in  the  Convention  and  among  the  spectators — they 
were  numerous — shouted  at  the  top  of  their  lungs 
for  the  Senator  from  Illinois. 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     18S-4.  255 

Almost  before  the  echo  of  the  last  cheer  had 
died  away  the  Chairman  said  :  "  Maine  has  her 
honored  favorite,  whose  splendid  abilities  and  per- 
sonal qualities  have  endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of 
his  friends,  and  the  brilliancy  of  whose  genius 
challenges  the  admiration  of  all." 

Before  the  words  were  fairly  out  of  the  Chair- 
man's mouth  the  Pennsylvanians  on  the  front  row 
began  to  cheer.  The  faint  opening  applause  ex- 
tended and  swelled  until,  from  the  rear  of  the 
stao-e  to  the  end  of  the  hall,  a  hoarse  reverberating; 
roar  arose  and  echoed  from  end  to  end  of  the 
building  and  outside,  until  the  noise  was  audible 
above  the  bustle  of  street  traffic  two  blocks  away. 

The  first  wild  burst  of  enthusiasm  only  added 
fuel  to  the  flame,  and  a  second  great,  spontaneous, 
full-hearted  cheer  rose  from  the  floor  to  the  rafters 
and  fairly  shook  the  structure.  Then  followed  a 
scene  seldom  witnessed  in  any  public  body,  and 
never  equalled  in  National  Conventions  of  late 
years.  The  delegates,  alternates  and  spectators 
rose  to  their  feet  as  by  a  common  impulse,  and 
testified  their  admiration  of  the  people's  candidate. 
Cheers,  shouts,  sharp  screams  and  animated  bowl- 
ings broke  upon  the  Convention  w'ith  appalling 
force. 

Men  tossed  their  hats  in  the  air,  waved  pocket- 
handkerchiefs,  shook  their  canes,  mounted  chairs, 
leaped  oack  and  forth  in  the  aisles,  and  acted  like 
madmen.     The  New  York  delegation,  excepting  a 


256  THE    CONVENTION    OF     18S4. 

few  Edmunds  men,  was  on  its  feet,  screaming  as 
loudly  as  the  Pennsjlvanians,  while  Ohio  and  Illi- 
nois contributed  liberally  to  the  racket. 

The  tremendous  burst  of  enthusiasm  carried 
away  the  colored  brethren,  and  they  screamed 
with  true  Methodistic  camp-meeting  fervor.  Ex- 
hausted at  last,  the  noise  abated,  only  to  ba  again 
renewed  with  fresh  force.  Four  times  the  Con- 
vention rose  to  its  feet,  and  four  times  did  the  vast 
assemblage  exhaust  itself  in  noise.  A  little  knot 
of  New  England  people  only  kept  their  seats,  and 
were  not  budged  by  the  excitement. 

The  display  of  public  sentiment  in  Blaine's 
behalf  was  not  unexpected,  but  it  overwhelmed 
those  gentlemen  who,  for  three  days  past,  had  been 
working  by  hook  or  crook  to  defeat  the  people's 
choice.  It  revealed  to  them,  as  by  the  flash  of  an 
electric  light,  the  vast  and  irresistible  force  demand- 
ing his  nomination  for  the  Presidency.  It  showed 
them  the  weakness  of  their  own  cause  in  a  manner 
not  susceptible  of  argument,  and  threw  a  wet 
blanket  upon  their  burning  hopes  of  bringing  forth 
the  dark  horse  winner.  At  last  the  excitement 
abated,  and  the  president  readjusted  his  glasses, 
preparatory  to  resuming  his  speech.  He  had 
hardly  opened  his  mouth  when  a  voice  high  up  in 
the  gallery  over  the  stage  in  a  shrill  tone  ex- 
claimed :  "  Hit  'em  agin  !  "  and  for  the  last  time  a 
wild  roar  of  applause  went  through  the  vast  hall. 

Still  another  surprise  was  in  store  for  the  Con- 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  257 

vention.  It  was  expected  by  many  gentlemen 
that  Mr.  Henderson  had  led  up  through  the  list 
of  candidates  to  the  name  of  Blaine  as  a  climax.. 
Such,  however,  was  not  the  fact.  He  had  care- 
fully selected  the  hero  of  Kenesaw  Mountain  audi 
Atlanta,  General  Sherman,  as  the  last  in  the  com- 
pany of  patriots,  and  the  one  who  was  to  receive 
the  noisy  and  adoring  notice  of  the  Convention.. 
It  was  a  failure.  ^ 

There  was  a  faint  cheer  at  the  allusion  to  Sher- 
man, but  compared  with  the  Blaine  demonstration 
it  was  as  the  sighing  of  a  summer  breez^e  compared^ 
with  the  wild  rush  of  a  tornado. 

THE    PROCEEDINGS   IN   DETAIL. 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  at  11.18 
A.  M.,  by  Chairman  Lynch,  who,  after  rapping  the 
vast  audience  into  silence  with  his  gavel,  said :; 

The  Convention  will  be  opened  with  prayer  by 
the  Rev.  John  H.  Barrows,  of  this  eity. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Barrows  addressed  the  throne  of 
grace  as  follows : 

Let  us  unite  in  prayer.  Lord,  Thou  hast  been 
our  dwelling-place  in  all  generations.  We  bless 
thee,  God  of  our  fathers,  that  Thou  hast  dealt  so 
graciously  with  this  American  people;  that  a  na- 
tion conceived  in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  sub- 
lime truth  that  all  men  are  created  equal  has 
endured  to  this  hour.  We  praise  Thee  that  Thou 
17 


2-08  THE    CONVENTIOiV     OF     1884. 

hast  delivered  us  from  dismemberment  and  shame- 
ful overthrow.  We  magnify  Thy  name,  0  King  of 
Kings  and  Ruler  of  Mankind,  that  institutions 
founded  upon  the  precepts  of  the  New  Testament, 
.ind  in  which  there  is  so  much  of  the  life-blood  of 
Jesus  Christ,  have  survived  the  shocks  of  war  and 
the  wastings  of  time  and  corruption,  and  we  thank 
Thee  for  the  vast  moral  an^  political  changes  indi- 
cated by  the  president  here,  who  now  so  watch' 
fully  presides  over  this  Convention.  We  thank 
Thee,  0  God,  for  every  service  to  the  cause  of 
human  rights,  and  good  government,  and  popular 
education  rendered  by  the  political  organization 
whose  representatives  are  assembled  here  at  this 
time.  We  thank  Thee  for  the  names  of  Lincoln, 
Lovejoy,  Sumner  and  Garfield,  names  which  have 
been  given  to  the  incomparable  galaxy  of  human 
names  which  have  been  connected  with  the  tri- 
imiph  of  humanity. 

And  we  pray  that  the  men  of  to-day  may  be 
equally  faitliful  to  duty ;  that  they  may  be  equal 
to  new.  occasions  which  may  spring  forth.  May 
the  leaven  of  unrighteousness  be  cast  out  utterly. 
God  grant  that  among  the  people  North  and  South, 
East  and  West,  there  may  not  only  be  a  deepening 
sentiment  of  nationality,  but  also  growing  intelli- 
gence, more  vigorous  conscience  and  strengthening 
purposes  that  ignorance  and  folly  shall  not  be  en- 
acted into  law.  God  bless  the  Union  of  these 
impregnable  States,  and  give  them  the  strength  of 
justice  and  peace,  and  we  prfiy  that  wisdom  and 
prudence  may  govern  the  deliberations  of  this 
great  Convention ;  overruling  them  for  our  national 
welfare.  And  may  that  favor  which  is  life,  and 
that  lovinir  kindness  which  is  better  than  life  itself, 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  259 

rest  with  him  who  now  presides  over  this  body. 
Let  Thy  blessing  rest  on  the  commonwealth  and 
the  cause  which  he  represents,  and  we  pray  Thee, 
0  God,  that  when  this  Convention  is  dissolved  it 
may  have  presented  to  the  suffrages  of  the  nation 
for  the  highest  office  irr  the  people's  gift  a  candi- 
date who,  in  personal  character,  in  devotion  to 
duty,  in  loyalty  to  American  institutions,  in  cour- 
age, experience  and  wisdom,  shall  worthily  succeed 
to  the  chair  at  Washington,  and  thus  help  the 
nation  to  become  not  only  more  prosperous  and 
peaceful,  but  also  to  be  an  inspiration  and  a  bless- 
ing to  the  struggling  people  of  mankind;  and  to 
Thy  name  shall  be  the  praise.     Amen. 

The  Chairman — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : 
The  Chair  will  request  gentlemen  when  they  are 
recognized  by  the  Chair  to  distinctly  announce  the 
name  and  State,  so  that  there  will  be  no  mistake 
made  by  the  reporters. 

Mr.  Gary,  of  Maryland — I  desire  to  present  to 
this  Convention  a  memorial  of  the  Maryland 
State  Temperance  Alliance,  and  I  ask  that  it  be 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

The  Chairman — Very  well ;  it  will  be  read  by 
the  Clerk.  The  Convention  "wdll  come  to  order. 
The  Secretary  will  read  the  memorial  presented  by 
the  gentleman  from  Maryland. 

The  Secretary  read  the  paper  as  follows : 

The  undersigned,  the  president  and  secretary  of 
the  Maryland  State  Temperance  Alliance,  as  well 
as  the  Central  Executive  Committee  thereof,  do 
hereby  certify  that  the  following  resolutions  were 


2G0  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

passed  by  the  Central  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Maryland  State  Temperance  Alliance,  at  a  regular 
meeting  held  on  the  6th  of  May,  1884  : 

Mr.  Rosenthal,  of  Texas — I  move  that  the  me- 
morial be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
without  reading. 

The  Chair — The  reading  is  not  finished  yet. 

The  clerk  continued  the  reading  of  the  reso- 
lution as  follows : 

Resolved,  By  the  Central  Executive  Committee 
of  the  Maryland  State  Temperance  Alliance,  act- 
ing under  the  advice  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
Maryland  State  Temperance  Alliance,  and  which 
latter  being  the  representative  of  the  temperance 
organizations,  churches,  schools  and  all  moral  and 
reform  associations  of  the  State,  that  we  do  hereby 
earnestly  appeal  to  the  Republican  and  Democratic 
Conventions  that  will  nominate  candidates  for 
President  of  the  United  States  in  the  present  year 
to  adopt  an  article  in  the  platform  of  principles 
distinctly  recognizing  the  policy  of  the  people  to 
suppress  or  prohibit  by  law  the  liquor  traffic  and 
to  nominate  candidates  in  accord  with  this  declara- 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
this  Executive  Committee  be  directed  to  certify 
and  forward  the  above  resolution,  together  with  a 
copy  of  the  resolution  recently  adopted  by  the 
Convention  of  the  Maryland  State  Temperance 
Alliance  in  relation  to  the  same  subject,  to  each 
of  these  nominating  Conventions  or  the  presiding 
officers  thereof. 

Resolved,  That  the  question  of  the  suppression 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  261 

of  the  liquor  traffic  has  become  one  of  such  vital 
political  importance  to  the  nation  as  to  justify  Pro- 
hibitionists of  both  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties  in  requiring  of  them,  at  their  next  nomi- 
nating Conventions  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  to  distinctly  and  posi- 
tively recognize  the  question  in  their  respective 
platforms  and  nominate  candidates  who  are  in  ac- 
cord therewith,  and  if  both  shall  do  so  we  will  not 
mal^e  this  question  a  political  one  in  the  presi- 
dential campaign  ;  or  if  either  party  shall  distinctly 
do  so,  and  the  other  refuse  or  decline,  we  wdll  cast 
our  suffrages  to  the  party  thus  favoring  this  ques- 
tion, in  preference  to  the  one  refusing,  regardless  of 
our  present  party  affiliations.  But  in  case  neither 
party  shall  recognize  this  question,  we  authorize 
the  Executive  Committee  of  this  Alliance  at  the 
proper  time  to  place  in  the  field  an  electoral  pro- 
hibitory ticket  for  the  State  of  Maryland  for  the 
President  and  Vice-President  that  shall  have  been 
nominated  by  the  Prohibitory  party  of  the  United 
States. 

The  Chair — It  will  be  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions. 

Mr.  Massey,  of  Delaware — I  hold  in  my  hand  a 
resolution,  which,  on  behalf  and  by  direction  of 
the  unanimous  sentiments  of  my  delegation,  I  am 
instructed  to  present  to  this  Convention.  I  ask 
permission  to  send  it  to  the  Secretary's  table  to  be 
read,  and  then  I  desire  to  submit  a  motion  for  its 
adoption. 

The  Chair — The  resolution  will  be  read  by  the 
Secretary. 


262  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

The  resolution  was  read  by  the  Secretary  as 

follows : 

Whereas,  The  propriety  of  the  adoption  of  such 
an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution  as  will 
enlarge  the  term  of  office  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  six  years,  and  render  the  incum- 
bent of  that  office  ineligible  to  re-election  is  a  sub- 
ject well  worth  the  consideration  of  this  Conven- 
tion, in  order  that  the  possibilities  of  the  abuse  or 
misuse  of  the  public  patronage  may  be  avoided ; 
therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  subject  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  to  the  end  that  it  may 
be  duly  considered  and  a  suitable  deliverance  made 
in  that  behalf. 

Mr.  Massey — I  move  the  adoption  of  that  reso- 
lution. 

The  Chair — That  is  not  in  order.  The  reso- 
lution will  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Reso- 
lutions. 

Senator  Plumb,  of  Kansas — I  wish  to  offer  a 
resolution. 

The  resolution  was  read  by  the  Secretary  as 
follows : 

Resolved,  That  American  lands  should  belong 
alone  to  those  willing  to  assume  the  duties  and  re- 
sponsibilities of  American  citizenship.  The  best 
interests  of  the  Republic  are  with  those  who  are 
bound  to  it  by  the  ties  of  ownership  and  possession 
of  ihe  soil.     The   system  of  tenant  farming  and 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  263- 

absentee  landlordism,  which  has  disturbed  Ireland 
and  destroyed  the  peace  of  Europe,  is  opposed  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  fathers  and  has  no  place  in 
the  policy  of  a  republic. 

Mr.  Plumb — I  move  the  adoption  of  the  resolu- 
tion. 

It  was  referred. 

Mr.  Hawkins,  of  Tennessee — I  sent  a  resolution 
to  the  Secretary's  desk  which  I  ask  to  be  read  and 
I  move  that  the  rules  be  suspended  and  the  reso- 
lution passed.  It  is  a  resolution  pledging  the  sup- 
port of  this  Convention  to  its  nominee,  whoever 
he  may  be. 

The  Secretary  read  the  resolution  as  follows : 

Resolved,  As  the  sense  of  this  Convention  that 
every  member  of  it  is  bound  in  honor  to  support 
its  nominee,  whoever  that  nominee  may  be,  and 
that  no  man  should  hold  a  seat  here  who  is  not 
ready  to  so  agree. 

Mr.  Hawkins — I  ask  a  vote  by  States  upon 
that. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Tennessee 
moves  that  the  rules  be  suspended  and  that  the 
resolution  pass. 

Mr.  Pierce,  of  Massachusetts — 1  trust  that  that 
resolution  will  not  pass.  I  came  here  with  the 
purpose,  that  I  believe  every  man  has  done,  ex- 
pecting, in  good  faith,  to  support  its  nominee,  and 
believin.G;  that  this  Convention  would  not  nominate 


264  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

any  man  who  would  not  command  the  universal 
support  of  the  members  of  this  Convention  [tre- 
mendous applause]  and  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States. 

This  matter  has  had  in  the  past  a  bad  record 
brought  here  when  Lincoln  was  nominated,  and 
brought  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  Mr. 
Conkliug — the  late  Mr.  Conkling — and  I  trust  that 
this  Convention  will  not  bind  itself  by  such  a  reso- 
lution. 

Mr.  Winkler,  of  Wisconsin — I  take  it  that  our 
presence  here  is  an  assertion  in  itself  on  the  part 
of  every  one  of  us  that  we  propose  to  support  the 
nominee  of  this  Convention.  [Applause.]  It 
needs  no  resolution  in  order  to  enforce  that  asser- 
tion [applause],  and  it  is  for  that  reason  that  I  am 
opposed  to  adopting  any  resolution  upon  the  sub- 
ject.    [Cries  of  "Good."] 

Mr.  Hawkins,  of  Tennessee — In  off'ering  that 
resolution  I  did  it  in  good  faith,  and  I  trust  there 
is  not  a  delegate  to  be  found  here  that  is  not  ready 
find  willing  to  subscribe  to  that  resolution,  and  if 
there  be  a  delegate  who  is  not  willing  to  support 
the  nominee  of  this  Convention,  he  surely  ought 
not  to  be  allowed  in  this  Convention,  I  don't  care 
where  he  comes  from ;  and  I  know  of  no  harm 
that  can  come  to  a  man  who  is  here  for  the  pur- 
pose of  participating  in  making  this  nomination — 
I  know  of  no  harm  that  can  come  of  indorsing 
that  resolution,  and  saying  he  is  willing  to  stand 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  265 

by  the  nominee  of  this  Convention.  I  ask  that  it 
be  passed. 

I  liave  heard  whispers  in  the  air  as  to  the  course 
of  some  gentlemen.  I  don't  beheve  they  are  true, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  world  that  the 
Republican  party  stands  here  to-day  a  unit  and 
determined  to  support  the  nominee  of  this  Conven- 
tion, I  introduced  that  resolution,  and  I  now  move 
its  adoption. 

Mr.  Knight,  of  California — Mr.  Chairman,  I 
hope  that  that  resolution  will  pass.  [Applause.] 
No  honest  Republican,  no  man  having  the  good  of 
the  great  Republican  party  at  heart,  should  dare 
to  stand  on  the  floor  of  this  Convention  and  vote 
down  that  resolution.  [Cheers.]  There  are  al- 
ready whisperings  in  the  air  from  men  high  in  the 
Republican  party,  or  that  once  stood  high  in  the 
Republican  party,  openly  and  avowedly  declaring 
that  they  will  not  support  one  man  if  he  be  nom- 
inated by  this  Convention,  a  convention  of  the 
most  intelligent  men  of  the  nation. 

That  kind  of  men  we  want  to  know,  and  the 
sooner  they  are  out  of  the  Republican  party  the 
better  it  will  be  for  the  party.  [Cheers.]  Gentle- 
men of  the  Convention,  no  more  enthusiastic  peo- 
ple are  under  the  shadow  of  the  American  flag 
than  those  in  the  section  that  I  came  from.  No 
more  enthusiastic  people  for  their  candidate  can  be 
found  in  this  Convention,  but,  if  he  should  not  be 
their  choice,  I  believe  we  would  be  false  to  every 


266  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1SS4. 

principle  of  the  Republican  party,  we  would  be 
false  to  the  constituency  we  represent,  we  would 
be  false  to  ourselves  if  we  did  not  abide  by  the 
nominee  of  the  party  of  intelligence.  [Tremendous 
applause.]  Tell  me  what  reason,  what  can  be 
urged  that  these  gentlemen  of  this  Convention, 
selected  alone  for  their  intelligence,  their  patriot- 
ism, their  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  Republican  party, 
that  this  Convention  should  not  support  its 
nominee  ? 

Therefore,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  we 
hope,  yes,  we  insist,  from  the  section  of  the  coun- 
try we  come  from,  that  this  be  voted  for  and  that, 
whoever  he  may  be,  he  will  have  the  hearty  sup- 
port and  the  votes  of  this  Convention,  and  all 
those,  be  they  editors  of  newspapers  or  conducting 
great  political  journals,  who  refuse  to  support  the 
nomination  let  them  be  branded  [tremendous  ap- 
plause and  cheers]  that  they  not  only  came  here 
and  violated  the  implied  faith  that  was  put  in 
them,  but  the  direct  and  honest  convictions  of  this 
Convention  expressed  by  a  direct  vote  upon  the 
subject. 

When  Mr.  Knight  took  his  seat,  about  seventy- 
five  delegates  arose  in  different  parts  of  the  hall 
and  insisted  upon  being  recognized  by  the  Chair. 
The  Chair  refused  to  recognize  any  of  them,  and 
repeatedly  requested  them  to  be  seated.  Re- 
luctantly they  took  their  seats,  and  a  moment 
after  the  confusion  had  subsided  the  Chair  said : 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  267 

"  The  Chair  recognizes  the  gentleman  from  New 
York"  (George  William  Curtis). 

Mr.  Curtis  climbed  upon  his  chair  and  began  to 
speak.     He  said : 

"Mr.  Chairman" — but  at  this  point  loud  calls 
came  up  from  all  parts  of  the  house,  "  platform," 
"platform."  Mr.  Curtis  shook  his  head,  and,  re- 
taining his  position  on  his  chair,  said  : 

'■^  Gentleynen  of  the  Conve7ition  : — A  Republican 
and  a  free  man  I  came  to  this  Convention ;  by  the 
grace  of  God  a  Republican  and  a  free  man  will  I 
go  out  of  this  Convention.  [Cheers.]  Twenty- 
four  years  ago  I  was  here  in  Chicago  [applause]  ; 
twenty-four  years  ago  I  took  part  with  the  men 
of  this  country  who  nominated  the  man  who  bears 
the  most  illustrious  name  in  the  Republican  party, 
and  the  brightest  ray  in  whose  halo  of  glory  and 
immortality  is  that  he  was  the  great  emancipator, 
[Cheers  and  cries  of  '  Good,  good.']  In  that  Con- 
vention, sir,  a  resolution  was  offered  in  amendment 
of  the  platform.  It  introduced  into  that  platform 
certain  words  from  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. That  motion  was  voted  down  in  that  Con- 
vention, and  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  rose 
from  his  seat  and  was  passing  out  of  the  Conven- 
tion. As  he  went  to  pass  by  my  chair  I  reached 
out  my  hand  (well  nigh  a  boy  and  unknown  to 
him).  I  said:  '  Sir,  where  are  you  going?'  He 
said  to  me  :  '  Young  man,  I  am  going  out  of  this 
Convention,  for  I  find  there  is  no  place  in  a  Re- 
publican Convention  for  an  original  anti-slavery 
man  like  me.'  Well,  gentlemen,  after  this  he 
stopped  and  again  took  his  seat,  and   before  the 


268  THE    CONVENTION   OP    18S4. 

Convention  concluded  the  Republican  party  de- 
clared that  no  word,  no  deed,  no  sign  should  ever 
be  made  in  a  Republican  Convention  that  in  the 
slightest  degree  reflected  upon  the  honor  or  loyalty 
of  the  men  who  took  part  in  that  Convention  and 
upon  their  adhesion  to  liberty.  [Loud  applause.] 
The  gentleman  who  was  last  upon  the  floor  dared 
any  one  upon  this  floor  to  vote  against  the  resolu- 
tion. I  say  to  him  in  reply  that  the  presentation 
of  such  a  resolution  in  such  a  Convention  as  this 
is  a  stigma,  an  insult,  upon  every  man  who  stands 
here. 

"  This  question  is  not  a  new  question  ;  precisely 
the  same  motion  was  brought  at  the  last  Conven- 
tion, and  by  a  man  froift  West  Virginia.  I  honor 
his  name.  That  man  said,  in  the  face  of  the  roar- 
ing galleries,  and  in  the  face  of  all  this  success,  this 
man  from  West  Virginia  said  he  was  a  Republican 
who  carried  his  sovereignty  under  his  own  hat. 
[Loud  applause.]  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  regarding 
Mr.  Campbell's  position  in  that  Convention,  the 
wise  reflection,  the  afterthought,  of  the  Republican 
Convention  of  1880,  under  the  lead  of  that  great 
immortal  leader,  whose  face  fronts  us  here,  James 
A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio  [applause]  ;  under  the  lead  of 
Garfield,  I  remind  my  friend  from  California  that 
the  Convention,  taking  its  action,  induced  the 
gentleman  who  presented  the  resolution  to  with- 
draw that  resolution  from  the  consideration  of  the 
Convention.  Now,  sir,  in  the  light  of  the  charac- 
ter of  the  Republican  party,  in  the  light  of  the 
action  of  the  last  Republican  Convention,  the  first 
Convention  of  which  I  have  known  in  which  such 
a  pledge  was  required  of  the  members,  I  ask  this 
Convention,  mindful  of  all  that  hangs  upon  the 


THE   CONVENTION    OF    1884.  259 

wisdom,  the  moderation,  the  tolerance  and  the 
patriotism  of  our  action,  I  beg  this  Convention  to 
remember  Lincohi,  to  remember  Garfield,  to  re- 
member the  very  vital  principle  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  assume  that  every  man  here,  who  is  an 
honest  and  an  honorable  man,  will  vote  this  reso- 
lution down,  which  should  never  have  appeared  in 
a  Republican  Convention,  as  unworthy  to  be  rati- 
fied by  this  concourse  of  freemen  that  I  see  before 
me."     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  Chair  will  say  that  the  rules 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  have  been  adopted 
for  the  government,  as  far  as  applicable  for  this 
Convention,  and  under  the  rules  of  the  House,  or, 
at  any  rate,  under  its  usages  and  customs,  speeches 
are  allowed  to  be  made  ordinarily  for  or  against  a 
proposition. 

Mr.  Posey,  of  Indiana — I  desire  to  say  a  few 
words  against  the  resolution. 

The  Chair — Then  the  Chair  would  be  obliged  to 
recognize  some  gentlemen  who  desired  to  speak  on 
the  other  side.  The  Chair  thinks  that  is  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  custom  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  the  Secretary  will  again  read  the 
resolution. 

•Senator  Dolph,  of  Oregon,  moved  to  lay  the 
resolution  upon  the  table,  saying,  "  I  think  it  is  ill- 
timed  and  injudicious." 

Mr.  Hawkins — As  the  resolution  has  developed 
so  much  opposition,  and,  in  memory  of  Garfield, 
I  withdraw  it.     [Slight  applause.] 


270  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

Mr.  McClure,  of  Peoria — I  have  a  partial  report 
to  make  from  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  Chair — That  will  be  received  after  we  dis- 
pose of  this  matter. 

Mr.  Ewing,  of  Pennsylvania — I  have  a  resolution 
to  offer  and  I  will  send  it  up  to  the  clerk's  desk. 

The  Chair — The  clerk  will  read  the  resolution. 

The  clerk  read  the  resolution  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  hereafter,  in  the  selection  by  the 
District  Conventions  of  Delegates  to  the  Republi- 
can National  Convention,  the  basis  of  representa- 
tion of  the  several  counties,  parts  of  counties  or 
wards  comprising  the  congressional  district  shall  be 
the  same  as  that  which  at  that  time  prevails  in 
each  district  respectively  for  the  nomination  of 
Republican  candidates  or  members  of  Congress, 
and  whenever  a  majority  of  the  counties  or  sub- 
divisions containing  not  less  than  one-half  the  popu- 
lation of  the  district  shall  regularly  unite  in  the 
call  and  the  conduct  of  the  Convention,  the  action 
thereon  shall  be  valid. 

A  delegate  from  Pennsylvania — I  move  a  sus- 
pension of  the  rules  and  that  the  resolution  be 
adopted  for  representation  in  the  Convention  by 
district  delegates.  That  rule  is  somewhat  vague 
and  indefinite. 

The  Chair — The  subject  has  already  been  re- 
ferred ;  it  is  proper  to  be  referred  in  connection 
with  that  same  matter. 

A  delegate — I  move  to  refer  it  to  the  Committee 
on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

The  Chair — It  will  be  so  referred. 


THE     CONVENTION    OF    1884.  271 

Mr.  McClure,  of  Peoria — I  am  instructed  by  the 
Committee  on  Credentials  to  report  progress  and 
say  that  we  hope  to  be  able  to  make  complete  re- 
port this  afternoon  or  early  in  the  evening. 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire — Here  is  a  reso- 
lution I  would  like  to  have  read.  I  will  send  it  to 
the  clerk's  desk. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  resolution  as  follows: 

Whereas,  The  evils  of  the  traffic  in  alcoholic 
beverages  are  great  and  general,  and  in  the  belief 
of  many  of  the  people  are  such  as  to  require  a 
change  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in 
order  that  by  the  co-operation  of  the  State  and 
national  legislation  there  may  be  a  more  efficient 
exercise  of  the  right  of  society  to  control  that 
traffic  and  to  remove  the  evils  thereof;  and, 

Whereas,  It  is  essential  to  the  growth  of  re- 
publican institutions,  and  the  preservation  of  con- 
stitutional liberty  that  the  right  of  the  people  to 
amend  the  fundamental  kiw  should  be  fully  exer- 
cised ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  recommends  the 
submission  by  Congress  to  the  legislatures  of  the 
States  of  a  joint  resolution,  proposing  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  pro- 
viding for  the  prohibition  of  the  traffic  in  alcoholic 
beverages.  That  the  same  may  be  adopted  or  re- 
jected according  to  the  will  of  the  people. 

The  Chair — It  will  be  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions.  I  am  informed  that  the  Com- 
mittee on  Permanent  Organization  is  now  ready  to 
submit  their  report. 


272  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  will  now  be  received. 

Mr.  Williams,  of  Indiana — I  am  directed  by  the 
Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  to  report 
as  the  permanent  chairman  of  this  Convention 
General  J.  B.  Henderson,  of  Missouri.  [Applause.] 
I  will  furnish  the  list  of  vice-presidents  and  secre- 
taries to  the  hands  of  the  clerk  for  the  purpose  of 
being  read. 

The  Chair — The  vice-president  and  other  officers 
are  those  agreed  upon  by  the  several  State  delega- 
tions. The  Chair  thinks  it  not  necessary  to  read 
them. 

Mr.  Lawson,  of  New  York — Is  it  in  order  before 
the  settlement  of  the  contests  for  seats  to  elect  a 
permanent  chairman? 

The  Chair — That  is  a  question  within  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Lawson — I  raise  that  question  of  order. 

The  Chair — The  Chair  thinks  that  that  is  a 
matter  that  is  within  the  discretion  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  it  seems  that  that  is  what  was  done 
four  years  ago. 

Mr.  Smalls,  of  South  Carolina — I  would  like  to 
ask,  Mr.  Chairman,  can  we  proceed  to  the  election 
of  a  Chairman  of  this  Convention  before  the  Com- 
mittee of  Credentials  shall  have  reported,  and  we 
know  who  are  members  of  this  Convention  ? 

The  Chair — That  is  a  matter  for  the  Convention 
to  settle  and  not  for  the  Chair  to  decide.  That  is 
what  was  done  four  years  ago. 


THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884.  273 

Mr.  Williams,  of  Indiana — I  move  that  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization 
be  adopted. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Indiana  moves 
that  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  be  received  and  agreed  to.  Those 
that  favor  that  motion  will  say  aye ;  contrary,  no. 
The  ayes  have  it,  and  it  is  agreed  to. 

The  Chair — The  Chair  will  appoint  to  conduct 
the  permanent  President  of  this  Convention  to  the 
stand,  the  Hon.  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  and  M. 
B.  Williams,  of  Indiana. 

The  committee  appointed  by  the  temporary 
Chairman  escorted  Mr.  Henderson  to  the  platform. 
During  the  time  that  he  was  being  escorted  from, 
his  seat  in  the  Convention  to  the  platform  the  ap- 
plause was  continuous  and  enthusiastic.  When* 
Mr.  Henderson  reached  the  platform  he  pinned  a 
beautiful  badge  on  his  coat,  which  was  a  signal  of 
his  office  as  permanent  Chairman  of  the  Conven- 
tion, after  which,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  possible  to 
be  heard,  he  said : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : — We  have  as- 
sembled to  survey  the  past  history  of  the  party,  to 
rejoice,  as  we  may,  because  of  the  good  it  has  done, 
to  correct  its  errors,  if  errors  there  be,  to  discover 
if  possible  the  wants  of  the  present,  and  with 
patriotic  firmness  provide  for  the  future. 

Our  past  history  is  the  Union  preserved,  slavery 
18 


274  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

abolished  and  its  former  victims  equally  and  hon- 
orably by  our  sides  in  this  Convention  ;  the  public 
faith  maintained,  unbounded  credit  at  home  and 
abroad,  a  currency  convertible  into  coin,  and  the 
pulses  of  industry  throbbing  with  renewed  health 
and  vigor  in  every  section  of  a  prosperous  and 
peaceful  country.  These  are  the  fruits  of  triumphs 
over  adverse  policies  gained  in  the  military  and 
civil  conflicts  of  the  last  twenty-four  years. 

Out  of  these  conflicts  has  come  a  race  of  heroes 
and  statesmen  challenging  confidence  and  love  at 
home,  respect  and  admiration  abroad.  And  now, 
when  we  come  to  select  a  standard-bearer  for  the 
approaching  conflict,  our  chief  embarrassment  is 
not  in  the  want,  but  in  the  abundance  of  Presi- 
dential material. 

New  York  has  her  true  and  tried  statesman, 
upon  whose  administration  the  fierce,  and  even  un- 
friendly light  of  public  scrutiny  has  been  turned, 
and  the  universal  verdict  is,  "  Well  done,  thou 
good  and  faithful  servant."  Vermont  has  her 
great  st^atesman,  whose  mind  is  as  clear  as  the 
crystal  springs  of  his  native  State  and  whose  vir- 
tue is  as  firm  as  its  granite  hills.  Ohio  can  come 
with  a  name  whose  history  is  the  history  of  the 
Republican  party  itself. 

Illinois  can  come  with  one  who  never  failed  in 
the  discharge  of  public  duty,  whether  in  council 
chamber  or  on  field  of  battle.  Maine  has  her  hon- 
ored favorite,  whose  splendid  abilities  and  personal 
qualities  have  endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of  his 
friends,  and  the  brilliancy  of  whose  genius  chal- 
lenges the  respect  and  admiration  of  all.  Con- 
necticut and  Indiana  may  come  with  names 
scarcely  less  illustrious  than  these. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  275 

And  now,  in  conclusion,  if,  because  of  personal 
disagreement  on  the  emergencies  of  the  occasion, 
another  name  is  sought,  there  remains  that  grand 
old  hero  of  Kenesaw  Mountain  and  Atlanta. 
When  patriotism  calls,  he  cannot,  if  he  would,  be 
silent,  but  grasping  that  banner,  to  him  so  dear, 
which  he  has  already  borne  in  triumph,  he  will 
march  to  a  civic  victory  no  less  renowned  than 
those  of  war. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  this  distinguished 
mark  of  your  confidence. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  address,  a  delegate 
from  Arizona  rose  in  his  seat,  and  said  :  "  I  beg  to 
offer  the  following  resolution,  to  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  :  " 

Resolved,  That  the  appointments  to  office  in  the 
Territories  by  the  President  ought  to  be  from  the 
honajide  residents  of  the  Territories  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  people  thereof. 

The  Chairman — It  goes  to  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions,  as  a  matter  of  course. 

Mr.  Johnston,  of  California — I  have  a  resolution 
which  I  desire  to  read  and  have  referred. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  will  send  it  up  to 
the  Clerk. 

The  Chair — Mr.  Johnston,  of  California,  offers 
the  following  resolution : 

The  Clerk  then  read  the  resolution,  as  follows : 

In  behalf  of  those  who  represent  the  great  and 


276  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

fundamental  industry  of  our  country,  we  demand 
that  agriculture  shall  have  a  special  representative 
in  the  President's  Cabinet;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture 
be  made  a  Cabinet  officer. 

The  Chair — The  resolution  will  go  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Kesolutions,  as  a  matter  of  course, 

Mr.  Sewell — I  move  that  the  Convention  take  a 
recess  until  7  o'clock  this  evening. 

Mr.  Hewson,  of  New  York — I  second  the  motion. 

A  delegate — Will  the  Chair  please  state  the 
resolution  ? 

The  Chair — It  has  been  moved  and  seconded 
that  the  Convention  will  now  take  a  recess  until  7 
o'clock  this  evening. 

Mr.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts — Will  the  gentle- 
man from  New  Jersey  withdraw  that  motion  for  a 
moment  ? 

Mr.  Sewell — Temporarily. 

Mr.  Hoar — I  have  a  resolution  to  offer  and  will 
send  it  to  the  Clerk's  desk. 

The  Chair — Please  send  it  up  quickly. 

(Cries  of  "  Question.") 

The  Clerk  read  the  resolution  offered  by  Mr. 
Hoar,  as  follows : 

Whereas,  The  women  of  this  country  are  citi- 
zens, producers,  tax-payers,  and  are  amenable  to 
all  the  laws  of  the  land,  civil  and  criminal,  which 
they  thus  far  have  had  no  part  in  making,  there- 
fore, 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  277 

Resolved,  That  we  favor  the  right  of  the  women 
to  vote. 

The  Chair — The  resolution  will  go  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions,  as  a  matter  of  course. 

[Cries  of  "  Question,  question."] 

The  Chair — The  question  now  is  the  regular  ad- 
journment until  7  o'clock  this  evening.  All  in 
favor  will  say  aye,  those  opposed  no. 

The  motion  was  carried,  and  the  Convention  ad- 
journed until  7  o'clock. 

THE   EVENING   SESSION. 

Chairman  Henderson  called  the  Convention  to 
order  at  7.35  p.  m.,  and  made  the  following  an- 
nouncement: 

Gentlemen,  there  is  a  communication  in  the 
hands  of  the  Secretary  from  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  which  will  be  read  to  the  Convention. 

The  Secretary  read  the  communication  as  fol- 
lows : 

To  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Convention:  Sir:  The  Committee  on  Credentials 
have  the  honor  to  notify  the  Convention  that,  as 
important  business  is  occupying  the  time  of  the 
committee,  the  committee  will  not  be  able  to  report 
to  the  Convention  this  evening. 

Mr.  Curtis,  of  New  York — I  hold  in  my  hand 
a  petition  of  the  American  Peace  Union  which  I 
ask  to  have  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolu 
tions. 


278  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884, 

The  Chair — It  will  be  so  referred, 

Mr,  Matthews,  of  Illinois — I  desire  to  introduce 
a  resolution  which  I  ask  to  be  read  to  the  Conven- 
tion. 

The  Secretary  read  the  resolution,  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Distribution 
of  Tickets  be  hereby  instructed  to  furnish  500 
tickets  of  admission  during  the  sessions  of  this  Con- 
vention, to  be  given  to  the  veteran  soldiers  who 
desire  to  witness  the  proceedings. 

Mr.  Matthews:  I  ask  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Convention  to  adopt  and  pass  that  resolution.  It 
may  be  observed  that  there  are  soldiers  here  who 
have  come  from  every  one  of  the  United  States  to 
witness  the  proceedings  of  this  Convention,  and  to 
enable  them  to  do  so  this  resolution  is  introduced, 
and  I  hope  this  Convention  will  adopt  it  unani- 
mously, 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — I  rise  to  ask  a  ques- 
tion, I  wish  to  ask  in  what  manner  and  to  what 
persons,  for  distribution,  these  tickets  will  be  issued, 

A  delegate  from  Pennsylvania — I  will  move  to 
amend  by  adding,  "  and  that  they  be  distributed 
according  to  the  representation  upon  the  floor  of 
this  Convention  to  the  chairmen  of  the  various 
delegations," 

A  delegate — I  second  that  motion. 

General  Clayton,  of  Arkansas :  Mr.  Chairman, 
having  been  one  of  the  members  of  the  sub-com- 
mittee who  had  charge  of  the  apportionment  of 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  279 

seats  in  this  Convention,  and  having  some  knowl- 
edge of  its  seating  capacity,  I  desire  to  say  that  in 
the  apportionment  of  tiiese  seats  every  seat  was 
provided  for  by  tickets,  and  that  tickets  are  issued 
sufficient  to  fill  every  seat  in  this  hall.  Now,  if 
these  tickets  are  to  be  issued  I  would  like  to  know 
where  the  gentlemen  are  to  be  seated.  Otherwise, 
I  would  be  very  glad  to  see  them  here;  but,  unless 
you  have  seats  for  these  gentlemen,  and  they  come 
and  stand  in  these  aisles  it  will  make  interminable 
confusion.  If  you  can  provide  for  the  seating  of 
these  gentlemen  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  accept  the 
resolution. 

Mr.  Matthews,  of  Illinois — In  reply  to  the  re- 
marks of  the  gentleman  from  Arkansas,  I  want  to 
say  that,  while  it  may  be  true  that  tickets  are 
issued  for  every  seat  in  this  hall,  it  is  equally  true 
that  those  seats  are  not  occupied,  half  of  them ; 
but,  if  one  of  these  veterans  were  to  occupy  a  seat 
and  the  holder  of  the  ticket  therefor  should  come 
along  and  demand  it,  I  will  say  to  this  Convention 
that  they  will  hold  to  the  authority  of  that  ticket, 
and  I  want  to  say  further  that,  while  these  seats 
are  occupied,  these  men  would  be  glad  to  stand 
around  the  aisles  and  passages,  to  the  end  that 
they  might  witness  these  proceedings.  All  these 
men  ask  is  to  be  permitted  to  come  into  the  hall 
and  occupy  such  seats  as  are  not  occupied  by  gen- 
tlemen or  ladies  holding  accredited  tickets  to  those 
seats. 


280  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

Mr.  Lee,  of  Florida — The  State  of  Florida  was 
entitled  to  so  many  tickets,  and  yet  that  State  has 
been  unable  to  obtain  those  tickets.  There  are,  I 
understand,  twenty-five  seats  that  belong  to  that 
State ;  if  that  State  cannot  in  any  other  manner 
obtain  the  benefit  of  those  tickets,  she  is  willing  to 
yield  the  tickets  that  these  veterans  may  obtain 
seats  and  witness  the  proceedings.     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — You  have  heard  the  resolution. 
The  first  question  before  the  Convention  is  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  on  the  left. 

Mr.  Matthews — I  most  cheerfully  accept  the 
amendment  from  the  gentleman  on  my  right. 

The  Chair — The  resolution  as  amended  will  now 
be  read. 

The  Clerk  read  the  resolution  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  the  Distribu- 
tion of  Tickets  be  hercby  instructed  to  furnish  500 
tickets  of  admission  to  this  hall  during  the  sessions 
of  this  Convention,  to  the  veteran  soldiers  who  de- 
sire to  witness  the  proceedings,  to  be  distributed 
according  to  the  basis  of  representation  on  this 
floor,  and  delivered  to  the  chairmen  of  the  respec- 
tive State  delesjations. 

A  delegate  from  Arkansas — I  would  suggest, 
Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  are  States  represented 
on  this  floor  who  have  quite  large  delegations  here, 
and  under  the  amendments  that  are  offered  they 
would  be  entitled  to  tickets  to  distribute.  We 
have,  unfortunately,  few  veteran  soldiers   among 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  281 

US.  I  think  these  tickets  ought  to  apply  to  the 
States  who  have  veteran  soldiers.  We  should 
place  them  in  the  hands  of  the  States  that  have 
veteran  soldiers  here  and  not  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  have  none.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Massey,  of  Delaware — I  rise  to  move  an 
amendment,  and  that  is  that  the  resolution  be  so 
modified  as  that  the  distribution  shall  be  made  of 
these  tickets  by  a  special  committee  from  the  dele- 
gation from  Illinois  [cries  of  "No ! "  "no  !"],  so  that 
these  tickets  [cries  of  No  !  no  !  and  hisses] — If  the 
suggestion,  made  on  the  right  of  the  hall — by 
whom  I  know  not,  for  I  did  not  recognize  the 
member — is  to  be  carried  into  effect,  then  it  neces- 
sarily will  be  that  in  a  great  many  of  the  States 
represented  here  on  this  floor,  from  which  there 
are  no  Union  soldiers  present,  the  purpose  intended 
to  be  accomplished  by  the  resolution  will  have 
failed,  sir.  [Cries  of  "  No,  no."]  I  say  that  if  any 
other  arrangement  than  that  now  contemplated  by 
the  suggestion  be  carried  into  effect  it  will  be  futile 
to  reach  the  object  desired,  and  therefore  I  suggest 
that  the  resolution  be  so  modified  as  to  contemplate 
distribution  through  a  special  committee  of  the  Illi- 
nois delegation,  to  be  selected  by  themselves. 
[Cries  of  "  No,  no."] 

Mr.  Manning,  of  Iowa — I  suggest,  in  response  to 
the  gentleman  from  Delaware,  that  if  there  is  any 
delegation  present  that  has  no  Union  soldiers  or 
veterans,  that  the  chairman  of  that  delegation  turn 


282  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

them  back  to  the  committee  with  the  request  that 
they  be  reapportioned  to  the  States  that  have  the 
Union  soldiers.     [Slight  applause.] 

The  Chair — Before  the  vote  shall  be  taken  I  de- 
sire to  state  that  I  have  just  been  informed  by  a 
member  of  the  National  Committee  that  tickets 
have  been  issued  for  every  seat  in  this  hall.  Is 
the  Convention  ready  for  the  question?  All  in 
favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  will  say  aye; 
contrary,  no.  The  noes  seem  to  have  it;  the  noes 
have  it,  and  the  resolution  is  defeated.  [Slight 
applause.] 

Mr.  Long,  of  Massachusetts — I  move  that  the 
Convention  do  now  adjourn  until  10  o'clock  to- 
morrow morning.  [Cries  of  "  at  11  o'clock."]  I 
will  accept  the  amendment  to  11  o'clock. 

The  Chair — It  is  moved  and  seconded  that 
the  Convention  do  now  adjourn  until  to-morrow 
morning  at  11  o'clock. 

Mr.  Husey,  of  Maine — I  wish  to  amend  that  by 
makino;  it  at  10  o'clock.  I  understand  that  at  that 
time  the  Committee  on  Credentials  will  be  ready 
to  report.  It  must  necessarily  be  a  lengthy  ses- 
sion, and  there  will  also  be  a  report  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules,  and  it  is  necessary  to  transact  this 
business  more  expeditiously  in  order  to  get  to  a 
close  of  this  Convention.  (Cries  of  10.30  and  11 
o'clock.) 

(At  this  point  a  number  of  delegates  and  others 
rose,  and   cries  of  "  IngersoU  "  were  heard.     After 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  283 

some  minutes  it  was  discovered  that  Mr.  Robert  G. 
IngersoU  was  not  present,  the  gentleman  who  had 
been  mistaken  for  him  being  a  Mr.  Allen.) 

A  delegate — I  ask  for  the  question  upon  the 
motion  to  adjourn  until  to-morrow  morning  at  10 
o'clock.     [Cries  of  11  o'clock.] 

A  delegate — A  motion  to  adjourn  until  11  o'clock 
has  been  accepted  by  the  mover  of  the  original 
motion. 

The  Chair — The  question  now  is  to  adjourn 
until  11  o'clock  to-morrow  morning.  To  that 
motion  there  has  been  an  amendment  to  adjourn 
until  10  o'clock  instead  of  11.  Is  that  seconded? 
[Cries  all  over  the  house]  I  second  the  motion. 

The  Chair — Those  in  favor  of  that  motion  will 
say  aye,  and  those  opposed  no.  The  noes  being 
louder  and  in  more  force,  the  Chairman  said  :  The 
noes  have  it  and  the  Convention  is  now  adjourned 
until  to-morrow  morning  at  11  o'clock.  [Loud 
cries  of  "  No,  no,"  through  the  house  and  general 
confusion.] 

The  Chair — I  wish  to  state  for  the  information 
of  the  gentlemen  of  the  Convention  that  a  telegram 
has  just  been  received  by  Senator  Dolph  from 
Oregon,  that  by  the  election  in  that  State  on  Mon- 
day, of  this  week,  the  Republicans  have  carried  a 
majority  of  the  Legislature,  which  secures —  [Loud 
cries  of  read  it] 

The  Secretary,  repeating  the  message : 

To  tJie  Honorable  Senator  Dolph : — I  have  to  re- 


284  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

port  that  there  is  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the  Re- 
publicans have  carried  a  majority  of  the  Legislature 
of  this  State,  which  will  secure  a  gain  of  a  Senator 
to  the  United  States.  [Tremendous  applause.] 
They  have  also  elected  a  Republican  representative 
in  Congress,  and  Oregon  is  safe  for  the  nominee  of 
this  Convention  for  President. 

The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  the  next 
morning  at  11  o'clock. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  285 

CHAPTER  V. 

THIRD   DAY   OF    THE    CONVENTION. 

The  Morning  and  Evening  Sessions,    Nominations  of 
Candidates. 

The  third  day  of  the  Convention  was  of  much 
more  importance  than  the  preceding,  and  two 
sessions  were  held.  In  the  morning  legislation  for 
the  party  was  discussed  and  adopted  and  the 
national  platform  was  agreed  upon. 

The  proposition  of  a  minority  of  the  Committee 
on  Rules,  changing  the  basis  of  representation  in 
the  National  Convention  from  the  present  electoral 
system  to  that  of  the  voting  strength  of  the  party 
on  an  apportionment,  after  each  presidential  elec- 
tion, commended  itself  to  the  conservative  senti- 
ment of  the  Convention,  but  it  had  the  misfortune 
to  be  considered  before  the  nominations  were  made. 
The  consequence  was  that  it  was  unmercifully 
handled.  The  Southern  delegate  resented  it  with 
some  heat  as  an  attempt  to  curtail  his  rights,  and 
at  this  particular  time  the  friends  of  no  candidate 
were  desirous  of  treading  on  the  toes  of  the  Southern 
delegate. 

Martin  I.  Townsend,  representing  Arthur,  and 
Judge  West,  of  Ohio,  representing  Blaine,  came  to 
his  rescue.  Everybody  seemed  to  have  something 
to  say  against  the  proposition,  and  even  Massa- 


286  THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

chusetts,  where  it  originated,  finally  put  forward 
General  Long  with  a  motion  to  bury  it  in  the  Na- 
tional Committee  room.  Decent  burial,  however, 
was  considered  too  decent  for  it  with  the  South- 
erners holding  the  balance  of  power  between  candi- 
dates, and  so  it  was  ignominiously  voted  down. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
caused  no  debate.  Everj'body  was  equally  sur- 
prised at  its  length  and  breadth  and  thickness. 
"  Very  strong  and  very  Blainey,"  was  one  comment, 
and  Murat  Halstead  said  Blaine's  tracks  ran  all 
over  it  like  the  track  of  a  buzz  saw. 

The  call  of  States  for  the  appointment  of  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Committee  brought  the  Con- 
vention to  the  dinner  recess.  These  appointments 
were  not  so  easily  made  as  heretofore,  for  the  rea- 
son that  a  rule  passed  in  the  morning  disqualified 
for  membership  the  office-holding  class,  of  which 
the  committee  has  been  heretofore  in  the  main 
composed. 

In  view  of  the  confusion  caused  by  this  new  deal 
a  good  many  States  were  not  prepared,  and  begged 
to  be  excused  when  their  names  were  called.  It 
was  a  little  disappointing  that  the  Convention  did 
not  begin  the  work  of  nomination  before  dinner ; 
but  neither  side  seemed  quite  ready,  and  so  there 
was  a  skip  of  the  whole  afternoon  in  fixing  the 
hour  of  recess. 

The  few  hours  of  delay  seemed  to  feed  instead 
of  wasting  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Blaine  columns. 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  287 

Their  headquarters  were  in  the  possession  of  a 
shouting  mob.  In  the  rotunda,  on  another  floor  of 
the  hotel,  a  glee  chib,  hired  by  the  Arthur  man- 
agers at  $50  a  day  to  go  around  and  sing  popular 
songs  with  the  name  of  the  President  ingeniously 
interwoven  therein,  tried  to  make  a  diversion,  but 
without  avail.  The  audience  good-naturedly  ap- 
plauded the  singing,  but  filled  every  pause  with 
three  cheers  for  Blaine. 

The  climax  of  excitement  seemed  reached  when 
a  band  came  marching  into  the  hotel  playing, 
"  Rally  around  the  flag,  boys,"  and  followed  by  an 
impromptu  procession  of  about  1,000  men,  bearing 
aloft  a  portrait  of  Blaine,  wearing  Blaine  badges 
and  hoarse  with  Blaine  cheers. 

The  crowd  turned  in  behind  and,  marching  out 
of  the  hotel,  moved  in  a  body,  with  continual  rein- 
forcements, towards  the  Convention  hall,  and  when 
it  arrived  there  it  was  almost  a  mob.  It  was 
through  this  phalanx  of  Blaine's  followers  and  in 
this  Blaine  atmosphere  that  the  exercises  of  the 
evening  began. 

The  scene  at  the  night  session  was  one  of  the 
most  impressive  ever  known  in  American  political 
history,  and  is  thus  described  by  an  eye  witness  in 
a  peculiarly  graphic  manner: 

"A  thousand  gleaming  gas-lights,  10,000  eager 
faces,  long  rows  of  brilliant  banners  and  waving 
flags,  and  the  flashing  coats-of-arms  of  the  States 
formed  a  dazzling  picture  in  Exposition  Hall  to- 


288  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

night.  The  business  of  the  evening  was  the  nomi- 
nation of  candidates  for  President,  and  the  session, 
while  lacking  the  excitement  of  balloting  for  choice, 
was  the  most  entertaining  of  the  Convention. 

'"  Long  before  the  delegates  took  their  seats 
every  chair  allotted  to  spectators  was  filled.  The 
handsome  toilettes  of  the  ladies  formed  a  rich  back- 
ground to  the  dark  outline  of  the  men.  Two 
banks  of  humanity,  one  piled  up  to  the  roof  in  the 
rear  of  the  stage,  and  the  other  heaped  in  ascend- 
ing tiers  to  a  height  of  fifty  feet  at  the  rear  of  the 
hall,  faced  each  other.  On  the  two  raised  plat- 
forms stretching  the  whole  length  of  the  vast  audi- 
torium on  either  side  were  packed  like  sandwiches 
rows  of  favored  spectators.  First  come  first  served 
is  the  rule  in  the  management  of  the  Convention, 
and  this  rule  applies  to  the  seats  improperly  sup- 
posed to  have  been  reserved  for  the  press  as  well 
as  those  assigned  to  the  public, 

"  Outside  the  building,  at  the  hour  of  meeting, 
fully -5,000  people  stood  patiently  in  line  waiting 
an  opportunity  to  enter.  Stupid  doorkeepers,  in- 
solent watchmen  and  consequential  ushers  did  all 
in  their  power  to  annoy  and  harass  the  people. 
Half  an  hour  before  the  Convention  met,  the  dele- 
gates began  to  enter  the  hall,  the  band  played  wMth 
renewed  vigor,  and  the  peddlers  of  fans  did  a  lively 
business. 

"  The  atmosphere  of  the  hall  was  hot  and  op- 
pressive. Hardly  a  breath  of  air  passed  through 
the  open  window  in  the  roof,  and  the  heat  of  the 
gas  and  the  warmth  of  the  crowd  raised  the  tem- 
perature to  an  uncomfortable  degree.  As  one 
after  another  of  the  most  prominent  delegates 
entered  they  were  fiiintly  cheered  by  their  friends 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  289 

in  the  audience,  but  there  was  none  of  the  hotly 
expressed  admiration  for  individuals  that  was  a 
marked  feature  of  the  Convention  of  1880. 

"As  a  matter  of  fact  there  has  been  but  little 
marked  personal  leadership  on  the  floor  of  the 
Convention  for  any  of  the  candidates,  and  the  local: 
favorites  are  not  numerous.  Mr.  Hoar  is  almost 
certain  to  receive  a  tender  welcome.  He  is  re- 
membered as  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Conven- 
tion four  years  ago.  Chairman  Henderson,  Secre- 
tary McPherson,  young  Roosevelt  and  Lodge, 
ex-Congressman  Lynch,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  Georo^e 
William  Curtis,  Senator  Mahone  and  General  Carr, 
of  Illinois,  are  among  the  best  known  men  in  the 
hall. 

"  The  most  striking  feature  at  night  is  the  faces 
of  the  people.  The  gas-lights  are  so  arranged  that 
they  seem  to  throw  a  peculiar  ghastly  pallor  upon, 
the  countenances  of  those  beneath,  making  them 
appear  almost  waxen  in  color.  This  array  of  up- 
turned, animated  faces,  seen  from  the  stage  eleva- 
tion, possesses  a  fascination  for  the  on-looker.  that 
rivals  the  interest  felt  in  the  proceedings. 

"At  7.30  o'clock  the  gavel  of  Chairman  Hender^ 
son  fell  sharply  upon  the  desk,  and  instTintly  a 
hush  fell  upon  the  great  assembly.  Hardly  had 
the  echo  of  the  hammer  died  away  when  the  sharp 
voice  of  Mr.  Dutcher,  of  New  York,  was  heard 
moving  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  to  issue  500 
additional  tickets  of  admission  to  the  already  over- 
crowded hall.  The  resolution  was  adopted.  Bayne, 
of  Pennsylvania,  moved  that  the  call  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Committee,  announced  this 
afternoon,  be  reread,  but  his  request  was  greeted 
with  hisses. 
19 


290  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

"  There  seemed  to  be  a  suspicion  that  Colonel 
Bayne  desired  delay,  and  there  was  loud  applause 
as  Augustus  Braridegee  stepped  from  a  seat  in  the 
rear  of  the  chairman  and  advanced  to  the  front  of 
the  stage,  Connecticut  being  first  in  the  list  of 
States  called  for  the  nomination  of  candidates. 
Brandegee  presented  the  name  of  General  Hawley. 
A  thick,  broad-shouldered,  heavy-set  man,  under 
medium  size,  somewhat  resembling  Secretary 
Bristow  in  personal  appearance,  his  face  adorned 
with  a  heavy,  short-cropped,  gray  moustache  and 
a  tuft  of  gray  whiskers,  is  Brandegee.  He  is  not 
an  accomplished  orator,  but  an  excellent  rough- 
and-ready  talker. 

"  The  nomination  of  General  Logan  was  seconded 
by  General  Prentiss,  of  Missouri,  a  venerable,  gray- 
haired,  gray-bearded  man,  somewhat  resembling  in 
appearance  a  Methodist  parson,  and  in  the  tremb- 
ling tones  of  his  voice  the  oratory  of  a  Baptist 
class-leader.  Mr.  Prentiss  made  a  speech  of  such 
length  that  the  impatient  Convention  cheered  and 
hissed  him  down.  Indiana  was  called  next,  but 
did  not,  as  was  expected,  present  the  name  of  Har- 
rison. Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  were 
slowly  called  by  the  Clerk,  with  no  response. 

" '  Maine,'  he  shouted,  and  sank  back  into  his 
seat,  knowing  full  well  the  response  that  would 
follow.  There  was  an  instant,  clear,  loud,  wild 
burst  of  applause  that  seemed  to  come  from  the 
throat  of  every  man  in  the  hall.  To  describe,  in 
its  fullness  of  enthusiasm,  in  its  spontaneity  of 
sentiment,  in  its  fervor  of  devotion,  the  scene  that 
followed — a  scene  such  as  was  never  before  wit- 
nessed in  a  National  Convention — is  well-nigh 
.impossible. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  291 

"  First  came  the  cheer  rattling  through  the  hall 
like  a  volley  of  infantry;  then  deepening,  as  it 
grew  in  force,  like  the  roar  of  cannon,  and  swelling 
as  it  progressed  like  the  crash  of  a  thunderbolt 
across  the  skies.  From  the  stage  to  the  end  of  the 
hall,  a  distance  of  the  eighth  of  a  mile,  the  cheer- 
ing, rolling  in  dense  waves  of  sound,  hoarse  and 
shrill,  sharp  and  clear,  commingling  in  a  wild 
tumult  of  applause,  which,  in  the  minds  of  all  who 
heard  it,  and  of  those  who  witnessed  the  great 
scene,  meant  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine. 

''  With  common  impulse  the  audience,  delegates 
and  spectators,  jumped  to  their  feet.  Staid  old 
politicians  on  the  platform,  venerable  senators  and 
representatives,  long  tried  in  Congress;  new  dele- 
gates, who  were  never  before  in  a  National  Con- 
vention, were  drawn  into  the  whirlpool  of  excite- 
ment as  straws  are  sucked  into  the  eddies  of  a 
river.  Every  delegate,  save  a  bare  patch  here  and 
there  on  the  floor,  where  the  friends  of  Arthur  and 
of  Edmunds  sat,  mounted  his  chair  and  took  part 
in  the  demonstration. 

"  Looking  over  the  human  sea  from  the  stage  to 
the  balconies,  there  was  a  surging  mob  of  men  and 
women  waving  hats,  umbrellas,  parasols  and  flags. 
Against  the  dark  background  a  thousand  white 
handkerchiefs  swung  over  the  heads  of  the  excited 
audience,  dotted  the  hall  with  specks  of  white,  like 
the  caps  of  the  breakers  on  a  stormy  sea.  Men  put 
their  hats  on  the  tops  of  canes  and  waved  them  high 
over  their  heads.  Women  tore  their  bright  fichus 
and  laces  from  around  their  snowy  necks,  and  lean- 
ing far  forward  over  the  galleries,  franticly  swung 
them  to  and  fro  to  give  emphasis  to  their  shrill 
screams  of  joy. 


292  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

"From  outside  the  glass  windows  under  the 
dome  of  the  hall,  where  an  adventurous  crowd  of 
men  and  boys  had  gathered  to  witness  the  pro- 
ceedings, loud  cat-calls  and  screams  were  heard 
above  the  roar  beneath.  Men  hung  dangerously 
over  the  front  of  the  galleries  and  waved  the  ends 
of  banners  that  had  been  fastened  there  as  decora- 
tions to  the  hall. 

"The  Arthur  delegates  from  New  York  and  the 
Edmunds  delegates,  who  had  at  first  refused  to 
leave  their  seats,  were  compelled  by  natural  im- 
pulse and  curiosity  to  mount  their  chairs,  and  soon 
many  a  well-known  anti-Blaine  delegate  was  seen 
waving  his  hat  and  cheering  as  loudly  as  any  sup- 
porter of  the  Plumed  Knight. 

"  When,  tired  with  cheering  and  lung-exhausted, 
the  din  ceased  in  one  part  of  the  hall,  it  would  be 
taken  up  in  another  part,  and  the  tumult  renewed. 
Senator  Warner  Miller,  usually  impressive  and 
never  flustered,  advanced  from  a  seat  in  the  rear 
of  the  chairman  to  the  front  of  the  stage,  and, 
waving  his  arms  wildly  over  his  head,  shouted  his 
loudest,  and  then,asif  realizing  the  undignified  char- 
acter of  his  deportment,  beckoned  a  messenger  and 
directed  him  to  hurry  Judge  West  to  the  platform. 

"  Mr.  Henderson  vainly  pounded  his  gavel  for 
order.  Its  dull  beats  upon  the  hollow  desk  were 
no  more  audible  to  the  wild  crowd  in  the  hall 
than  were  the  strains  of  the  band  in  the  rear  to 
the  cheering  spectators  on  the  platform.  The  ap- 
plause echoed  blocks  away  along  the  streets  lead- 
ing to  the  Exposition  Building,  and  the  engineers 
of  the  locomotives  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  in  the  rear  of  the  hall,  added  to  the  din 
by  loud  shrieks  from  the  whistles  of  their  engines. 


THE   CONVENTION    OF    1884.  293 

At  last,  exhausted,  the  tumult  ceased,  not  on  the 
instant,  but  by  degrees,  fitful  cheers  being  given 
long  after  Judge  West  reached  the  platform  and 
was  escorted  to  his  seat. 

"  The  man  selected  to  present  Blaine's  name  to 
the  Convention  is  blind.  He  was  helped  to  the 
platform  by  two  sturdy  young  men,  who  carefully 
guarded  his  progress  up  the  steep  steps  and  along 
the  tortuous  aisles  to  the  seat  provided  for  him  on 
the  left  of  the  presiding  officer's  chair. 

"  Judge  West  seems  to  be  nearing  the  goal  of 
three-score  and  ten.  His  silver  gray  hair  was 
smoothly  brushed  away  from  a  noble  forehead. 
Time  had  implanted  deep  wrinkles  and  furrows 
around  the  sharp  features  of  an  intelligent  face. 
White  chin  whiskers  and  a  white,  close-cut  mous- 
tache hid  his  mouth  and  resolute  square-cut  chin. 
A  prominent  nose  and  bushy  eyebrows  give  charac- 
ter if  they  do  not  add  beauty  to  his  countenance. 
Dressed  plainly  in  black,  wearing  no  ornament  save 
a  blue  Blaine  badge  on  the  lapel  of  his  coat  and 
a  small  watch-chain,  the  old  man  leaned  back  in 
his  arm-chair  and  faced  the  surging  mob,  as,  though 
blind,  he  felt  himself  its  master. 

"  For  the  last  time  the  ajjplause  rolled  through 
the  hall  and  ended  in  a  wild  roar  as  the  Ohio 
orator  rose  to  his  feet  and,  lifting  his  right  hand 
above  his  head,  by  gesture  compelled  silence.  Ten 
minutes  of  uproar  and  storm  were  followed  by  still- 
ness in  which  a  whisper  could  be  heard  as  the  first 
clear,  distinct,  sharp  tones  of  the  speaker  rolled 
through  the  building.  The  clean  cut  sentences, 
brilliant  delivery  and  confident  manner  of  the 
speaker  captivated  the  crowd.  They  were  in 
sympathy  with  him  from  the  start,  and  he  retained 
his  grasp  upon  their  feelings  to  the  finish. 


294  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

"As  he  made  point  after  point  in  the  opening 
of  his  speech,  roar  after  roar  of  applause  echoed 
through  the  hall.  '  Shall  the  Republican  party 
triumph  again  ? '  exclaimed  the  orator,  after  allud- 
ing to  its  victories  in  the  past.  '  Yes,  with  James 
G.  Blaine,'  yelled  one  of  the  delegates  in  the  front 
row,  and  the  audience  again  leaped  forward  and 
gave  a  tremendous  cheer. 

"  '  Who  shall  be  our  candidate  ? '  shouted  Judge 
West  as  leaning  back  in  the  chair  from  which  he 
delivered  the  greatest  part  of  his  speech,  he  brought 
a  big  palm  leaf  fan  high  above  his  head  and  seem- 
ingly awaited  a  reply.  '  Blaine ! ' '  Blaine  ! ' '  Blaine ! ' 
was  the  stentorian  reply,  and  another  burst  of  ap- 
plause put  a  temporary  end  to  Judge  West's  speech. 

^'  The  bold  orator  in  a  single  sentence  denounced 
the  candidacy  of  Arthur,  characterizing  him  as 
the  candidate  of  Wall  Street  and  the  bankers,  and 
he  predicted  if  nominated  that  the  resurrection- 
ists could  not  fathom  the  depth  of  his  grave  next 
November. 

"  At  last  the  supreme  moment  came.  When 
Judge  West  formally  put  Blaine  in  nomination  a 
scene  followed  of  a  description  never  equalled  and 
utterly  indescribable.  Compared  to  the  first  out- 
burst, the  second  ovation  to  Blaine  was  as  the  full 
burst  of  a  storm  after  the  grumblings  of  early 
thunder  have  passed. 

"  The  audience  rose  to  its  feet,  impelled  by  an 
irresistible  impulse  to  testify  their  admiration  forthe 
great  Republican  candidate.  Grave  men  acted  as 
though  mad.  Newspapers  were  torn  into  bits,  and 
scattered  high  in  the  air,  active  boys  clambered  along 
the  high  rafters  over  the  hall  and,  detaching  the 
flags,  passed  them  down  to  men  in  the  front  row  of 


THE    CONVENTION  OF    18S4.  295 

the  galleries,  who  waved  them  frantically  over  the 
heads  of  those  below,  and  the  bands  three  times  es- 
sayed to  drown  the  noise  by  playing  their  loudest 
air. 

"  It  was  futile.  Men  drew  off  their  coats  and 
shook  them  in  the  air.  Umbrellas  were  hoisted 
and  waved  over  the  heads  of  their  owners.  Again 
handkerchiefs  were  brought  forth,  and  swung  to 
and  fro  like  snowfiakes  in  a  hurricane.  Those  too 
tired  to  shout  gave  shrill  whistles,  and  pande- 
monium universal  and  all-pervading  seemed  to 
have  broken  forth. 

"  The  most  delightful  picture  of  the  evening, 
and  one  observed  by  few,  occurred  on  the  stage 
when  Mr.  Elkins,  Blaine's  life-long  friend  and 
chief  manager,  and  Senator  Tom  Cooper,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, embraced,  each  trj'ing  to  out-tire  the 
other  in  their  mutual  contributions  to  the  common 
din.  The  California  delegation,  which  has  done 
some  of  Blaine's  best  work  here,  was  on  its  feet, 
cheering  as  loudly  as  Rocky  Mountain  throats 
could  swell.  Congressman  Tom  Bayne,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, another  of  the  Bhiine  managers,  formed 
one  of  the  loudest  crowds  of  shouters. 

"  George  William  Curtis  sat  in  his  seat  at  the 
head  of  the  New  York  delegation,  blushing  and 
paling  by  turns,  astounded  by  the  demonstration 
and  unable  to  quell  it.  A  faint  sinile  overspread 
his  genial  countenance  as  the  upvoar  continued, 
but  it  was  not  a  smile  of  satisfaction.  Young 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  and  Lodge,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, sat  in  their  places  uneasy  and  disconso- 
late. Not  so  Senator  Hoar.  The  excitement  was 
too  much  for  him,  and  he  mounted  his  chair,  and 
looked  over  the   thousands  of  people   who  were 


296  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

shouting  and  screaming  like  madmen.  The  ne- 
groes from  the  South  joined  in  the  furore,  and 
were  the  noisiest  of  the  delegates. 

"  When  at  last  there  seemed  a  prospect  that  the 
cheering  would  end,  some  enthusiastic  friend  of 
Blaine  brought  into  the  hall,  before  the  Chairman's 
desk,  a  huge  American  Hag,  and  placed  upon  the 
top  of  the  staff"  a  helmet  of  flowers,  surmounted  by 
a  long  white  plume,  the  helmet  of  Navarre.  Again 
did  the  audience  cheer,  until  it  seemed  as  though 
the  throats  of  men  would  burst.  The  flag  and 
helmet  were  raised  to  the  stage,  and  again  a 
deeper,  longer,  louder  cheer  arose.  Ladies  took 
flowers  from  their  belts  and  threw  them  in  the  air. 
The  atmosphere  was  fanned  by  the  waving  of  in- 
numerable banners. 

"  The  decorations  were  stripped  from  the  wall 
by  the  excited  audience  and  shook  nmdly  in  the 
air.  Full  fifteen  minutes  were  consumed  in  this 
unprecedented  demonstration. 

" '  James  G.  Blaine,'  closed  Judge  West,  and 
another  great  roar  went  up  like  the  noise  of  many 
waters,  sweeping  in  great  waves  of  sound  around 
the  hall ;  and  the  crowed  without,  by  this  time 
aware  of  what  was  under  way,  answered  in  a 
muffled  roar,  which  echoed  within.  The  old  man 
ceased,  with  the  echo  of  his  eloquence  still  filling 
all  the  air,  ten  thousand  people  s\vaying  like  reeds 
in  the  wind  under  his  voice,  and  feebly  groped  to 
leave  the  platform.  A  friend  was  at  his  side  in 
an  instant,  and  Edward  McPherson  laid  about  the 
old  man's  shoulders  his  long  blue,  old-fashioned 
cloak,  and,  drawing  it  closer  to  him,  its  folds  fall- 
ing straight,  the  speaker  took  a  seat  behind.  By 
contrast  with  the  wild  tempest  of  sound  just  before, 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  297 

the  rustling  movement  and  stir  and  talk  which  fill 
this  great  house  of  sounds  with  perpetual  mur- 
murs, seemed  silence  itself  as  Governor  Davis,  of 
Minnesota,  a  full,  round  man  with  a  bulging  frock- 
coat,  strong  face  and  a  black  moustache,  arose. 
For  once  and  for  the  first  time  in  the  three  times 
in  which  James  G.  Blaine  has  been  put  before  a 
National  Convention  in  nomination  the  work  has 
been  well  and  skillfully  planned,  and  performed  as 
well.  Tlie  voice  of  Governor  Davis  is  none  of  the 
best  by  contrast  with  the  resonant  tones  with 
which  Judge  W^st  had  filled  the  great  house  of 
sounds. 

"  Governor  Davis  seemed  feeble,  but,  catching 
after  a  sentence  or  two  the  attention  of  the  Con- 
vention, he  recalled,  in  a  few  well-turned  sentences, 
the  recent  political  past  of  James  G.  Blaine,  which 
had  led  him  heartily  to  support  after  two  conven- 
tions the  candidates  who  had  defeated  him.  In 
five  minutes  he  was  done,  but  again,  at  every 
reference,  near  or  remote,  to  the  great  candidate 
before  the  Convention,  there  came  the  old  swelling 
echo  of  sound.  State  followed  State,  and  section 
section  in  the  presentation  of  Blaine's  name.  Cas- 
sius  M.  Goodloe  spoke  next  for  the  South  and  for 
Kentucky.  Himself  built  and  raised  after  the 
Kentucky  model,  large,  tall,  straight  and  shapely, 
and  with  a  voice  like  a  trumpet,  his  say  was  short 
and  straight.  He  claimed  for  Southern  Repub- 
licans the  right  and  readiness  to  support  the 
Northern  choice. 

•'  Tliere  was  a  pause  of  an  instant,  that  was 
silence  by  the  side  of  uproar,  and  Thomas  C.  Piatt, 
of  New  York,  stood  by  the  Chairman  with  his 
short  figure  and  sloping,  smooth  forehead.     In  tta 


298  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

sentences  he  pledged  New  York,  and,  since  he, 
too,  had  the  privilege  to  speak  the  name  of  Blaine 
before  the  Convention,  was  rewarded  with  such  a 
burst  of  applause  as  few  speakers  gain  in  a  lifetime, 
applause  which  was  cut  and  scarred  by  hisses  from 
the  benches  where  the  New  York  'bovs'  sat. 
He  closed,  and  Grow,  with  his  courtly  presence, 
stepped  on  his  chair,  and  in  his  turn  pledged  the 
leading  Republican  State  of  the  Union,  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  fluent,  effective  speech. 

"  It  is  one  of  the  misfortunes  of  this  great  gather- 
ing that  no  man  is  fairly  treated  unless  he  drowns 
all  sound  with  a  torrent  of  voice,  and  it  was  not 
until  Grow  took  the  platform,  and  an  Ohio  dele- 
gate pleaded  for  fair  play,  that  Grow  was  heard 
through,  and  then  another  shout,  a  swaying  tem- 
pest of  hats  and  canes,  and  Blaine's  welcome  was 
over.  It  had  been  of  a  character  and  vohnne,  of 
an  intensity  of  enthusiasm  which  seemed  there  and 
then  to  settle  the  nomination  of  Bhiine  and  deter- 
mine the  choice  of  the  Convention  by  its  own  act. 

"Arthur's  welcome  followed  hard  on  in  shout, 
volume  and  enthusiasm,  a  worthy  second.  '  Ne- 
braska, Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,' 
the  gray-coated  secretary,  in  his  colorless  voice 
was  saying,  as  he  read  the  list  of  States — '  New 
York.'  It  was  like  match  to  powder,  like  the 
flash  and  reflection  of  light  from  a  turning  mirror. 
Up  went  half  of  the  New  York  delegation  with  a 
shout;  up  went  the  Southern  States  by  squads  and 
platoons;  up  went  the  corporal's  guard  in  Penn- 
sylvania, which  latter  furnished  Arthur  a  second 
abler  far  than  his  original  nominator. 

"The  Convention  was  Hooded  again  with  sound 
and  uproar  in  such  down-pour  as  only  this  hum-an 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  299 

Niagara  can  match  or  equal.  Delegates,  alternates, 
banks  of  spectators,  galleries,  the  stage,  were  all 
one  wild  Babel  of  jell,  shout  and  cheers,  one  sway- 
ing mass  of  delirious  men  and  women,  one  long, 
broad  sea  of  sound,  which  surged  and  swung  from 
wall  to  wall. 

"  It  was  less  in  volume  than  Blaine's  welcome, 
for  through  the  din  could  be  faintly  heard  the 
band,  which  the  earlier  uproar  had  utterly  drowned 
and  extinguished  as  the  sea  sucks  up  the  rivers, 
but  next  to  that  outburst  stood  this  wild  roar.  Bit 
by  bit  out  of  mere  noise  there  came  purpose  and 
plan. 

"  The  welcome  to  Blaine  had  left  the  flags  in  the 
galleries  in  the  hands  of  his  friends,  and,  after  more 
than  one  friendly  battle  for  the  standard,  these 
began  to  wave  along  all  the  front  of  the  galleries. 
Two  flags  were  torn  from  the  wall,  found  their  way 
to  Texas  and  Tennessee,  waved  there  and  then 
were  passed  to  New  York,  where  they  were  waved 
for  an  instant  over  the  delegation  and  then  began 
their  march  down  the  aisle. 

"  All  this  in  a  great  roar,  in  which  man  could 
shout  to  man  ten  feet  off  and  be  unheard.  A 
rugged-faced  Western  journalist  put  his  hands  to 
his  lips  and  sounded  a  Comanche  whoop,  and  a 
Western  delegate  re-echoed  it,  and  this  '  Wah, 
wah,  wah-o-o-o'  cut  through  the  noise.  Nothing 
else  did.  Minute  by  minute  the  din  grew;  minute 
by  minute  through  fifteen  minutes  this  uproar 
lasted.  The  human  voice  at  its  loud  uttermost, 
coats  and  hats  in  the  air,  umbrellas  circling  round 
and  round,  handkerchiefs  whitening  the  air.  The 
long  roll  of  the  New  York  boys  as  they  beat  the 
floor  together,  coming  in  as  a  sub-bass,  and  at  last 


300  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

came  the  Hallelujah  Chorus  riding  the  stormy 
waves  of  sound.  It  was  over  at  last.  Steve 
French  untied  the  handkerchief  from  the  end  of 
his  cane  and  Howard  Carroll  ceased  his  flag-waving; 
Frank  Hatton  stopped  his  stereotyped  shout  of 
'  Arthur,'  and  the  New  York  boys  were  still. 
District-Attorney  Townsend  was  on  the  stage, 
ready  to  nominate  President  Arthur. 

"  The  short,  white-haired,  chunky.  New  Yorker, 
is  usually  a  speaker  of  some  power  and  much  biting 
humor,  but  this  time  he  had  loaded  himself  with  a 
set  speech  and  was  hoarse  into  the  bargain.  The 
result  was  an  able,  but  not  effective  plea  for  Presi- 
dent Arthur.  But  through  it  all  there  rose  and 
fell  in  gradual  but  decreasing  volume  the  echoes  of 
the  scene  on  which  quiet  had  just  fallen. 

"  The  speech  of  the  evening  for  President  Arthur 
was  made  by  Congressman  Bingham.  The  audi- 
ence, the  occasion,  the  enthusiasm,  with  which  the 
air  was  tingling,  and  which  at  every  sentence 
kindled  into  cheers,  all  invited  to  give  him  his  best 
in  voice  and  speech  and  manner.  Every  man  is 
aware  that  in  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  there 
are  constant  pit-falls  in  the  wa}^ ;  but  these  Bingham 
dexterously  avoided,  and  he  managed  in  the  com- 
pass of  the  few  moments  he  had  to  set  Arthur's 
administration  in  its  fit  relations,  to  turn  Goodloe's 
view  of  the  Southern  vote  and  to  marshal  the  in- 
fluence of  the  business  interests  and  a  good  admin- 
istration in  Arthur's  behalf,  and  to  do  it  all  with 
some  finish  of  sentences  and  much  impressive  de- 
livery. 

"  Three  Southern  speeches  followed,  Winston,  of 
North  Carolina,  florid  and  loud;  Lynch,  of  Mis- 
sissippi, plain  and  direct;  Pinchback,  of  Louisiana, 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  301 

adroit  and  clear.  The  latter  has  greatly  aged  of 
recent  years  and  has  lost  much  of  his  old  fire. 

"The  Secretary  renewed  his  monotonous  call, 
'  North  Carolina,'  '  Ohio.'  A  pause  came,  A 
slight  but  well-limbed  man  with  a  graying  head  and 
a  black  moustache  passed  on  the  stage — Judge 
Foraker,  of  Ohio.  Very  neatly  he  attempted  to 
put  aside  the  effect  of  the  great  applause  which  had 
filled  the  air  for  Blaine,  and  the  lesser  burst  for 
Arthur,  less  often  repeated  and  more  feebly  con- 
tinued. Judsce  Foraker  cau2;ht  attention  with  a 
ready  turn  of  humor  and  went  on  with  his  plea  for 
Sherman. 

"He  closed  his  speech  by  nominating  Senator 
Sherman.  The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Judge 
Holt,  of  Kentucky. 

"  Ex-Governor  Long,  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  bril- 
liant speech,  that  was  loudly  applauded,  nominated 
Senator  Edmunds,  and  the  nomination  was  seconded 
by  George  William  Curtis,  of  New  York." 

THE    PROCEEDINGS   IN   DETAIL, 

The  following  is  a  stenographic  report  of  the 
third  day's  proceedings  in  full : 

Chairman  Henderson  called  the  Convention  to 
order  at  11  a.  m.  The  delegates  and  audience 
dropped  into  their  places  with  commendable  alac- 
rity, when  the  Chair  said  :  "  The  Convention  this 
morning  will  be  opened  with  prayer  by  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Fallows." 

Bishop  Fallows  addressed  the  throne  of  grace  as 
follows : 

"Almighty  God,   the   fountain   of  all   life   and 


302  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

light,  we  devoutly  bless  Thee  for  the  national  and 
individual  blessings  Thou  hast  mercifully  vouch- 
safed to  us.  Thou  wast  with  our  fathers  as,  in 
their  weakness  and  feebleness,  they  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Republic.  Thou  didst  give  victory  to 
our  struggling  armies  during  the  dark  and  stormy 
days  of  the  Revolution.  Thou  didst  lead  us  forth 
out  of  our  terrible  civil  conflict  with  an  emanci- 
pated and  enfranchised  race  and  an  undivided 
union  of  the  States. 

"  We  thank  Thee,  0  God  !  for  the  precious  heri- 
tage of  memory,  thought  and  service,  bequeathed 
to  us  by  the  labors  and  sacrifices  and  the  surren- 
dered lives  of  heroic,  devoted  men.  We  thank 
Thee  that  in  every  period  of  our  history  Thou 
didst  raise  up  leaders  of  the  people  to  meet  the 
needs  and  emergencies  of  their  own  times.  We 
thank  Thee  for  the  blessings  of  free  speech,  free 
schools,  a  free  ballot,  a  free  pulpit,  and  a  free  press 
so  extensively  enjoyed. 

"  We  pray  for  Thy  blessing  now  upon  our  com- 
mon country.  Weld  it  more  closely  together  in  a 
union  of  fraternity,  charity  and  loyalty.  Bless  Thy 
servant,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  all 
others  in  authority.  Grant  them  health  and  pros- 
perity long  to  live.  Bless  him  who  presides  over 
this  Convention ;  give  him  wisdom  and  strength 
for  his  arduous  task.  We  thank  Thee,  0  God,  for 
the  glorious  record  made  in  winning  opportunity 
for  all,  justice  for  all,  liberty  for  all,  equality  before 
the  law  for  all  by  the  party  whose  representatives 
are  here  assembled. 

"  Direct  those  before  Thee,  we  pray  Thee,  in 
their  deliberations  and  decisions.  Save  them  from 
error,  ignorance,  pride  and  prejudice.     Check  the 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  303 

hasty  word,  prevent  the  inconsiderate  act,  make 
those  who  should  be  selected  for  the  loftiest  politi- 
cal positions  to  which  mortal  man  can  aspire,  be 
those  who  shall  possess  every  qualification  of  body, 
mind  and  heart  for  that  high  and  holy  trust. 
Grant,  we  pray  Thee,  that  personal  prejudices  and 
interests  may  yield  to  the  just  demands  of  true  and 
broad  patriotism,  and  grant,  we  pray  Thee,  that 
when  the  time  shall  come  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
American  people  to  be  cast  such  shall  be  the  decla- 
ration of  principles  adopted  by  this  great  body, 
such  the  measures  devised,  such  the  candidates 
presented  that  the  hearty  and  unanimous  support 
of  those  here  before  Thee  shall  be  secured,  and  the 
final  ratification  be  made  by  the  people  in  an  un- 
mistakable manner.  The  name  of  the  Father,  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost  shall  have  all  the  glory 
world  without  end.     Amen." 

Mr.  Keyes,  of  Wisconsin — Mr.  Chairman,  I  call 
for  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  or 
some  other  committees'  report.     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  announces  to  the  Chair  his  readiness 
to  make  the  report. 

Mr.  Ballard,  of  Vermont — Mr.  President  and 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  as  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials,  before  presenting  our 
report,  you  will  pardon  me  a  word.  Since  the  or- 
ganization of  that  committee  last  Tuesday  night, 
the  committee  has  been  in  almost  continuous  ses- 
sion. The  members  of  the  committee  have  had 
no  time  for  rest,  recreation,  or  the  pleasure  of  boom- 


304  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

ing  for  a  favorite  candidate.  Our  labors  have  been 
difficult  and  arduous,  and  the  questions  that  have 
been  submitted  to  us  have  been,  many  of  them, 
difficult  find  delicate,  but  I  am  happy  to  say,  that 
the  deliberations  of  the  committee  were  entirely 
harmonious.  There  was  no  discord  in  our  coun- 
sels; there  was  no  inquiry  whether  the  claimant 
of  a  seat  was  a  Blaine  man,  an  Arthur  man,  a 
Logan  man,  a  Sherman  man,  or  an  Edmunds  man. 
The  question  was  solely  this :  Is  the  claimant 
rightly  entitled  to  a  seat  in  this  Convention  ? 
[Applause.]  I  congratulate  this  Convention  on 
the  harmony  in  the  Republican  party  evidenced 
by  the  fact  that  this  committee,  gathered  from  all 
the  States  and  Territories,  have  presented  an  en- 
tirely unanimous  report.  [Applause.]  There  is  to 
be  no  firebrand  thrust  into  this  Convention  in  the 
shape  of  a  minority  report.  [Applause.]  Our  re- 
port, which,  of  course,  was  hastily  written  this 
morning  at  the  close  of  our  labors,  which  lasted  all 
throu2:h  the  ni^ht,  and  which,  I  trust,  will  com- 
mend  itself  to  the  good  judgment  of  the  members 
of  this  Convention,  will  now  be  read  to  you  by 
Judge  Fort,  of  New  Jersey,  a  member  of  our  com- 
mittee, who  has  efficiently  aided  me  as  temporary 
chairman  during  the  sessions  of  our  committee,  at 
times.  He  will  assist  me  and  will  answer  any 
questions  if  any  are  put  to  us  by  the  Convention 
in  regard  to  this  report. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Fort  then  stepped  forward  and  made 
the  following  report : 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  305 

"  Mr.  President  and  members  of  the  National 
Republican  Convention — Gentlemen  :  Your  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials  respectfully  report  that  they 
met  for  the  order  of  business  on  the  evening  of 
June  3d,  selected  Hon.  Henry  Ballard,  of  Vermont, 
as  their  chairman,  and  Edw.  C.  Nichols,  Esq., 
of  Michigan,  as  secretary,  and  proceeded  to  the 
consideration  of  the  contests  in  this  body. 

"  Your  committee  report  that  they  annex  hereto 
a  printed  rule  of  membership  prepared  for  the  Na- 
tional Committee,  with  the  changes  therein  made 
by  your  committee.  As  to  the  several  contested 
cases  your  committee  report  upon  each  as  they 
have  considered  them,  as  follows : 

'■'•First.  In  the  case  of  the  First  District  of  Ala- 
bama your  committee  find   the  sitting  members,,. 
James  E.  Slaughter,  Frank  H.  Threet,  and  their 
alternates,  as  on  the  roll  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee, entitled  to  their  seats. 

^^  Second.  In  the  case  of  the  Seventh  District  ot 
Alabama,  the  committee  find  that  the  sitting  mem- 
bers, Robert  A.  Mosely,  Jr.,  and  Arthur  Bingham,, 
and  their  alternates,  as  on  the  roll  of  the  National. 
Committee,  entitled  to  their  seats. 

"Thii'd.  In  the  case  of  the  Fourth  District  ot 
Texas,  the  committee  find  the  sitting  members,  A. 
G.  Malloy  and  J.  R.  Carter,  and  their  alternates, 
entitled  to  their  seats. 

'^Foitiih.  In  the  case  of  the  First  District  ot 
Georgia,  the  committee  find  the  sitting  members, 
A.  W.  Wilson  and  James  Blue,  and  their  alter- 
nates, entitled  to  their  seats. 

"Fifth.  In  the  case  of  the  Second  District  of  Illi- 
nois, the  committee  find  the  sitting  members,  W. 
H.  Ruger  and  C.  E.  Piper,  and  their  alternates,  en- 
titled to  their  seats. 
20 


306  THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

^^ Sixth.  In  the  case  of  the  First  District  of  Ken- 
tucky, the  committee  find  the  sitting  members, 
Edwin  Farley  and  A.  C.  Bragg,  with  their  alter- 
nates, entitled  to  their  seats. 

^'Seventh.  In  the  case  of  the  Fourth  District  of 
Maryland,  the  committee  find  the  sitting  members, 
James  N.  Jordan  and  Henry  N,  Rogers,  with  their 
alternates,  entitled  to  their  seats. 

"Eighth.  In  the  case  of  the  Sixth  District  of 
New  York,  the  committee  find  the  sitting  mem- 
bers, John  J.  O'Brien  and  John  H.  Brady,  with 
their  alternates,  entitled  to  their  seats. 

"Ninth.  In  the  case  of  the  Nineteenth  District 
of  New  York,  the  committee  recommend  that  the 
sitting  delegates,  George  Campbell  and  Hiram 
Griggs,  with  their  alternates,  Andrew  S.  Draper 
and  Madison  Covert,  and  the  contestants,  James 
Lamb  and  James  A.  Houck,  with  their  alternates, 
William  H.  Haskell  and  Nathan  B.  Wendell,  to  be 
each  admitted  to  seats  in  the  Convention  with  a 
half  vote  to  each  delegate.     [Applause.] 

"Tenth.  In  the  case  of  the  Twenty -first  District 
of  Pennsylvania,  the  committee  find  that  the  sit- 
ting member — there  was  only  a  contest  as  to  one 
member — James  E.  Sayres,  with  his  alternate,  en- 
titled to  his  seat. 

"  Eleventh.  In  the  case  of  the  contest  of  the  State 
of  Virginia,  the  committee,  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
find  that  the  delegation  from  the  said  State  headed 
by  Senator  William  Mahone  are  each  and  all  en- 
titled to  their  seats  in  this  Convention  in  accordance 
with  the  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates  as  made 
up  by  the  National  Republican  Committee. 

"  TweJfth.  In  the  case  of  the  Fifth  District  of 
Kentucky,  the  committee  make  the  unanimous  re- 


THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884.  307 

commendation  that  the  sitting  members,  Silas  F. 
Miller  and  John  Mason  Brown,  with  their  alter- 
nates, John  Barret  and  George  W.  Brown,  and  the 
contestants,  Augustus  E.  Wilson  and  M.  Minton, 
and  their  alternates,  Hugh  MuUhoUand  and  August 
Kahlert,  be  each  admitted  as  delegates  and  alter- 
nates to  the  Convention,  with  a  right  to  cast  a 
half  vote  each. 

"The  recommendation  is  consented  to  by  the 
sitting  members  and  by  the  contestants,  all  of 
which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

"  Henry  Ballard,  Chairman. 

"  Edw.  C.  Nichols,  Secretary." 

Mr.  Stewart,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  the  adop- 
tion of  the  report  of  the  committee  with  its  recom- 
mendations. 

Mr.  McClure,  of  California — I  second  the  motion. 

The  Chair — The  report  is  not  quite  through. 

Mr.  Fort — I  move  that  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee as  presented  be  received  and  adopted  by  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  McClure,  of  California — Again  I  second  the 
motion. 

The  Chair — It  is  moved  and  seconded  that  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  be  now 
adopted  by  the  Convention.  The  question  was 
put  and  was  carried  with  but  one  vote  in  the  nega- 
tive to  mar  its  unanimity. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — T  move  that  the 
roll  of  States  be  called,  that  each  delegation  may 
report  its  member  of  the  National  Committee. 


308  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

The  Chair — I  understand  that  has  already  been 
done. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  am  not  aware  of  that  fact. 

After  a  moment's  conference  with  the  Secretary 
the  Chair  turned  to  Mr.  Bayne  and  said :  The 
Secretary  informs  me  that  I  am  mistaken  and  that 
you  are  right. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  ask  that  the  motion  be  put  to  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Tennessee — Mr.  Chairman,  I  hope 
that  motion  will  not  be  put  yet. 

Mr.  Bayne  (to  Mr.  Houck) — Houck,  let  it  go. 
(This  was  said  in  an  undertone,  and  not  intended 
for  the  general  ear.) 

Mr.  Houck — One-half  of  the  delegations  on  this 
floor,  I  apprehend,  are  not  ready  to  report.  My 
own,  I  know,  is  not  ready  to  report.  The  custom 
has  been  for  delegations  to  hand  in  their  national 
committeemen  at  the  close  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Convention,  and  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania (Mr.  Bayne)  will  withdraw  his  motion 
and  let  us  act  in  accordance  with  past  precedent  in 
regard  to  that  matter. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  withdraw  the  motion. 

Mr.  Parks,  of  California  (chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business) — Mr. 
Chairman  :  The  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of 
Business  have  completed  their  labors,  and  have 
agreed  upon  the  rules  that  shall  govern  this  body. 
On  the  resolution  referred  to  them  relating  to  the 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  309 

basis  of  representation  there  is  a  disagreement, 
and,  in  order  to  give  the  minority  time  to  prepare 
a  minority  report,  the  committee  will  make  two 
reports,  and  will  send  this  report  up  now,  and  ask 
to  make  a  second  report  afterwards.  While  the 
report  is  going  up  I  will  say  that  the  committee 
have  adopted  substantially  the  former  rules  of  this 
body,  and  that  they  make  Cushing's  Manual  the 
governing  law  rather  than  the  rules  of  Congress ; 
otherwise  they  are  substantially  the  same. 

The  clerk  then  read  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  as  follows  : 

Rule  1.  This  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  num- 
ber of  delegates  from  each  State  to  double  the 
number  of  its  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con- 
gress, and  two  from  each  Territory  and  two  from 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

Rule  2.  This  Convention  shall  be  governed  by 
general  parliamentary  laws,  taking  Cushing's 
Manual  as  authority,  except  so  far  as  provided  in 
the  following  rules: 

Rule  3.  When  the  previous  question  shall  be  de- 
manded by  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  any 
State,  and  the  demand  be  seconded  by  two  or  more 
States,  and  the  call  be  sustained  by  a  majority  of 
the  Convention,  the  question  shall  then  be  pro- 
ceeded with  and  disposed  of  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  similar  cases. 

Rule  4.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention 
the  States  shall  be  called  in  alphabetical  order,  and 
next  the  Territories  and  the  District  of  Columbia^ 

Rule  5.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Cre- 


310  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

dentials  shall  be  disposed  of  before  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  is  agreed  upon,  and  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  shall  be 
disposed  of  before  the  Convention  proceeds  to  the 
nomination  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President. 

Rule  6.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  any 
two  States  shall  demand  that  a  vote  be  recorded, 
the  same  shall  be  taken  by  States,  Territories  and 
the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Secretary  calling  the 
roll  of  the  States,  Territories  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  in  their  order,  heretofore  stated. 

Rale  7.  In  making  a  nomination  for  President 
and  Vice-President,  in  no  case  shall  the  calling  of 
the  roll  be  dispensed  with.  When  it  shall  appear 
that  any  candidate  has  received  a  majority  of  the 
votes  cast,  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall 
announce  the  question  to  be  :  "  Shall  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  candidate  be  unanimous?"  But,  if  no 
candidate  shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the 
votes,  the  Chair  shall  direct  the  vote  to  be  again 
taken,  which  shall  be  repeated  until  some  candi- 
date shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes 
cast,  and  when  any  State  has  announced  its  vote, 
it  shall  so  stand  until  the  ballot  is  announced,  un- 
less in  case  of  numerical  error. 

'■^Rule  8.  In  the  record  of  the  vote  by  States  the 
vote  of  each  State,  Territory  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  shall  be  announced  by  the  chairman,  and 
in  case  the  vote  of  any  State,  Territory  or  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  shall  be  divided,  the  chairman 
shall  announce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any 
candidate  for  or  against  any  proposition,  but  if 
exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correct- 
ness of  such  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  his 


THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884.  311 

delegation,  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall 
direct  the  roll  of  members  of  such  delegation  to  be 
called,  and  the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accord- 
ance with  the  votes  individually  given. 

"i^w/e  9.  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once 
upon  the  same  question,  nor  longer  than  five  min- 
utes, unless  by  leave  of  the  Convention,  except  in 
the  presentation  of  the  names  of  candidates. 

^^Rule  10.  A  Republican  National  Committee 
shall  be  appointed,  to  consist  of  one  member  from 
each  State,  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia, 
represented  in  this  Convention.  The  roll  shall 
be  called  and  the  delegation  from  each  State,  Ter- 
ritory and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  name  to 
their  chairman  a  person  to  act  as  a  member  of 
such  committee.  Said  committee  shall  prescribe 
the  method  or  methods  of  election  for  delegates  to 
the  National  Convention  to  be  held  in  1888,  an- 
nounce the  same  to  the  country,  and  issue  a  call 
for  that  convention  in  conformity  therewith,  pro- 
vided that  such  methods  or  rules  shall  include  and 
secure  to  the  several  congressional  districts  in  the 
United  States  the  right  to  elect  their  own  delegates 
to  the  National  Convention. 

'•'■Rule  11.  All  resolutions  relating  to  the  plat- 
form shall  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions without  debate. 

"All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 
"  W.  H.  Parks,  Chairman. 
"  Henry  E.  Atherton,  Secretary." 

Mr.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania — I  desire  to  offer  a 
substitute  for  rule  10,  relating  to  the  duties  of  the 
National  Republican  Committee. 


312  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  will  send  it  forward 
to  the  desk. 

The  Clerk — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
moves  to  amend  rule  10,  so  as  to  make  it  read  as 
follows : 

"A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  ap- 
pointed, to  consist  of  one  member  from  each  State, 
Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  roll 
shall  be  called  and  the  delegates  from  each  State, 
Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  name 
through  its  chairman  a  person  to  act  as  a  member 
of  such  Committee.  Such  Committee  shall  issue  a 
call  for  the  meeting  of  the  National  Convention, 
six  months,  at  least,  before  the  time  fixed  for  said 
meeting,  and  each  congressional  district  of  the 
United  States  shall  elect  its  deleoate  to  the  Na- 
tional  Convention  in  the  same  way  as  the  nomina- 
tion for  a  member  of  Congress  is  made  in  said 
district,  and  in  the  Territories  the  delegate  to  the 
Convention  shall  be  elected  in  the  sanie  way  as 
the  nomination  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  is  made, 
and  said  National  Committee  shall  prescribe  the 
mode  for  electing  the  delegates  for  the  District  of 
Columbia.  The  alternate  delegate  for  each  dele- 
gate to  the  National  Convention,  to  act  in  case  of 
the  absence  of  a  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in  the 
same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  the  delegate 
is  elected." 

Mr.  Grow — "  I  do  not  propose  to  occupy  this 
Convention  but  a  few  moments.  All  the  substitute 
does  is  to  make  specific  the  mode  of  electing  the 
delegates  in  their  districts,  instead  of  leaving  it  to 
the   National  Republican   Committee  to   prescribe 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  313 

the  different  forms,  and  thus  make  confusion  in  the 
elections.  There  is  no  form  at  all  in  reahty.  The 
rule  is  the  rule  10,  prescribing  the  method  for  the 
election  of  delegates.  It  leaves  the  matter  to  the 
National  Republican  Committee.  This  substitute 
makes  it  specific.     That  is  all. 

"  My  substitute  simply  provides  that  each  con- 
gressional district  shall  elect  its  delegates  in  the 
usual  way  that  they  nominate  a  member  of  Con- 
gress; that  the  delegates  of  the  Territories  shall 
be  elected  in  the  same  way  as  they  nominate  a 
member  for  Congress ;  it  avoids  all  confusion — it 
goes  home  to  the  people — adopts  the  same  method 
they  have  established  for  electing  their  member  to 
speak  in  the  councils  of  the  Republic.  What  bet- 
ter law  can  there  be  ? 

"  You  have  had  it  since  the  Government  began. 
It  is  the  same  mode,  the  same  method  by  which 
the  people  elect  their  law-makers — those  who  are 
to  announce  the  great  doctrines  that  are  laid  down 
in  the  political  organizations  of  the  country.  That 
is  all  there  is  of  the  substitute.  I  have  only  one 
more  word  to  say — I  do  not  propose  it  as  a  part  of 
this  substitute,  but  it  strikes  me  it  would  be  the 
part  of  wisdom  if  the  delegation  was  less  instead 
of  greater,  so  that  the  National  Convention  should 
be  a  deliberative  body.  If  the  number  of  delegates 
should  be  made  less  instead  of  greater,  I  think  it 
would  be  a  wise  change,  but  my  substitute  pro- 
vides for  nothing  except  a  definite  mode  for  the 
election  of  deleijates." 


314  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

Mr.  Parks,  of  California  :  If  I  understand  the 
amendments  correctly,  there  can  be  no  objection 
to  it.  If  I  understand  it,  it  adopts  the  same  man- 
ner, but  points  it  out  more  specifically  than  we 
have  done  as  a  committee.  I  would  like  to  hear 
the  amendment  that  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania offered  read  once  more.  Will  you  be  kind 
enough  to  have  the  resolution  read  and  the  rule 
read  afterwards? 

The  Secretary  read  the  rule  and  substitute,  as 
already  given. 

Mr.  Grow — Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  gentleman  will 
allow  me  for  one  moment,  there  seems  to  be  some 
confusion  about  the  election  of  the  delegates-at- 
large.  The  rule  presented  by  this  committee  pro- 
vides that  the  Convention  shall  consist  of  twice  the 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con- 
gress to  which  the  States  are  entitled.  It  leaves 
the  delegates-at-large  to  be  elected  by  a  State  con- 
vention, and  I  say  nothing  about  that ;  it  would 
vsimply  make  confusion.  This  one  provides  that 
the  delegates  shall  be  elected  in  Congressional  dis- 
tricts, allowing  two  to  each  Congressional  district, 
two  to  each  Territory,  and  two  to  the  District  of 
Columbia.  But  the  National  Committee  must  pre- 
scribe the  mode  of  electing  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  as  they  do  not  send  a  delegate  to  Con- 
crress.  In  the  Territories  the  machinery  is  all  in 
operation  for  party  organization.  Why  need  we 
interfere  with  it? 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  SIS 

Mr.  Parks — I  can  see  no  objection  to  the  amend- 
ment. It  simply  provides  that  this  Convention 
shall  determine  how  the  delegates  shall  be  elected 
instead  of  leaving  it  discretionary  with  the  National 
Committee.  If  this  Convention  desires  to  exercise 
that  right  they  certainly  have  a  right  to  do  so. 
^ [Cries  of  "Question."] 

The  Chair — The  quev^^tion  before  the  Convention 
is  upon  the  adoption  of  the  substitute  oJQfered  by 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Carson,  of  Alabama — I  would  make  the 
suggestion  to  the  gentleman  who  has  just  made 
this  report  and  to  the  gentleman  who  has  offered 
the  substitute,  that  in  some  of  the  Southern  States 
no  candidates  for  members  of  Congress  are  nom- 
inated at  all  in  some  districts,  and,  therefore,  there 
is  no  means  by  which  it  could  be  decided,  except 
by  the  Convention,  whether  or  not  it  was  the 
usual  mode  by  which  members  of  Congress  had 
been  nominated  in  that  district,  and  it  might  give 
rise  to  confusion  in  the  future.  The  reason  why 
these  nominations  are  not  made  in  the  Southern 
States — in  some  of  them,  at  least — is  too  obvious 
to  this  Convention  to  need  any  comment  here  now, 
and  I  only  suggest  it  in  order  that  it  may  be  now 
considered  rather  than  have  to  be  considered  in 
some  Convention  in  future. 

The  Chair — All  who  are  in  favor  of  the  adoption 
of  the  substitute  will  say  aye  ;  contrary,  no.  The 
ayes  have  it. 


316  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

Mr.  Parks — The  committee  having  failed  to  pro- 
vide for  the  order  of  business- -I  do  not  know 
whether  it  was  intentional  or  not — I  have  pre- 
pared an  amendment  to  send  up  for  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Convention  that  all  may  be  settled  in 
its  order. 

Mr,  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — I  beg  to  have  the 
rule  read  which  determines  the  number  of  ballots 
necessary  to  nominate  in  this  Convention. 

Mr.  Carson,  of  the  District  of  Columbia — I  sub- 
mit it  is  now  in  order  to  proceed  to  vote  upon  it  as 
the  original  motion. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  California 
moves  that  the  report  be  amended  by  adopting  the 
following : 

"Bule  11 — Resolved,  That  the  Convention  pro- 
ceed in  the  following  order  of  business,  commenc- 
ing after  reports  of  the  Committees  on  Credentials 
and  Rules : 

"  First — Report  of  Committee  on  Platform  and 
Resolutions. 

"  Second — Presentation  of  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent. 

"  Third— Balloting. 

"  Fourth — Presentation  of  candidates  for  Vice- 
President. 

"  Fifth— Balloting." 

The  Chair — Does  the  gentleman  from  California 
offer  this  as  an  addition  to  the  rule  or  as  a  new 
rule? 

Mr.  Parks — I  was  laboring  under  a  mistake.     I 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  317 

thought  the  vote  had  been  taken  upon  the  adop- 
tion of  this  rule,  and  I  intended  to  submit  this  for 
the  consideration  of  the  Convention. 

The  Chair — The  report  has  not  yet  been 
adopted. 

Mr.  Parks — As  it  is  going  through,  I  will  con- 
sider it  as  a  new  rule. 

The  Chair — You  ofier  this  as  an  amendment  to 
the  report  ? 

Mr.  Parks — Yes. 

The  Chair — It  will  be  read. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — The  difficulty  with 
that  is  that  no  provision  is  made  for  the  reception 
of  the  names  for  the  call  of  the  States  for  the 
members  or  for  the  report  of  the  Convention. 
That  matter  could  be  corrected.  I,  for  one,  am 
perfectly  satisfied  with  it. 

The  Chair — The  Chair  is  of  the  opinion  that  the 
delegate  is  mistaken.  There  is  a  rule  to  be  read 
by  the  Secretary. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  ask  that  it  be  read. 

The  Secretary  then  read  as  follows,  being  the 
substitute  for  rule  10  : 

"  The  Republican  National  Convention  shall  be 
appointed  to  consist  of  one  member  from  each 
State,  Territory,  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 
The  roll  shall  be  called  and  the  delegation  from 
each  State,  Territory,  and  the  District  of  Columbia 
shall  name,  through  its  chairman,  a  person  to  act 
as  a  member  of  such  committee." 


318  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

Mr.  Bcaj^ne,  of  Pennsylvania — That's  all  well 
enough,  but  no  time  is  fixed  by  the  proposition  of 
the  gentleman,  submitted  by  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials,  for  such  report.  I  move 
as  an  amendment  to  the  proposition  of  my  brother 
from  California  that  the  chairmen  of  the  different 
delegations  be  authorized  to  send  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Convention  the  names  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee chosen  by  the  respective  delegations  at  any 
time,  and  if  there  be  any  controversy  in  respect  to 
the  choice,  that  matter  can  be  corrected  after- 
wards. 

The  Chair — Will  the  gentleman  be  so  kind  as 
to  reduce  his  proposition  to  writing  and  send  it  to 
the  desk  ? 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — I  understood  from 
the  reading  of  one  of  the  rules  that  it  provided 
for  a  nomination  by  this  Convention  of  the  man 
who  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast.  If  that 
be  so  I  ask  to  hear  that  rule  read  before  the  adop- 
tion of  the  report,  in  order,  if  such  be  the  case,  to 
offer  the  amendment  that  it  shall  require  a  majority 
of 'all  the  votes  in  this  Convention  to  nominate  a 
candidate. 

[Cries  of  "  You're  right."] 

The  Chair — Mr.  Bayne  offers  the  following  as  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment  to  the  resolution 
offered  by  the  gentleman  from  California  : 

Mr.  Bayne — I  desire  to  make  my  motion  that 
that  proposition  be   inserted    inmiediately    before 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  319 

the  beginning  of  the  first  ballot  for  the  nomination 
of  a  candidate  for  President,  that  being  the  last 
proposition  submitted  by  the  Committee  on  Rules 
and  Order  of  Business. 

The  Chair — The  Secretary  will  correct  it  and 
read  it. 

The  Secretary  then  read  as  follows : 

"To  be  inserted  before  the  presentation  of  can- 
didates for  President,  and  to  read  :  'That  the  roll 
of  States  be  called  to  report  the  members  of  the 
National  Committee.'" 

Mr.  Parks — "  I  accept  the  amendment." 
The  Secretary  continuing  to  read  : 
That  the  order  of  businet-s  is  as  follows : 

First — Report  of  Committee  on  Platform  and 
Resolutions. 

Second — That  the  roll  of  States  be  called  to  re- 
port the  members  of  the  National  Committee. 

Tliird — The  presentation  of  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent. 

Fourth — Balloting. 

Fifth — Presentation  of  candidates  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

Sixth — Balloting. 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Tennessee — This  is  a  matter  of 
some  importance.  Suppose  this  rule  is  adopted, 
and  the  roll  of  States  is  peremptoril}'-  called  at  the 
period  designated.  It  may  in  future  conventions 
work  all  right,  but  it  is  taking  the  present  Conven- 
tion by  surprise,  and  there  are  many  delegations 


320  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

which  have  not  selected  their  committeeman,  and 
we  want  some  provision  that  we  will  not  be  disfran- 
chised by  some  rule  adopted  here  on  the  spur  of 
the  moment  without  consideration  and  without 
conference. 

Mr.  Parks,  of  California — If  there  are  any  dele- 
gations that  have  not  selected  their  candidate,  they 
can  ask  to  have  the  name  passed  until  they  do  so. 

Mr.  Houck — I  was  about  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  if  you  are  going  to  have  a  rule  of  this  kind 
at  all  you  take  it  out  of  the  discretion  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  should  have  a  provision  that  when  a 
State  is  not  ready  to  report,  it  may  hand  in  the 
name  at  any  time,  when  it  shall  have  been  acted 
upon  and  designated  by  a  majority  of  the  delega- 
tion. I  offer  that  as  a  proviso.  Mr.  Bayne,  do  you 
accept  the  amendment? 

Mr.  Bayne — Yes,  sir,  certainly  :  provided  that 
if  any  State  is  not  ready  to  report  it  may  hand  in 
the  name  at  any  time. 

Mr.  Houck — If  that  is  put  in  language  that  is 
sense,  so  that  there  can  be  no  misunderstanding 
about  it,  it  will  suit  me, 

Mr.  Williams,  of  Indiana — I  would  state,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  in  this  portion  of  the  hall  it  is  im- 
possible to  hear  the  purport  of  the  papers  read 
from  the  clerk's  desk.  I  rise  to  suggest  to  the  Sec- 
retary that  he  shall  procure  the  services  of  some 
gentleman  who  can  read  in  a  tone  so  loud  that  we 
can  understand.      [Applause.]      I  would  suggest 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  321 

that  Gen.  Strong  is  upon  the  stage  and  is  a  good 
reader.  Mr.  Brady,  of  Virginia,  is  also  a  good 
reader.  Mr.  Massey,  of  DeUiware,  is  a  good  reader. 
[Cries  of  Delaware,  Delaware,  Massey,  Massey.] 

The  Chair — The  question  now  before  the  Con- 
vention is  upon  the  new  rule,  as  amended  by  the 
gentleman  from  California  (Mr.  McClure),  Loud 
cries  of  '-Question,  question"  were  heard  from  all 
parts  of  the  hall.  The  question  being  upon  the 
adoption  of  the  rule  as  amended  by  Mr.  McClure, 
it  w^1S  carried. 

Mr.  McClure — I  move  the  adoption  of  the  re- 
port as  amended. 

Mr.  Saunders,  of  Montana — I  ask  the  gentlemani 
from  California  (Mr.  McClure)  to  yield  the  floor  to. 
me  for  the  purpose  of  offering  an  amendment. 

Mr.  McClure — I  yield  the  floor  to  the  gentlemam 
in  accordance  with  his  request. 

Mr.  Saunders'  amendment  was  passed  up  to  the' 
Secretary. 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — Mr.  Chairman,  we 
have  read  the  rule  relating  to  the  balloting,  aind 
we  do  not  understand  that  it  is  in  reference  to  the 
number  of  us  necessary  to  elect. 

Mr.  McClure — It  is  presented  and  can  be  read. 

The  Chair — It  shall  be  read  in  a  moment.  The 
question  now  pending  is  the  amendment  to  rule 
No.  11.  There  being  some  confusion  in  the  hall, 
the  Chair  said :  "  Gentlemen,  gentlemen,  will  you 
come  to  order ! " 
21 


322  TOE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

After  order  was  restored  the  Secretary  read  the 
following : 

"Members  of  such  committees  shall  be  eligible 
to  seats  in  the  Electoral  College." 

[Cries  of  "  No,  no."] 

The  Chair — The  Chair  is  constrained  to  declare 
the  amendment  out  of  order.  The  rules  have 
already  been  adopted,  and  cannot  just  now  be 
amended. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — I  rise  to  a  parlia- 
mentary inquiry.  Have  the  rules,  recommended 
by  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business, 
been  finally  adopted  by  the  Convention  ? 

The  Chair — No,  sir;  the  report  has  not  yet  been 
adopted. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  now  move  the  adoption  of  that 
report,  and  on  that  demand  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Saunders,  of  Montana — I  want  to  know 
what  has  become  of  my  motion  to  amend. 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — Will  the  gentle- 
man give  way  for  a  moment  for  a  question  for  in- 
formation ? 

Mr.  Bayne — I  do  not  yield  my  motion.  I  may 
yield  to  an  inquiry  by  the  gentleman,  if  acceptable 
to  the  Chairman  of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Roosevelt — I  simply  wish  to  make  an  in- 
quiry. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
(Mr.  Rayne)  jyields  the  floor  to  the  gentleman 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  323 

from  New  York  (Mr.  Roosevelt)  for  the  purpose 
indicated. 

Mr.  Roosevelt — The  gentleman  has  given  way 
to  me  for  a  question  of  information.  I  would  ask, 
has  there  not  been  a  minority  report  prepared  or 
presented,  as  I  clearly  understood  there  was  to  be, 
by  a  certain  committee  looking  to  a  reorganization 
of  the  representation  in  the  next  Convention  ?  I 
do  not  understand  from  the  reading  of  the  rules, 
and  neither  do  several  of  the  members  who  are 
around  about  me,  what  provisions,  if  any,  were 
made  for  the  representation  of  Republicans  in 
future  National  Conventions.  I  knew  there  had 
been  a  strong  feeling  among  certain  members  of 
the  committee  itself,  as  well  as  among  the  Conven- 
tion on  the  floor,  that  there  should  be  some  re- 
organization by  which  the  number  of  delegates  to 
the  next  Convention  should  more  nearly  approxi- 
mate to  the  Republican  vote  cast  in  their  respec- 
tive States,  and  I  merely  rose  to  ask  whether  any 
such  minority  report  would  be  presented. 

Mr.  McClure,  of  California — I  did  state,  with  re- 
gard to  the  resolution  referred  to,  that  there  would 
be  a  minority  report  on  that  resolution,  and  that  it 
would  be  presented  as  soon  as  it  was  prepared. 

Mr.  Roosevelt — I  did  not  understand  the  remark 
of  the  gentleman  from  California  when  he  first 
got  up. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  demand  the  adoption  of  the  re- 
port, and  call  for  the  previous  question. 


324  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  moves  the  adoption 
of  the  report  and  calls  for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York — I  wish  to  make  an 
inquiry,  if  the  gentleman  will  permit  me.  It 
seems  to  me  that  if  rule  1  is  now  reported  there 
will  be  no  use  in  submitting  a  minority  report.  I 
ask  the  Chair  whether,  if  the  rule  reported  by  the 
committee  be  adopted,  the  report  of  the  minority 
committee  will  be  available  for  the  consideration 
of  that  subject ;  if  so,  I  would  yield. 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — Mr.  Chairman, 
some  time  since  I  made  a  request  for  the  reading 
of  one  of  the  rules  reported  by  this  committee  for 
the  purpose  of  informing  many  gentlemen  on  this 
floor  as  to  what  it  was  they  were  going  to  vote 
upon  here.  I  asked  the  Chair  that  this  might  be 
done  for  the  further  purpose  of  getting  an  oppor- 
tunity to  move  an  amendment  to  that  rule,  if  it 
was  read  as  I  understood  it. 

The  Chair — What  is  the  number  of  the  rule  the 
gentleman  wants  ? 

Mr.  Thurston — It  is  the  rule  relating  to  the 
number  of  votes  necessary  to  nominate  a  candidate 
in  this  Convention, 

The  Chair — The  Secretary  will  proceed  to  read 
the  rule  now ;  whereupon  the  Secretary  read  the 
rule  as  follows : 

"  When  it  shall  appear  that  any  candidate  has 
received  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast,  the  president 
of  the  Convention  shall  announce  the  question  to 


THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884.  325 

be — *  shall   the   nomination   of  the  candidate   be 
made  unanimous?'" 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — That  is,  for  the 
votes  cast? 

The  Chair — Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Thurston — Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  under- 
stood that  the  Chairman  of  the  Convention  prom- 
ised me  an  opportunity  to  have  the  right  to  move 
an  amendment. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Illinois — All  that  is  necessary  is  to 
vote  down  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Thurston — Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  appre- 
hend that  the  time  will  ever  come  when  less  than 
a  majority  of  this  Convention  will  nominate  any 
man ;  but,  sir,  I  believe  that  if  any  rule  should  be 
adopted  and  enforced  in  this  Convention  by  which 
a  minority  of  duly  elected  representatives  should 
attempt  to  enforce  upon  the  Republican  party  of 
this  nation  a  candidate,  that  such  action  would  be 
repudiated  by  the  freemen  of  America  [applause], 
and  I  move  you,  sir,  to  strike  out  the  word  "cast" 
and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  all  the  votes  of  the 
Convention"  [cries  of  "  No !  no !  "],  and  make  it  so 
it  will  read  "  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  of  the  Con- 
vention [applause]  ;  a  majority  of  all  the  delegates 
elected  [applause]  and  having  seats  upon  the  floor 
of  the  Convention."  [Cries  among  the  delegates  of 
"  No  !  no  !  "  and  confusion.] 

Mr.  Thurston — I  will  reduce  my  amendment  to 
writing  and  send  it  up  to  the  Chair. 


326  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

The  Chair — You  will  please  do  so. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — I  accept  that 
amendment.  I  think  that  is  the  meaning  of  the 
rule,  as  it  is.  It  never  was  intended  to  be  any- 
thing else.  I  cheerfully  myself  accept  that  amend- 
ment because  it  ought  to  be  the  rule. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Illinois — I  desire  to  have  read 
that  rule  which  requires  the  previous  question  to 
be  seconded  by  two  States,  for  this  reason — that 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  presumes  to  hold 
this  floor  upon  a  simple  motion  for  the  previous 
question,  when  he  is  not  so  entitled  until  it  is 
seconded.     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Illinois  is  en- 
tirely correct,  and  the  Chair  was  about  to  call  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  order. 

Mr.  Winston,  of  North  Carolina — I  wish  to  ask 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  a  question.  I 
wish  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania  would  tell  me 
whether,  under  this  rule,  the  Chairman  has  not 
authority  to  announce  that  some  candidate  has  re- 
ceived a  majority  during  the  roll-call  ?  [Cries  of 
No!  no!] 

Mr.  Winston — Yes,  he  has.     This  rule  says  : 

*'  Whenever  it  shall  appear  during  the  call  of  the 
roll  that  a  candidate  has  a  majority,  the  Chairman 
shall  then  stop  the  business  of  the  Convention  and 
ask  that  it  be  unanimous.  I  am  opposed  to  that. 
I  don't  want  that  done  until  the  roll  is  called  and 
ended." 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  327 

The  Chair — The  Chair  will  assure  the  gentle- 
man that  whatever  the  rule  may  be,  the  Chair 
will  decide  accordingly. 

A  delegate  from  North  Carolina — I  appeal  to  my 
colleague  to  wait  for  a  moment.  There  seems  to 
be  great  confusion  on  a  question  that  I  do  not 
think  there  is  any  ambiguity  in.  I  ask  to  have 
added  at  the  end  of  what  was  adopted,  that  the 
delegates  from  each  State,  with  their  alternates, 
shall  be  elected  by  the  State  Convention;  and 
that  the  delegates-at-large  from  each  State  and 
their  alternates  shall  be  elected  by  the  State  Con- 
vention in  each  State,  and  then  there  can  be  no 
ambiguity.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to  that.  I 
suppose  no  one  objects.     [Applause.] 

The  Chair — If  there  is  no  objection,  the  amend- 
ment will  be  made  by  the  clerk. 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — The  following 
amendment  I  understand  to  be  accepted  by  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania : 

"  Whenever  it  shall  appear,  at  the  end  of  any 
roll-call,  that  a  candidate  has  a  majority  of  the 
delegates  elected  to  this  Convention." 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — No  objection  in 
the  world. 

Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York — Is  the  pending  ques- 
tion upon  the  adoption  now  of  the  report  of  the 
committee,  as  amended? 

The  Chair — The  Chair  is  willing  for  the  gentle- 
man from  Nebraska  to  send  up  his  amendment. 


328  THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

Mr.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska — I  sent  it  up  by 
some  page  some  moments  ago. 

The  Chair — The  amendment  has  not  yet  ar- 
rived. 

Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York— If  the  Chair  will 
recognize  me,  pending  the  coming  of  that  amend- 
ment, I  move  to  amend  the  motion  to  adopt  the 
report  by  adding  these  words : 

"  With  leave  to  the  minority  of  the  committee 
to  submit  its  report,  and  for  the  Convention  to 
take  action  thereon." 

Mr.  Thurston — The  amendment  to  which  I  refer 
is  written  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — Can  you  read  it? 
[Laughter.] 

The  Chair — The  Chair  will  inquire  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Bayne,  whether 
his  call  for  the  previous  question  is  made  on  behalf 
of  the  delegation  from  Pennsylvania,  and  seconded 
by  two  other  States  ? 

A  delegate — I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
Chair  to  this  one  fact.  We  can  hear  nothing  that 
emanates  from  the  further  end  of  this  Convention 
hall,  either  owing  to  the  confusion  near  us  or  to 
the  weakness  of  the  voice. 

The  Chair — The  Convention  must  come  to 
order.     There  is  too  much  confusion. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  made  a  motion  to  adopt  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee  on  Rules.     On  that  motion 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  329 

I  demanded  the  previous  question.  That  motion 
has  not  been  put.  That  demand  has  not  been 
complied  with,  because,  as  I  understand,  the  de- 
mand was  not  seconded.  I  have  yielded  to  one 
after  another  to  make  such  motion  or  amendment 
as  any  gentleman  in  this  Convention  might  deem 
proper.  I  have  no  idea  in  the  world  of  applying 
any  gag-rule  that  will  shut  out  any  proper  correc- 
tion of  these  rules,  and  I  submit  it  to  the  gentle- 
man from  Nebraska  and  to  other  gentlemen,  that 
my  only  object  is  to  arrive  at  some  conclusion,  and 
to  settle  this  matter  so  that  we  may  proceed  with 
some  degree  of  rapidity  with  the  deliberations  of 
this  Convention. 

The  Chair — The  question  now  before  the  Con- 
vention is  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Bayne — Mr.  Chairman,  I  accept,  sir,  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Ne- 
braska (Judge  Thurston). 

Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York — Would  you  accept 
my  amendment  ? 

Mr.  Bayne — I  have  not  heard  your  amendment. 

The  reading  of  the  amendment  was  called  for, 
and  the  amendment  was  read  as  follows : 

Whenever  it  shall  appear  at  the  end  of  any  roll- 
call  that  any  candidate  has  received  a  majority  of 
all  the  votes  to  which  the  Convention,  by  the  call 
of  the  National  Committee,  is  entitled. 

Mr.  King,  of  New  York  [interrupting] — Before 


330  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

we  take  action  upon  the  adoption  of  this  report  I 
move,  sir,  that  the  Secretary  read  to  us  the  report 
in  full,  as  now  amended. 

The  Chair — The  Secretary  will  now  read. 

Mr.  Sanders,  of  Montana — I  rise  to  a  question 
of  order.  I  offered  an  amendment  to  Rule  10  and 
moved  its  adoption,  and  it  was  seconded.  It  has 
not  been  put.  I  am  satisfied  that  every  man  in 
this  Convention  will  be  in  favor  of  it,  if  he  compre- 
hends its  significance,  and  for  that  purpose  I  ask 
the  honorable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  (Mr. 
Hoar)  to  explain  it,  saying  simply  that  I  wish  to 
secure  the  same  end  by  a  substitute,  which  changes 
only  the  verbiage  of  the  amendment  which  I 
offered. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  will  send  it  forward. 
[The  resolution  was  sent  forward.] 

Mr.  Sanders,  of  Montana,  offers  the  following 
amendment  to  Rule  10 : 

Amendment  to  Rule  10 — Provided,  that  no 
person  shall  be  a  member  of  the  committee  who  is 
not  eligible  as  a  member  of  the  Electoral  College. 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  Sanders — I  wish  the  Convention  to  hear  a 
moment  from  the  gentleman  from  Michigan  on 
that  question,  or  from  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Mr.  Hoar,  from  Massachusetts — Mr.  President, 
the  gentleman  from  Montana  asked  me  to  explain, 
for  the   information   of  the  Convention,  the  law 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  331 

passed  by  Congress  a  year  ago,  commonly  known 
as  the  Civil  Service  act.  It  was  not  the  purpose 
of  that  law  to  prohibit  any  Federal  officer  from  ex- 
ercising all  the  rights  of  an  American  citizen. 
[Applause.]  It  is  expected  that  he  may  contribute 
of  his  service  or  of  his  money  to  the  cause  of  the 
political  party  to  which  he  belongs  as  he  would  to 
the  cause  of  his  church,  or  to  any  other  religious  or 
humane  enterprise.  That  law  intended  to  pro- 
hibit the  exercise  of  official  power  over  men  in 
official  stations,  and  to  that  end  the  provision,  the 
most  stringent  of  provisions,  has  been  enacted  that 
no  person  holding  an  official  position  shall  directly 
or  indirectly  receive  or  solicit  a  contribution  of 
money  from  any  other  person  holding  such  office. 
Now,  as  to  the  Federal  officer,  whoever  that  officer 
may  be,  whether  a  member  of  Congress,  an  execu- 
tive or  judicial  officer,  or  a  member  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee,  it  will  equally  be  an  offense,  and 
it  will  subject  him  to  imprisonment  or  fine  if  that 
committee  either  by  itself  or  by  its  treasurer  shall 
receive  a  Federal  contribution  or  contribution  of 
money  from  any  other  Federal  office  by  placing 
upon  the  National  Committee  gentlemen  holding 
such  offices,  and  prohibiting  your  fellow-citizens 
from  furnishing  any  service  or  aid  in  this  campaign 
by  the  contribution  of  money;  and  I  believe  it  was 
the  purpose  of  the  gentleman  from  Montana  to 
have  that  clearly  understood  by  the  Convention  in 
calling  upon  me  to  say  what  I  have.     No  person 


332  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

holding  a  Federal  office  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  can  be  a  member  of  the  Electoral 
College. 

Mr.  Hill,  of  Mississippi — I  would  like  to  ask  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  a  question.  If  the 
members  of  this  Convention  who  are  Federal  of- 
ficers can  meet  here  and  create  a  committee  for  the 
purpose  of  receiving  and  disbursing  moneys  col- 
lected for  party  purposes,  is  that  not,  sir,  indirectly 
on  our  part,  doing  something  that  that  law  pro- 
hibits ? 

Mr.  Hoar — The  law  does  not  prohibit  the  re- 
ceipt of  a  contribution  by  a  Federal  officer. 

Mr.  Hill — Indirectly? 

Mr.  Hoar — Directly  or  indirectly.  It  does  not 
prohibit  the  making  of  such  a  contribution  by  a 
Federal  officer  directly  or  indirectly.  It  does  pro- 
hibit the  making  of  a  contribution  by  one  Federal 
officer  in  response  to  a  solicitation  of  another 
Federal  officer.  I  will  state  further  that  the  Con- 
gressional Committee  of  the  Republican  party,  of 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  a  member,  at  a  meet- 
ing in  Washington  a  few  days  ago  of  such  members 
as  were  in  the  neighborhood,  unanimously  agreed 
to  recommend  to  this  Convention  to  make  such 
provision  that  no  Federal  officer  should  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  National  Committee. 

Mr.  King,  of  New  York — I  move  that  the  rule 
as  amended  be  now  read  so  that  the  members  may 
understand  it. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  333 

Mr.  Dolph,  of  Oregon — I  move  to  lay  it  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  Bajne,  of  Pennsylvania — I  hope  my  friend 
will  withdraw  that  motion. 

The  Chair — The  amendment  will  be  read  over. 

The  following  is  the  amendment  to  Rule  No.  10  : 

Provided,  That  no  person  shall  be  a  member  of 
the  committee  who  is  not  eligible  as  a  member  of 
the  Electoral  College. 

The  Chair — The  Chair  will  again  put  the  ques- 
tion. 

The  question  was  put  and  carried,  and  the  amend- 
ment was  declared  adopted. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — Mr.  Chairman, 
there  is  one  more  amendment  which  is  proposed 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  Winston,  of  North  Carolina — I  would  like 
to  have  it  read  as  amended. 

The  Secretary — Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York, 
moves  to  amend  as  follows : 

With  leave  to  the  minority  of  the  Committee  to 
submit  a  report  and  the  Convention  to  act  thereon. 

Mr.  Bayne — I  have  no  objection  to  that. 

Mr.  Leary,  of  North  Carolina — Mr.  Chairman,  I 
wish  to  say  that  on  Tuesday,  the  first  day  of  the 
sessions  of  this  Convention,  a  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, Mr.  Pierce,  I  believe,  introduced  a  reso- 
lution in  regard  to  the  apportionment  of  delegates  to 
the    National   Convention.      That  resolution,   by 


334  THE    CONVENTION  OF    1884. 

vote  of  this  Convention,  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  when  they 
met,  took  into  consideration  that  resolution,  and 
that  Committee  had  presented  to  it  various  propo- 
sitions, one  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania, 
Mr.  Bayne ;  another  by  the  gentleman  from  New 
York,  a  member  of  the  Committee,  Mr.  Chacoon. 
The  Committee  acted  on  those  various  propositions, 
and  they  adopted  the  resolution  leaving  the  repre- 
sentation of  delegates  as  it  now  exists.  There  are 
some  gentlemen  on  that  Committee  who  do  not 
agree  with  the  majority.  They  said  they  would 
make  a  minority  report.  The  chairman  of  that 
committee,  Mr.  Sparks,  I  believe  he  is  from  the 
State  of  California,  I  have  forgotten  the  State — 

Mr.  Parks,  of  California — My  name  is  "Parks," 
not  "  Sparks."     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Leary — Mr.  Parks  made  a  report  this 
morning  and  stated  that  that  resolution  had  been 
adopted  by  the  committee,  but  in  consequence  of 
the  fact  that  several  gentlemen  intended  to  make  a 
minority  report,  he  withheld  that  rule  in  order 
that  he  might  make  that  report.  Now  I  wish  to 
call  attention  to  the  report  of  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  that  it  gives  the  Committee  leave  to 
report  on  that  particular  rule  at  any  time  before 
voting  for  a  candidate  for  President  of  the  United 
States  commences. 

Mr.  King — Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  again 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884  335 

that  the  rule  of  this  Convention,  with  the  amend- 
ment of  Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York,  be  adopted. 

Upon  the  motion  being  put  by  the  chairman,  it 
was  passed. 

Mr.  King — I  renew  again  my  motion  that  the 
report  of  the  Committee  be  read  by  the  clerk. 

The  Chair — The  Secretary  will  read  the  rule 
which  has  already  been  adopted. 

Mr.  Parks — I  want  to  say  that  the  Committee 
has  not  reported  upon  the  rule,  but  will  without  any 
order  report  upon  the  resolution  referred  to  them. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  rule  as  amended  as 
follows : 

Rule  7.  In  making  the  nomination  for  President 
and  Vice-President,  in  no  case  shall  the  calling  of 
the  roll  be  dispensed  with.  When  it  shall  appear 
at  the  close  of  any  roll-call  that  any  candidate  has 
received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  to  which  the 
Convention,  by  the  call  of  the  National  Committee 
is  entitled,  the  president  of  the  Convention  shall 
announce  the  question  to  be, ''  Shall  the  nomination 
be  unanimous  ?  " 

Rule  No.  10,  as  amended,  is  as  follows : 

A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  ap- 
pointed, to  consist  of  one  member  from  each  State, 
Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  roll 
shall  be  called  and  the  delegation  from  each  State, 
Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  name, 
through  its  chairman,  a  person  to  act  as  a  member 
of  such  Committee ;  provided  that  no  person  shall 
be  a  member  of  the  Committee  who  is  not  eligible 


336  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

as  a  member  of  the  Electoral  College.  Such  Com- 
mittee shall  issue  the  call  for  the  meeting  of  the 
National  Convention  six  months  at  least  before  the 
time  fixed  for  such  meeting,  and  each  Congressional 
district  in  the  United  States  shall  elect  its  delegates 
to  the  National  Convention  in  the  same  way  as  the 
nomination  for  a  member  of  Congress  is  made  in 
said  district ;  that  in  the  Territories  the  delegates 
to  the  Convention  shall  be  elected  in  the  same  way 
as  the  nomination  of  delegates  to  Congress  is  made, 
and  said  National  Committee  shall  prescribe  the 
mode  for  electing  the  delegates  for  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  an  alternate  delegate  for  each  dele- 
gate to  the  National  Convention,  to  act  in  the  case 
of  the  absence  of  the  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in 
the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  the  dele- 
gate is  elected.  Delegates-at-large  for  each  State 
and  their  alternates  shall  be  elected  by  the  State 
Conventions  in  their  respective  States. 

Mr.  Russell,  of  New  York — I  move  to  amend 
the  motion  to  adopt  the  report  of  the  Committee 
by  adding  thereto,  with  leave  to  the  minority  of 
the  Committee  to  submit  a  report,  and  that  the 
Convention  shall  act  thereon  : 

Rule  6.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of 
any  two  States  shall  demand  that  the  vote  be  re- 
corded, the  same  shall  be  done  by  States  and  Ter- 
ritories and  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Secretary 
calling  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Territories  and 
the  District  of  Columbia  in  the  order  hereinbefore 
stated. 

The  Chair — The  question  before  the  Convention 
is  the  adoption  of  the  report  as  amended. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  337 

The  vote  being  taken  the  report  was  adopted. 

Mr.  Parks,  of  California — The  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules  desires  to  make  a  report  on  the 
resolution  referred  to  it  in  reference  to  the  apportion- 
ment of  delegates  to  the  next  Convention. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  will  forward  the  re- 
port to  the  clerk. 

Mr.  Parks — I  desire  to  state  on  my  own  behalf 
that  I  shall  send  this  report  up  without  debate,  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  report  as  follows: 

The  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and 
Business,  who  were  directed  to  inquire  into  the 
subject  of  revising  the  apportionment  of  delegates 
to  future  National  Conventions,  have  considered 
the  same  and  respectfully  report  the  following 
resolution: 

Resolved,  That  in  future  Republican  National 
Conventions  representation  by  delegates  shall  be 
as  follows  : 

First — -Each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  four  dele- 
gates-at-large,  and  to  two  additional  delegates-at- 
large  for  each  representative-at-large,  if  any,  elected 
in  such  State  at  the  last  preceding  Congressional 
election. 

Second — Each  Territory  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  shall  be  entitled  to  two  deleirates. 

Third — Each  Congressional  District  shall  be 
entitled  to  two  delegates. 

W.  S.  H.  Parks,  Chairman. 

Mr    Bishop,  of  Massachusetts — Mr.  Chairman, 
22 


338  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

on  behalf  of  the  minority  of  the  Committee  on 
Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  consisting  of  the  dele- 
gates from  New  York,  Indiana,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Michigan,  New  Jersey,  New  Hamp- 
shire, West  Virginia,  and  other  States,  I  have  the 
honor,  with  the  permission  of  the  Convention,  to 
present  the  minority  report,  and  to  move  the  sub- 
stitution of  this  report  for  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee, and  I  ask  that  the  report  of  the  minority 
be  now  read. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  minority  report  as 
follows : 

The  undersigned,  a  minority  of  the  Committee 
on  Rules  and  Order  of  T3usiness,  who  were  directed 
to  inquire  into  the  subject  of  revising  the  appor- 
tionment of  delegates  to  future  National  Conven- 
tions, beinsf  unable  to  aiz-ree  with  the  conclusions 
of  the  majority  of  the  committee  on  this  subject, 
recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following  : 

Resolved,  That  in  futni-e  Republican  National 
Conventions,  representation  by  delegates  shall  be 
as  follows :  Each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  four 
delegates-at-large  and  an  additional  dele2;ate-at- 
lar'ie  for  each  representative-at-large,  if  any, 
elected  in  such  State  at  the  last  preceding  Presi- 
dential election. 

Second — Each  Territory  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  shall  be  entitled  to  two  delegates-at- 
large. 

Third — Each  ConQ;ressional  District  shall  be  en- 
titled  to  one  delegate,  and  to  one  additional  dele- 
gate for  every  ten  thousand  votes  or  majority  frac- 


THE     CONVENTION    OF    1884.  339 

tion  thereof  cast  for  the  Republican  Presidential 
electors.     [Applause.] 

Fourth — The  Republican  National  Committee 
shall  within  the  year  following  each  Presidential 
election  ascertain  and  certify  the  representation  to 
which  each  State  and  district  will  be  hereby  en- 
titled in  the  next  following  Convention. 

A  delegate  from  Texas — I  move  to  lay  it  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  Bishop — Mr.  President,  I  will  occupy  but  a 
minute  in  speaking  in  support  of  this  motion.  The 
principle  of  the  Republican  party  is  equality — ab- 
solute equality.  The  present  method  of  selecting 
delegates  to  the  National  Convention  is  unequal, 
and  therefore  unjust.  Under  the  present  method 
two  thousand  Republicans  in  one  State  have  as 
nmch  power  as  seven  thousand  Republicans  in  an- 
other State.  The  object  of  this  motion  is  to  bring 
about,  as  nearly  as  possible,  equality  between  the 
Republicans  of  this  country,  so  that  the  Republi- 
can National  Convention  shall  be  the  true  exponent 
of  the  Republicans  of  the  country.  [Apphiuse.] 
Many  of  the  State  conventions  have  passed  resolu- 
tions directing  the  delegates  to  advocate  the  adop- 
tion of  such  a  method  of  equality  here.  On  behalf 
of  the  Republicans  of  my  own  State,  which  passed 
such  a  resolution,  I  move  the  substitution  of  this 
report. 

Mr.  Gardiner,  of  Indiana — I  arise  to  second  the 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  for 


340  THE     CONVE-NTION    OF    1884. 

the  adoption  of  the  minority  report  [applause], 
and  to  express  the  hope  that  it  will  be  adopted  by 
this  Convention.  I  do  not  intend  to  make  any 
extended  remarks  upon  the  subject.  It  seems  to 
me  that  the  proposition  is  so  entirely  in  keeping 
•with  the  genius  of  the  established  institutions  of 
the  country  that  it  will  meet  with  the  hearty  con- 
currence of  every  fair  Republican  in  this  Conven- 
tion. As  I  understand  it,  sir,  it  does  not  decrease 
the  representation  of  any  district  in  the  Republic; 
only  adds  to  that  representation,  in  accordance 
with  the  number  of  votes  that  each  district  may 
have.  That,  sir,  we  in  Indiana  consider  to  be  just, 
and  we  intend  to  vote  for  the  adoption  of  the 
minority  report.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky — Mr.  Chairman,  and 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  must  say  that  I 
regret  that  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  this 
country  a  proposition  of  this  sort  should  be  brought 
before  a  Republican  Convention.  Such  a  proposi- 
tion, coming  from  the  Democratic  party,  might 
come  with  some  force,  but  from  the  great  Republi- 
can party,  which  professes  love  and  equality  for  all 
the  States,  I  must  admit  my  astonishment.  [Ap- 
plause.] It  is  well  known  to  this  Convention  that 
in  the  South  to-day  votes  are  stifled  by  frauds  and 
force,  and  yet  you  are  asked  to  take  this  basis 
which  has  been  laid  down  by  Democratic  fraud 
and  force  [loud  applause],  and  make  it  the  basis 
of  Republican  representation.     If  in  the  South  we 


THE     CONVENTION    OF    1884.  341 

are  to  have  Democratic  fraud  and  force  on  one 
side,  and  Republican  disfranchisement  on  the  other, 
may  God  have  mercy  upon  us!  [Loud  applause.] 
There  have  been  times  in  this  country  when  the 
South  saved  the  Republican  party.  Three  hun- 
dred thousand  of  her  brave  soldiers  marched  to  the 
battle-field  and  fought  their  battles  to  save  this 
country.  [Applause.]  It  was  Florida,  in  1876, 
that  gave  you  a  President.  [Applause.]  It  was 
that  gallant,  brave  hero,  Mahone,  of  Virginia,  that 
gave  us  the  United  States  Senate.  [Applause.]  I 
say  it  to  you,  brethren  of  the  Republican  States, 
beware!  beware! 

The  tariff  issue  is  coming  before  this  country, 
and  the  time  may  come  when  you  will  be  in  the 
minority,  and  when  in  the  South  we  will  have  in 
some  States  a  majority,  and  thus  you  will  fall  by 
the  hands  of  your  own  slaves.  We  do  not  come 
to  this  Convention  to  dictate ;  we  come  here  as 
freemen,  not  as  slaves,  and,  while  we  do  not  ask 
to  dictate  a  nomination,  we  do  say  that  we  decline 
to  surrender  our  manhood  and  to  give  up  our  con- 
victions to  suit  the  opinion  of  any  gentleman. 
North  or  South.  [Applause,]  If  the  Republican 
party  in  the  North  had  stood  by  the  South  in  some 
instances  as  it  should  have  done,  we  would  have 
been  able  to  give  electoral  votes  to-day.  [Ap- 
plause.] You  counted  our  States  for  the  Presi- 
dent in  1876,  and  you  refused  to  count  them  for 
the  governors.     As  a  representative  of  the  South, 


342  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

I  am  here  to  speak  my  mind,  and,  come  what  will, 
I  would  die  rather  than  be  false  to  my  section. 
You  ask  for  such  a  thing  as  this  at  the  hands  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  my  distinguished  friend 
said  it  was  equality.  Oh,  it  is  equality !  Four 
delesrates-at-larire  from  the  State  of  Rhode  Island 
— gallant  little  Rhode  Island  as  she  is — with  only 
18,000  Republican  votes,  and  yet  you  want  to  cut 
down  the  representation  in  Kentucky  to  four 
delegates-at-large,  with  an  army  of  106,000  Re- 
publican votes.  Gallant  little  Vermont,  with 
45,000  Republican  votes,  has  four  delegates  from 
the  State  at  large,  while  Tennessee  has  only  four 
delegates,  with  a  vote  of  107,000.  Do  you  call 
that  equality?  Is  the  party  of  Garfield  and  the 
party  of  Lincoln  to  give  us  such  equality  as  this  ? 
I  say  that  such  a  proposition  might  well  come 
from  the  Democratic  party,  but  not  from  the  grand 
old  Republican  party,  the  party  that,  with  the 
shackles  and  chains  torn  from  the  limbs  of  trem- 
bling bondsmen,  erected  in  this  country  the  grand- 
est monument  to  freedom  that  has  ever  been 
known  in  recorded  time.  And  underneath  the 
shadow  of  that  monument  14,000,000  of  people 
sent  up  anthems  of  praise,  the  swelling  notes  of 
which  were  heard  throughout  the  civilized  world 
[applause] — the  Republican  party,  with  its  grand 
record  of  noble  achievements,  the  grandest  ever 
known  upon  earth,  which  has  even  been  uplifted 
by  the  death  of  its  martyred  Presidents.     If  we 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  343 

are  to  be  disfranchised,  let  it  be  done  here,  and 
now ;  but  remember,  my  friends,  in  God's  name, 
that  the  time  may  come  when  the  gallows  that 
you  have  erected  may  hang  some  of  you.  I  ap- 
peal to  the  great  Northern  Republicans,  I  appeal 
to  the  Republican  States  of  this  Union,  I  beg  you, 
do  not  throw  this  obstruction  in  our  pathway. 
Give  us  justice;  spare  us  your  taunts;  spare  us 
your  frowns;  give  us  your  encouragement,  and 
aid  as  3-ou  give  it  to  other  States,  and,  mark  my 
word  for  it,  that  West  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Florida,  and  the  Old  Dominion,  in  spite  of  Demo- 
cratic shot-guns,  in  spite  of  legalized  murders  that 
cry  to  God  for  vengeance,  will  give  you  their  elec- 
toral votes.      [Loud  and  continued  applause.] 

Mr.  Lampson,  of  Ohio — The  Chairman  (at  this 
point  Mr.  Lampson  was  interrupted  by  loud  cries 
for  Mr.  Lynch  and  general  cries  and  confusion). 

Mr.  Lampson — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  : 
I  represent  a  constituency  whose  devotion  and 
loyalty  to  the  rights  of  the  Republicans  of  the 
South  is  not  excelled  in  any  other  district  in  the 
Union.  I  come  from  the  home  of  those  grand  old 
Abolition  fathers,  Joshua  Giddings  and  Benjamin 
F,  Wade.  Gentlemen  of  this  Convention,  I  rise 
in  my  seat  to  speak  against  the  adoption  of  this 
resolution.  I  do  not  believe  that  this  Convention 
should  impose  a  penalty  upon  the  Southern  Re- 
publicans because  [applause]  the  Democracy  has 
disfranchised  thousands  of  them. 


344  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

Mr.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi — Mr.  President  and 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  shall  only  submit 
a  few  reasons  why,  in  my  judgment,  this  Conven- 
tion should  not  agree  to  the  report  of  the  minority 
of  the  committee.  Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  consider 
for  a  moment  what  the  effect  of  this  change  in  the 
representation  will  be.  Those  of  you  who  come 
from  States  where  your  elections  are  free  and  pure 
will  not  be  materially  injured  by  it.  Those  of  us 
who  come  from  States  where  elections  are  not  free 
and  pure  will  be  materially  injured  by  it.  When 
you  adopt  the  minority  report  you  simply  say  to 
the  ballot-box  stuffer  at  the  South,  to  the  shot-gun 
holder  at  the  South,  we  will  let  you  have  the 
benefit  in  the  Electoral  College,  to  which  the 
colored  man's  vote  entitles  the  State.  But  we  will 
give  another  blow  in  addition  to  that  to  the  colored 
man,  by  turning  him  out  of  the  Republican  Con- 
vention. Now,  gentlemen,  as  a  Southern  Republi- 
can, I  say  that  if  you  will  so  change  the  national 
law  as,  in  my  opinion,  you  have  a  right  under  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  to  do,  as  to  reduce  the  rep- 
resentation in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  Col- 
lege of  all  the  States  that  disfranchise  voters  as  they 
do  in  the  South,  then  we  will  submit  to  it.  [Loud 
applause.]  If  you  will  pass  a  law  saying  to  the 
ballot-box  stuffer  at  the  South  you  shall  not  have 
a  fraudulent  vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
you  shall  not  have  a  fraudulent  vote  in  the  Elec- 
toral College,  if  you  disfranchise  these  men,  if  you 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  345 

shoot  down  these  men,  and  endeavor  to  obtain  con- 
trol of  this  Government  by  election  methods  which 
no  honest  man  can  indorse — as  long  as  you  do  this 
you  shall  not  have  the  power,  for  we  will  enforce 
the  Fourteenth  Amendment ;  then  every  Southern 
Republican  will  say  thank  God !  We  are  willing 
tj  be  reduced  in  representation  in  the  Republican 
Convention  in  proportion  to  it  [applause],  but  we 
think  that  it  is  wrong,  that  it  is  unjust  to  Southern 
Republicans  to  allow  their  oppressors  to  get  the 
benefit  of  our  misfortune  in  the  depreciation  of  the 
power  we  would  be  entitled  to  in  the  Republican 
Convention.  Gentlemen,  that  is  the  argument  on 
this  question,  and  1  hope  that  the  members  of  this 
Convention  will  not  inflict  that  injustice  upon  us, 
for  I  admit  that  we  do  not  have  the  votes  accord- 
ing to  the  official  return  that  we  are  entitled  to, 
and,  therefore,  the  argument  seems  plausible ;  but 
let  me  call  attention  to  another  fact.  When  we 
make  what  we  call  the  official  returns  the  basis  of 
representation,  I  say  to  you  that  in  my  State  an 
official  return  is  an  official  fraud.  [Cheers.]  When 
I  ran  for  Congress  in  the  Sixth  District  of  Missis- 
sippi in  1880  I  know  that  there  were  not  less  than 
5,000  votes  polled  forme  that  were  counted  for  the 
man  that  ran  against  me.  [Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.] Now,  then,  the  official  return  gave  him 
5,000  of  my  votes.  [Laughter.]  If  you  adopt 
this  amendment  you  say  to  me,  "  We  will  only 
admit  you  on  what  the  Democrats  choose  to  give 


346  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

you."  [Loud  laughter  and  applause.]  Now,  gen- 
tlemen, I  say  that  is  wrong.  But  let  me  give  you 
another  piece  of  information.  Our  local  system  in 
the  different  counties  has  been  this  :  We  apportion 
representation  in  the  County  Convention  upon  the 
Republican  vote  polled  in  the  different  precincts, 
but,  during  the  last  five  years,  in  nearly  all  the 
Republican  counties  in  that  State,  we  have  been 
compelled  to  adhere  to  the  apportionment  that  was 
adopted  in  1873  and  1874.  Why  ?  Because  we 
have  never  been  able  to  find  out  what  the  Republi- 
can vote  has  been  since.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 
Mr.  Warner,  of  Missouri,  protested  against  the 
proposition  in  behalf  of  those  Republicans  that 
have  fought  Democracy  and  Rebellion,  and  then 
Mr.  West,  of  Ohio,  spoke,  saying : 

In  response  to  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  I 
would  say  that  1  have  lived  in  Kentucky  in  the 
days  when  Henry  Clay  was  her  pride  and  Critten- 
den her  glory.  I  come  to-day  from  the  State  of 
Chase,  of  Giddings,  of  Wade,  and  of  the  illustrious 
men  who,  with  Garfield,  look  upon  us  from  above. 

Gentlemen,  the  Republican  party  has  not  yet 
fulfilled  its  mission.  Although  it  has  secured  the 
personal  liberty  of  the  bondsmen,  the  political 
liberty  is  not  yet  secured,  and  by  the  grace  of  God 
the  Republican  party  must  live  nntil  the  home  of 
Mahone,  of  Bradley  and  of  Lynch  shall  be  fully 
represented  according  to  their  strength.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Yes,  I  am  ready  to  raise  the  standard  up.  I  am 
ready  to  incorporate  it  in  our  plank  that  we  will 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  347 

carry  on  the  war  until  tlie  scenes  of  Danville  and 
the  scenes  of  Copiah  shall  be  impossible  under  the 
flag  of  my  country. 
•  Gentlemen,  we  must  not,  we  dare  not,  we  can- 
not; and  I  hope  to  God  the  day  will  never  come 
when  I  shall  be  a  member  of  the  Convention  the 
representation  of  which  shall  be  determined  by  the 
shotgun  and  the  tissue  ballot.  [The  speaker,  who 
is  in  very  enfeebled  health,  here  stopped  from  sheer 
exhaustion,  and  sat  down  amid  applause.] 

Mr.  Long,  of  Massachusetts,  followed  in  oppo- 
sition, and  Chauncey  I.  Filley,  of  Missouri,  took 
the  same  ground. 

The  Chair  then  called  Mr.  McKinley,  of  Ohio, 
to  take  the  chair.  The  latter  gentleman  recog- 
nized Mr.  O'Hara,  of  North  Carolina,  who  char- 
acterized the  minority  report  as  a  total  surrender 
upon  the  part  of  the  Republican  party  of  every 
Southern  Republican,  be  he  white  or  black.  After 
this  speech  Mr.  Bishop  withdrew  his  motion. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
withdraws  his  motion.  The  motion  is  now  upon 
the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  majority.  [Cries 
of  "  Question."]  All  in  favor  say  aye,  those  op- 
posed say  no.  All  voted  in  the  affirmative  except- 
ing one  or  two.     The  ayes  have  it. 

THE  PLATFORM. 

Mr.  Bayne,  of  Pennsylvania — I  would  like  to 
inquire  from  the  Chair  whether  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  is  ready  to  report. 


348  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

The  Chair — The  Committee  on  Resolutions  is 
now  ready  to  report,  and  if  Mr.  Grow,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, will  take  the  chair  I  will  read  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Mr.  Grow  then  took  the  chair,  and  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley  read  the  report  of  the  Conniiittee  on  Reso- 
lutions as  follows : 

"  The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  Con- 
vention assembled,  renew  their  allegiance  to  the 
principles  upon  which  they  have  triumphed  in  six 
successive  presidential  elections,  and  congratulate 
the  American  people  on  the  attainment  of  so  many 
results  in  legislation  and  administration  by  which 
the  Republican  party  has,  after  saving  the  Union, 
done  so  much  to  render  its  institutions  just,  equal 
and  beneficent — the  safeguard  of  liberty  and  the 
embodiment  of  the  best  thought  and  highest  pur- 
poses of  our  citizens.  The  Republican  party  has 
gained  its  strength  by  quick  and  faithful  response 
to  the  demands  of  the  people  for  the  freedom  and 
the  equality  of  all  men ;  for  a  united  nation,  assur- 
ing the  rights  of  all  citizens ;  for  the  elevation  of 
labor ;  for  an  honest  currency ;  for  purity  in  legis- 
lation, and  for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all 
departments  of  the  Government,  and  it  accepts 
anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress 
and  reform. 

"  We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfield, 
whose  .sound  statesmanship,  long  conspicuous  in 
Congress,  gave  promise  of  a  strong  and  successful 
administration,  a  promise  fully  realized  during  the 
short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of  the  United 
States.     His  distinguished  success  in  war  and  in 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  340 

peace   has   endeared    him    to   the    hearts   of    the 
American  people. 

"  In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we 
recognize  a  wise,  conservative  and  patriotic  policy 
under  which  the  country  has  been  blessed  with 
remarkable  prosperity,  and  we  believe  his  eminent 
services  are  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the  heart}- 
approval  of  every  citizen.  It  is  the  first  duty  of 
a  good  government  to  protect  the  rights  and  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  its  own  people ;  the  largest 
diversity  of  industry  is  most  productive  of  general 
prosperity  and  of  the  comfort  and  independence 
of  the  people. 

"  We,  therefore,  demand  that  the  imposition  of 
duties  on  foreign  imports  shall  be  made,  not  for 
*  revenue  only '  but  that  in  raising  the  requisite 
revenues  for  the  Government,  such  duties  shall  be 
so  levied  as' to  afford  security  to  our  diversified  in- 
dustries and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages  of 
the  laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent 
labor  as  well  as  capital  may  have  its  just  reward, 
and  the  laboring  man  his  full  share  in  the  national 
prosperity. 

"Against  the  so-called  economical  system  of 
the  Democratic  party,  which  would  degrade  our 
labor  to  the  foreign  standard,  we  enter  our  earnest 
protest ;  the  Democratic  party  has  failed  completely 
to  relieve  the  people  of  the  burdens  of  unnecessary 
taxation  by  a  wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 

"  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct 
the  inequalities  of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  sur- 
plus, not  by  the  vicious  and  indiscriminate  process 
of  horizontal  reduction,  but  by  such  methods  as 
will  relieve  the  taxpayer  without  injuring  the 
laborer  or  the  great  productive  interests  of  the 
country. 


350  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

''We  recognize  the  importance  of  slieep  hus- 
bandry in  the  United  States,  the  serious  depression 
which  it  is  now  experiencing  and  the  danger 
threatening  its  future  prosperity ;  and  we,  there- 
fore, respect  the  demands  of  the  representatives 
of  this  important  agricultural  interest  for  a  read- 
justment of  duty  upon  foreign  "wool  in  view  that 
such  industry  shall  have  full  and  adequate  pro- 
tection. 

"  We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money 
known  to  the  civilized  world,  and  we  urge  that  an 
effort  be  made  to  unite  all  commercial  nations  in 
the  establishment  of  the  international  standard, 
which  shall  fix  for  all  the  relative  value  of  gold 
and  silver  coinage. 

'' The  regulation  of  commerce  with  forei2;n  nn- 
tions  and  between  the  States  is  one  of  the  most 
important  prerogatives  of  the  general  Government, 
and  tlie  Eepublican  party  distinctly  announces  its 
purpose  to  support  such  legislation  as  will  fully  and 
efficient!}'  carry  out  the  constitutional  power  of 
Congress  over  inter-state  commerce.  The  principle 
of  the  public  regulation  of  railway  corporations  is 
a  wise  and  salutary  one  for  the  protection  of  all 
classes  of  the  people,  and  we  favor  legislation  that 
shall  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and  excessive 
charges  for  transportation,  and  that  shall  secure  to 
the  people  and  to  the  railroads  alike  the  fiiir  and 
equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

"  We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  national  bureau 
of  labor,  the  enforcement  of  the  eight-hour  law, 
a  wise  and  judicious  system  of  general  education 
by  adequate  appropriation  from  the  national  rev- 
enues wherever  the  same  is  needed. 

"  We  believe  that  everywhere  the  protection  to  a 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  351 

citizen  of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citi- 
zens by  American  adoption,  and  we  favor  the 
settlement  of  national  differences  by  international 
arbitration. 

"  The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a 
hatred  of  slave  hibor  and  in  a  desire  that  all  men 
may  be  free  and  equal,  is  unalterably  opposed  to 
placing;  our  working-men  in  competition  with  any 
form  of  servile  labor,  whether  at  home  or  abroad. 
In  this  spirit  we  denounce  the  importation  of  con- 
tract labor,  whether  from  Europe  or  Asia,  as  an 
oflence  against  the  spirit  of  American  institutions, 
and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law 
restricting  Chinese  immigrntion,  and  to  provide 
such  further  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  carry 
out  its  purposes. 

"  The  reform  of  the  civil  service  auspiciously 
begun  under  Republican  administration  should  be 
completed  by  the  further  extension  of  the  reform 
system  already  established  by  law — to  all  the 
grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applicable. 
The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform  should  be 
observed  in  all  executive  appointments,  and  all 
laws  at  variance  with  the  objects  of  existing  re- 
formed legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the  end 
that  the  dansrers  of  free  institutions  which  lurk  in 
the  power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely  and 
effectively  avoided. 

"  The  public  lands  are  a  heritage  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  and  should  be  reserved  as  far 
as  possible  for  small  holdings  by  actual  settlers. 
We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  large  tracts 
of  these  lands  by  corporations  or  individuals,  espe- 
cially where  such  holdings  are  in  the  hands  of 
non-resident  aliens,  and  we  will   endeavor  to  ob- 


352  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

tain  such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  correct  this 
evil. 

"  We  demand  of  Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture 
of  all  land-grants  which  have  lapsed  by  reason  of 
non-compliance  with  acts  of  incorporation,  in  all 
cases  where  there  has  been  no  attempt  in  good 
faith  to  perform  the  conditions  of  such  grants. 

"  The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people 
are  due  to  the  Union  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late 
war,  and  the  Republican  party  stands  pledged  to 
suitable  pensions  to  all  who  were  disabled  and  for 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  in  the 
war.  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  the 
repeal  of  the  limitation  contained  in  the  Arrears 
act  of  1879,  so  that  all  invalid  soldiers  shall  share 
alike,  and  their  pensions  shall  begin  with  the  date 
of  disability  or  discharge,  and  not  with  the  date  of 
the  application. 

"  The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which 
shall  keep  us  from  entangling  alliances  with  for- 
eign nations,  and  which  shall  give  the  right  to 
expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain  from  med- 
dling in  America,  and  the  policy  which  seeks  peace 
can  trade  with  all  powers,  but  especially  with 
those  of  the  Western  Hemisphere.  We  demand 
the  restoration  of  our  navy  to  its  old-time  strength 
and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in  any  sea  protect  the 
rights  of  American  citizens  and  the  interest  of 
American  commerce,  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to 
remove  the  burdens  under  which  American  ship- 
ping has  been  depressed,  so  that  it  may  again  be 
true  that  we  have  a  commerce  which  leaves  no  sea 
unexplored,  and  a  navy  which  takes  no  law  from 
superior  force. 

^'Resolved,  That  appointments  by  the  President  to 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  353 

offices  in  the  Territories  should  be  made  from  the 
bona  fide  citizens  and  residents  of  the  Territories 
wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

'■'■  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  en- 
act such  laws  as  shall  promptly  and  effectually 
suppress  the  system  of  polygamy  within  our  Terri- 
tory, and  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesias- 
tical power  of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church,  andi 
that  the  law  so  enacted  should  be  rigidly  enforced 
by  the  civil  authorities  if  possible,  and  by  the  mili- 
tary if  need  be. 

"The  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  organ- 
ized capacity  constitute  a  nation  and  not  a  mere' 
confederacy  of  States.  The  National  Government, 
is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its  national  duty, 
but  tlie  States  have  reserved  rights  which  should 
be  faithfully  maintained ;  each  should  be  guarded, 
with  jealous  care,  so  that  the  harmony  of  our' 
system  of  government  may  be  preserved  and  the 
Union  kept  inviolate.  The  perpetuity  of  our 
institutions  rests  upon  the  maintenance  of  a  free 
ballot,  an  honest  count  and  a  correct  return.  We 
denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practised  by  the 
Democratic  party  in  Southern  States,  by  which 
the  will  of  the  voter  is  defeated,  as  dangerous  to 
the  preservation  of  free  institutions,  and  we  sol- 
emnly arraign  the  Democratic  party  as  being  the 
guilty  recipient  of  the  fruit  of  such  fraud  and  vio- 
lence. 

"  We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  re- 
gardless of  their  former  party  affiliations,  our  cor- 
dial sympathy,  and  pledge  to  them  our  most 
earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of  such  leg- 
islation as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of  whatever 
race  and  color,  the  full  and  complete  recognition, 
23 


354  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

possession   and  exercise  of  all  civil  and  political 
rights." 

Mr.  Bush,  of  California — I  move  the  adoption 
of  the  resolution. 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  California 
moves  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions.  The  ques- 
tion is  upon  the  adoption.  Those  in  favor  of  the 
same  will  say  yea,  and  contrary,  nay. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  unanimously. 

The  Convention  then  adjourned  to  7  o'clock, 
P.  M. 

THE   EVENING   SESSION. 

Chairman  Henderson  called  the  Convention  and 
the  vast  audience  to  order  at  7.35  p.  m.,  and  said  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : — Under  the  rules 
adopted,  the  order  of  business  now  is  the  presenta- 
tion of  candidates  for  President. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of 
States,  calling  Alabama,  Arkansas,  California, 
Colorado,  Connecticut,  and  when  the  name  of  the 
latter  State  was  called,  Mr.  Brandegee,  of  Con- 
necticut, arose  and  took  the  stand  amid  loud  ap_ 
plause. 

Mr.  Brandegee  spoke  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion :  We  are  here  to  select  a  chief  magistrate  for 
thirty-eight  States  and  fiftj-five  millions  of  people. 
If  we  choose  wisely,  the  selection  of  June  will  be 
the  election  of  November,  and  March  will  inau- 


THE   CONVENTION    OF    1884.  355 

gurate,  in  lineal  and  continuous  succession,  the 
seventh  Republican  President  of  the  United  States. 
[Applause.]  If  we  be  wedded  to  a  fatal  choice, 
the  solid  South,  which  has  already  captured  the 
Capital,  will  occupy  the  White  House,  and  the  re- 
sults of  the  war  will  be  rolled  backward  for  a  gen- 
eration. 

"  Never  before  to  a  National  Convention  was 
such  an  opportunity  presented  or  the  path  of  duty 
made  so  plain.  The  great  tidal  wave  has  ebbed. 
It  has  left  no  wreck  along  the  shore  and  disclosed 
only  the  flats  and  the  shallows.  The  councils  of 
our  opponents  are  confused.  They  have  been 
smitten  again  with  judicial  blindness.  The  heart 
of  the  great  American  people  instinctively  and  un- 
mistakably turns  once  more  to  the  Republican 
party.  The  supreme  duty  of  the  hour  is  for  that 
party  in  this  Convention  to  select  a  candidate  upon 
whom  we  can  surely  and  grandly  win.  [Applause.] 
Such  a  candidate  must,  first  of  all,  be  a  true  and  a 
tried  Republican,  one  whose  name  alone  shall  stand 
for  a  platform,  one  who  has  the  courage  of  his  con- 
victions, one  whose  convictions  on  all  great  ques- 
tions have  been  always  right ;  right  on  the  war, 
right  on  the  reconstruction,  right  on  each  and  every 
one  of  the  constitutional  amendments,  right  on  re- 
sumption, right  on  the  currency,  right  on  the  tarijBf, 
right  on  civil  rights,  and  right  on  civil  service  re- 
form. [Applause.]  Standing,  sir,  in  this  great 
presence,  in  this  historic  hall,  inspired  by  the  me- 
mory of  the  great  leaders  and  martyrs  of  our  faith, 
who  look  down  as  with  benediction  upon  this 
scene,  impressed  with  a  profound  conviction  of  the 
importance  of  the  trust  with  which  I  stand  charged. 
I  am  requested  by  the  Republicans  of  Connecticut 


356  THE     CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

to  nominate  such  a  candidate  to  the  brethren  of 
the  other  States,  and  in  their  name  and  on  their 
belialf,  I  nominate  one  who  fulfils  all  these  condi- 
tions, and  who  in  the  largest  degree  represents  the 
fitness  and  the  availability  of  the  candidate  whose 
name  can  lead  to  certain  victory  in  November, 
General  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut.  [Loud 
applause.]" 

The  Secretary  called  the  States  of  Delaware, 
Florida  and  Georgia,  without  meeting  with  any 
response ;  when  Illinois  was  called  and  Senator 
Cullom  rose  from  his  seat  about  four  thousand 
voices  indulged  in  the  exclamation,  "Ah!  Ah! 
Ah!  "  The  Senator  walked  down  the  aisle  toward 
the  platform  coolly  buttoning  up  the  buttons  of  his 
coat.  As  he  mounted  the  platform  he  was  received 
with  a  fresh  volley  of  yells,  which  died  out  and 
were  renewed  again  as  he  confronted  the  audience 
from  the  Speaker's  desk.  The  Chair  introduced 
the  representative  of  Illinois,  and  more  yells  fol- 
lowed, during  which  the  Senator  smoothed  himself 
down  in  front  with  his  hand,  and,  when  the  uproar 
subsided,  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion :  Twenty-four  years  ago  the  second  National 
Convention  of  the  Republican  party  met  in  this 
city,  and  nominated  their  first  successful  candidate 
for  President  of  the  United  States — Abraham  Lin- 
coln. [Cheers.]  Again,  in  1868,  another  Republi- 
can Convention  came  together  in  this  city,  and 
nominated  as  its  candidate  for  President  of  the 


THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884.  357 

United  States  another  eminent  citizen  of  Illinois — 
General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  [Loud  cheers  and  waving 
of  fans  and  other  demonstrations  of  approval]  and 
the  Republican  party  was  again  victorious;  still 
again,  in  1880,  the  Republican  party  turned  its 
face  towards  this  political  Mecca,  where  two  suc- 
cesses had  been  organized  and  the  murdered  Gar- 
field led  the  Republican  party  to  victory.  [Loud 
and  continued  applause.] 

"  History  repeats  itself.  There  are  promises  of 
triumph  to  the  Republican  party  in  holding  its 
convention  in  this  great  emporium  of  the  North- 
west. [Applause.]  The  commonwealth  of  Illi- 
nois, which  has  never  wavered  in  its  adherence  to 
Republican  principles  since  it  gave  to  the  nation 
and  the  world  the  illustrious  Lincoln,  now  presents 
to  this  Convention  for  its  consideration  as  the 
standard-bearer  of  the  Republican  party  another 
son  of  Illinois,  one  whose  name  will  be  recognized 
from  one  end  of  this  land  to  the  other  as  an  able 
statesman,  a  brilliant  soldier  and  an  honest  man, 
General  John  A,  Logan." 

The  announcement  of  General  Logan's  name  was 
received  with  a  wild  burst  of  applause,  a  great 
many  persons  rising  to  their  feet,  waving  their  hats 
and  handkerchiefs  and  the  thousands  of  people  in 
the  gallery  joining  in  the  roar  of  applause.  The 
cheers  were  renewed  again  and  again.  The  speaker 
resamed : 

"A  native  of  the  State  which  he  represents  in 
the  council  of  the  nation,  reared  among  the  youth 
of  a  section  where  every  element  of  manhood  is 
early  brought  into  play,  he  is  eminently  a  man  of 


358  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

the  people.  [Applause.]  When  the  storm  of  war 
threatened  the  very  life  of  the  nation,  this  gallant 
son  of  the  '  Prairie  State '  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  returned  to  his 
home  and  was  the  first  of  our  citizens  to  raise  a 
regiment  and  to  march  to  the  front  in  defence  of 
his  country.     [Applause.] 

"  He  never  lost  a  battle  in  all  the  war.  [Ap- 
plause.] When  there  was  fighting  to  be  done  he 
did  not  wait  for  others,  nor  did  he  fail  to  obey 
orders  when  they  were  received.  His  plume,  the 
white  plume  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  was  always  to 
be  seen  at  the  point  where  the  battle  raged  the 
hottest."     [Applause.] 

The  call  was  then  proceeded  with,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  each  being 
called,  and  each  passing  as  called.  Upon  the  call 
of  ^'  Maine  "  by  the  clerk,  it  seemed  as  if  the  entire 
assemblage  arose,  and  amid  a  roar  of  applause, 
mingled  with  cries  of  "  Blaine,"  began  a  scene  such 
as  can  be  witnessed  only  in  a  National  Conven- 
tion. Delegates  from  California  mounted  on  chairs 
hoisted  their  white  hats  on  canes,  and  waved  them 
about  in  response  to  the  ocean  of  handkerchiefs 
waved  by  the  ladies  in  the  gallery  and  on  the  plat- 
form seats. 

The  crowd  was  silent  a  moment,  and  then,  re- 
gardless of  the  Chairman's  rapping,  again  burst 
out  in  another  shout  in  honor  of  their  candidate. 
The  Chairman  rapped  and  the  crowd  shouted 
again,  but  at  length,  after  a  succession  of  halloos. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884.  359 

lasting  seven  minutes,  business  was  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed. After  the  Chairman  had  succeeded  in  pro- 
curing comparative  quiet,  Judge  West,  of  Ohio, 
was  introduced. 

The  sensation  was  intense,  and  the  interest  in 
Mr.  West,  on  account  of  his  commanding  presence 
and  sympathy  for  his  infirmity — for  he  is  blind — 
brought  to  all  silence  throughout  the  vast  hall. 
Judge  West  said : 

"As  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  Convention  in 
1860,  the  proudest  service  of  my  life  was  performed 
by  voting  for  the  nomination  of  that  inspired 
emancipator,  the  first  Republican  President  of  tlie 
United  States.  [Applause.]  Four  and  twenty 
years  of  the  grandest  history  of  recorded  times  has 
distinguished  the  ascendency  of  the  Republican 
party.  The  skies  have  lowered  and  reverses  have 
threatened;  but  our  old  flag  is  still  there,  waving 
above  the  mansion  of  the  Presidency,  not  a  stain 
on  its  folds,  not  a  cloud  on  its  glory;  whether  it 
shall  maintain  that  grand  ascendency  depends 
upon  the  action  of  this  great  council.  With  bated 
breath  a  nation  awaits  the  result.  On  it  are  fixed 
the  eyes  of  twenty  millions  of  Republican  freemen 
in  the  North.  On  it,  or  to  it  rather,  are  stretched 
forth  the  imploring  hand  often  millions  of  political 
bondsmen  of  the  South  [applause],  while  above 
from  the  portals  of  light  is  looking  down  the  spirit 
of  the  immortal  martyr  who  first  bore  it  to  vic- 
tory, bidding  to  us  hail  and  God-speed.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

"Six  times   in  six  campaigns  has  that   banner 


360  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

triumphed;  that  symbol  of  Union,  freedom,  hu- 
manity, and  progress ;  some  time  by  that  silent 
man  of  destiny,  the  Wellington  of  American  arms 
[wild  applause]  ;  last  by  him  at  whose  untimely 
taking-off'  a  nation  swelled  the  funeral  cries  and 
wept  above  great  Garfield's  grave.  [Cheers  and 
applause.] 

'"Shall  that  banner  triumph  again?  Commit  it 
to  the  bearing  of  that  chief  [a  voice:  'James  G. 
Blaine,  of  Maine.'  Cheers] — commit  it  to  the 
bearing  of  that  chief,  the  inspiration  of  whose 
illustrious  character  and  great  name  will  fire  the 
hearts  of  our  young  men,  stir  the  blood  of  our 
manhood  and  redouble  the  fervor  of  the  veteran, 
and  the  closing  of  the  seventh  campaign  will  see 
that  holy  ensign  spanning  the  sk}',  like  a  bow  of 
promise.  [Cheers.]  Political  conditions  have 
changed  since  the  accession  of  the  Republican 
party  to  power.  The  mighty  issues  of  struggling 
freedofn  and  bleeding  humanity  which  convulsed 
the  continent  and  aroused  the  republic,  rallied, 
united  and  inspired  the  forces  of  patriotism  and 
the  forces  of  humanity  in  one  consolidated  phalanx 
— these  great  issues  have  ceased  their  contentions. 
The  subordinate  issues  resulting  therefrom  are 
settled  and  buried  away  with  the  dead  issues  of 
the  past. 

"  The  arms  of  the  solid  South  are  against  us ; 
not  an  electoral  gain  can  be  expected  from  that 
section.  If  triumph  comes,  the  Republican  States 
of  the  North  must  furnish  the  conquering  bat- 
talions from  the  farm,  the  anvil,  the  loom,  from 
the  mines,  the  workshop  and  the  desk,  from  the 
hut  of  the  trapper  on  the  snowy  Sierras,  from  the 
hut  of  the  fisherman  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  361 

The  Republican  States  must  furnish  these  con- 
quering battalions  of  triumph.  Come!  Does  not 
sound  political  wisdom  declare  and  demand  that  a 
leader  shall  be  given  to  them  whom  our  people  will 
follow,  not  as  conscripts  advancing  by  funeral 
marches  to  certain  defeat,  but  a  grand  civic  hero 
whom  the  souls  of  the  people  desire,  and  whom 
they  will  follow  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  volun- 
teers as  they  sweep  on  and  onward  to  certain 
victory. 

"A  representative  of  American  manhood,  a  re- 
presentative of  that  living  Republicanism  that  de- 
mands the  amplest  industrial  protection  and  oppor- 
tunity whereby  labor  shall  be  enabled  to  earn  and 
eat  the  bread  of  independent  employment,  relieved 
of  mendicant  competition  with  pauper  Europe  or 
Pagan  China.  [Loud  applause.]  In  this  conten- 
tion of  forces  to  whose  candidate  shall  be  entrusted 
our  battle-flag,  citizens  ?  I  am  not  here  to  do  it, 
and  may  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth 
if  I  do  abate  one  tithe  from  the  just  fame,  integrity 
and  public  honor  of  Chester  A.  Arthur,  our  Presi- 
dent. [Applause.]  I  abate  not  one  tithe  from  the 
just  fame  and  public  integrity  of  George  F.  Ed- 
munds [applause],  of  Joseph  A.  Hawley  [ap- 
plause], of  John  Sherman  [applause],  of  that  grand 
old  black  eagle  of  Illinois,  and  I  am  proud  to  know 
that  these  distinguished  Senators  whom  I  have 
named  have  borne  like  testimony  to  the  public  life, 
the  public  character  and  public  integrity  of  him 
whose  confirmation  brought  him  to  the  highest 
office  second  in  dignity  to  the  office  of  the  Presi- 
dent himself — the  first  premiership  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  James  A.  Garfield — a  man  for  whom  the 
Senators  and  rivals  will  vote. 


362  THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 

"  The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  is 
good  enough  for  a  plain  flesh  and  blood,  God's 
people  to  vote  for,  for  President.  Who  shall  be 
our  candidate  ?  [Cries  of  Blaine.]  Not  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  particular  interest  or  a  particular 
class.  Send  the  great  proclamation  to  the  country 
labeled  'the  Doctors'  candidate,'  the  'Lawyers' 
candidate,'  the  '  Wall  Street  candidate,'  and  the 
hand  of  resurrection  would  not  fathom  his  Novem- 
ber grave. 

"  Gentlemen,  he  must  be  a  representative  of  the 
Republicanism  that  demands  the  absolute  political 
as  well  as  personal  emancipation  and  enfranchise- 
ment of  mankind.  A  representative  of  that  Re- 
publicanism which  recognizes  the  stamp  of  Ameri- 
can citizenship  as  the  passport  to  every  right,  priv- 
ilege and  consideration  at  home  or  abroad,  whether 
under  the  sky  of  Bismarck,  under  the  palmetto, 
under  the  pelican  or  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk — 
that  Republicanism  that  regards  with  dissatisfac- 
tion a  despotism  which,  under  the  sic  semper 
tjjrannisoi  the  old  Dominion,  emulates  by  slaughter 
popular  majorities  in  the  name  of  Democracy  and 
stated,  a  Republicanism  as  embodied  in  the  plat- 
form of  principles,  this  day  adopted  by  your  Con- 
vention. 

''  Gentlemen,  such  a  representative  Republican 
is  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine.  It  has  been  averred 
that  in  making  this  nomination,  every  other  con- 
sideration should  merge,  every  other  interest  be 
sacrificed,  in  order  and  with  a  view  exclusively  to 
secure  the  Republican  vote  and  carry  the  State  of 
New  York. 

"  Gentlemen,  the  Republican  party  demands  of 
this  Convention  a  nominee  whose  inspiration  and 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  363 

glorious  prestige  shall  carry  the  Presidency,  with 
or  without  the  State  of  New  York;  that  will  carry 
the  ledslatures  of  the  several  States  and  avert  the 
sacrifice  of  the  United  States  Senate ;  that  shall 
sweep  into  the  tide  the  congressional  districts  to 
recover  the  House  of  Representatives  and  restore 
it  to  the  Republican  party.  Three  millions  of  Re- 
publicans believe  that  the  man,  who  from  the 
baptism  of  blood  on  the  plains  of  Kansas  to  the  fall 
of  the  immortal  Garfield  in  all  that  struggle  of 
humanity  and  progress,  where  every  humanity 
desired  succor,  where  love  for  freedom  called  for 
protection.  Wherever  the  country  called  for  a 
defender,  wherever  blows  fell  thickest  and  fastest 
there  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle  were  seen  to 
wave  the  white  plumes  of  James  G.  Blaine,  our 
Henry  of  Navarre. 

"Nominate  him  and  the  shouts  of  September 
victor}^  in  Maine  will  be  re-echoed  back  by  the 
thunders  of  the  October  victory  in  Ohio.  Nomi- 
nate him,  and  the  camp  fires  and  beacon  lights  will 
illuminate  the  continent  from  the  Golden  Gate  to 
Cleopatra's  needle ;  nominate  him  and  the  millions 
who  are  now  in  waiting  will  rally  to  swell  the 
column  of  victory  that  is  sweeping  on. 

"  In  the  name  of  the  majority  of  the  delegates 
from  the  Republican  States  and  of  our  glorious 
constituency  which  must  constitute  this  battle,  I 
nominate  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine." 

The  calling  of  the  roll  was  continued  by  the 
Secretary  until  the  State  of  New  York  was  reached. 
Martin  I.  Townsend,  of  New  York,  took  his  place 
upon  the  platform.     The  house  cheered  and  ap- 


364  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

plauded  for  ten  minutes,  and  endeavored,  if  pos- 
sible, to  counteract  the  enthusiasm  gotten  up  by 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Blaine  a  few  minutes  previous. 
Then  Mr.  Townsend  said  : 

"America  is  proud  of  her  great  men ;  the  Re- 
publican party  is  proud  of  her  great  men,  and  the 
great  men  of  America  are  in  the  Republican  party. 
[Applause.]  It  has  warmed  the  cockles  of  my 
heart  to  hear  the  eulogies  and  to  see  the  scenes  of 
to-night.  I  abate  not  one  whit  from  the  speakers 
who  have  uttered  the  eulogiums  in  my  admiration 
of  those  men.  I  come  here  to  say  amen,  and  thrice 
amen,  as  to  the  achievements  of  the  Republican 
party,  including  the  glorious  history  of  the  gentle- 
men whose  names  have  been  presented  here.  I 
came  here,  howev^er,  to  talk  about  the  well-being 
of  the  Republican  party  in  the  future,  and  I  say 
to  the  gentlemen  of  this  Convention,  that  however 
joyous  our  evening  interview  may  be,  there  is  a 
very  grave  responsibility  resting  upon  us,  that  has 
got  to  be  borne  and  decided  by  cool  and  deliberate 
judgment.  The  question  is  :  How  shall  we  put 
ourselves  before  the  American  people  in  shape  to 
carry  the  suffrages  at  the  next  November  election  ? 
And  it  is  a  serious  question. 

"  I  came  to  speak  to  you  in  carrying  out  what  I 
believe  is  most  likely  the  wish  of  the  electors  of 
this  country — the  Republican  electors.  I  have 
now  to  speak  of  the  individual.  I  speak  of  Gen- 
eral Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
I  shall  not  dwell  upon  the  early  history  of  Chester 
A.  Arthur.  I  shall  content  myself  with  saying 
that  his  veins  are  filled  with  the  blood  that  draws 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  365 

its  origin  from  the  channels  of  Argjle  and  from 
the  north  of  Ireland,  the  sturdiest  stock  in  the 
universe.  He  passed  the  typical  life  of  an  Ameri- 
can boy ;  without  money,  he  had  to  make  up  by 
energy  what  he  lacked  of  the  filthy  lucre. 

"  In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we 
recognize  a  wise,  conservative,  and  patriotic  pol- 
icy, under  which  the  country  has  been  blessed  with 
remarkable  prosperity,  and  believe  his  eminent 
services  are  entitled  to,  find  will  receive,  the  hearty 
approval  of  every  citizen." 

H.  H.  Bingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  seconded  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Arthur,  as  did  John  P.  Lynch, 
of  Mississippi. 

When  Ohio  was  called,  Judge  Foraker  nom- 
inated John  Sherman,  and  when  Vermont  was 
reached,  ex-Governor  Long,  of  Massachusetts,  pre- 
sented George  F.  Edmunds  to  the  Convention. 


366  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

NAMING    THE    CANDIDATE. 

James  G.  Blaine  Nominated  as  the  Republican  Can- 
didate FOR  President— A  Stirring  Scene 

The  morning  of  June  6th,  1884,  is  probably  one 
of  the  most  memorable  in  the  history  of  political 
conventions  in  the  United  States.  Never  was 
there  a  more  patriotic,  enthusiastic  mass  of  men 
gathered  together  than  there  was  in  the  Chicago 
Exposition  building  on  that  day.  The  work  was 
over;  all  that  remained  was  to  have  that  work 
tested.  It  was  tested,  and  the  voice  of  the  people 
was  heeded.  James  G.  Blaine,  the  Maine  states- 
man, was  nominated  as  the  candidate  of  the  Re- 
publican masses.  The  scene  in  that  great  hall 
was  one  that  beggars  description.  A  prominent 
English  journalist  thus  gives  his  impression  of  it: 

"  It  has  been  my  fortune  to  see  some  of  the  most 
gorgeous  and  remarkable  spectacles  that  have 
taken  place  in  the  Old  World  during  the  last  fif- 
teen vears,  but  I  have  seen  none  more  remarkable 
than  the  Republican  Convention  which  has  just 
closed  in  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  Three  successive 
vicero3's  and  governors-general  I  have  seen  arrive 
in  Bombay  to  rule  the  250,000,000  of  India  in  the 
name    of    Queen    Victoria.     When    Lord    Mayo 


THE    CONVENTIOX    OF    1884.       .  367 

reached  the  western  shore  of  India  he  was  re- 
ceived by  thousands  of  white  and  dark  soldiers,  a 
crowd  of  gorgeous  officials,  salvos  of  artillery,  and 
plenty  of  flags  flying,  all  a  sad  enough  contrast 
with  the  way  in  which,  not  long  after  his  assassin- 
ation by  a  Mohammedan  convict  in  the  Andaman 
Islands,  his  body  was  borne  on  board  a  British 
man-of-war  in  Bombay  harbor,  and  carried  back 
to  England. 

"  I  saw  Lord  Northbrook,  the  next  viceroy, 
travel  in  triumphal  state  through  many  of  the 
native  states,  where  rajahs  and  maharajahs  came 
forth  to  do  him  homage  with  troops  of  elephants 
covered  with  brocades  of  gold  and  silver,  dancing 
girls,  whose  lithe,  dusky  bodies  shone  in  silks  and 
gems ;  soidars,  followed  by  their  picturesque  and 
swarthy  warriors,  Rajpoors,  Mahrattas,  Bengalese, 
stalwart  Sikhs  and  olive  Madrasees.  I  have  seen 
Lord  Lytton  parading  the  length  and  breadth  of 
Hindostan,  smoking  innumerable  cigarettes,  and 
behaving  with  the  childish  antics  of  an  excited 
Frenchman,  amid  surroundings  of  human  and 
architectural  Oriental  magnificence  of  the  most 
marvellous  description. 

"  Beneath  the  scarred  and  battered  walls  of 
Delhi  I  saw  the  Prince  of  Wales  received  by  all 
the  chiefs  of  Northern  India  and  the  Punjaub, 
accompanied  by  five  hundred  splendidly  bedizened 
elephants,  three  thousand  horses  covered  with 
cloth  of  gold,  and  twenty  thousand  native  and 
European  troops.  I  followed  him  into  Cashmere, 
where  the  Maharajah  Runjeet  received  him  in  his 
winter  capital  perched  among  the  Himalayan 
Mountains.  Buddhist  Llamas  danced  grotesque 
dances  disguised  in  the  horns  and  hides  of  wild 


368  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

beasts;  dancing  girls,  the  flash  of  whose  black 
eyes  emulated  the  splendor  of  their  jewels,  and 
with  frontlets  of  golden  coins  that  descended  from 
beneath  abundant  tresses  of  shining  jet,  clapped 
their  bangled  hands  and  whirled  their  feet  to  the 
music  of  lascivious  dances;  elephants,  horses,  and 
yaks  from  Thibet  swelled  the  procession  that  swept 
up  the  hills  in  the  purple  light  of  a  ruby  and  opal 
sunset,  and  troops  of  soldiers  arrayed  in  scarlet, 
blue,  and  green,  kept  guard  among  the  forests  of 
pines  and  rhododendrons. 

"  I  have  seen  Victoria  open  her  Parliament,  the 
marriage  of  not  a  few  of  her  progeny,  and  the  re- 
view of  more  than  eighty  thousand  of  her  British 
and  Hindoo  troops.  I  have  seen  her  Majesty  pro- 
claimed as  Empress  on  the  plains  of  Delhi,  from  a 
splendid  pavilion  "surrounded  by  the  silken  cano- 
pies of  hundreds  of  princes  and  nobles,  whose  an- 
cestors were  famous,  splendid,  and  civilized,  when 
hers  were  wandering  savages  amid  the  forests  of 
Europe  and  Great  Britain.  Certainly  all  these 
spectacles  were  gorgeous,  worthy  to  leave  an  indel- 
ible impression  upon  the  least  susceptible  of  minds. 
But,  shall  I  tell  you  ?  not  one  of  them  impressed 
me  nearly  so  much  as  the  Convention  which  haa 
just  culminated  in  the  nomination  of  Blaine. 

"  What  is  the  reason  ?  It  is  this.  Man}^  of  the 
scenes  I  have  mentioned  were  more  splendid,  more 
capable  of  pleasing  the  senses,  but  they  were  all 
characterized  by  a  certain  want  of  soul,  and  had 
none  of  that  deep,  powerful,  electrifying  enthusiasm 
which  I  have  just  witnessed  as  the  accompani- 
ments of  a  United  States  Republican  nomination. 
When  I  recall  those  marvellous  bursts  of  cheering 
which  greeted  the  mere  mention  of  the  name  of 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884.  369 

Blaine ;  that  frantic,  long-continued  shouting  of  a 
vast  and  earnest  multitude  ;  that  wild  hat-waving, 
banner-waving,  and  handkerchief  waving ;  that 
rolling  thundering  of  the  feet  like  the  sonorous- 
boom  of  a  ponderous  surf  upon  a  steep,  oriental 
shore  ;  that  great  hall  radiant  with  the  gaudy-col- 
ored symbols  of  federated  States,  that  fluttered,, 
agitated  by  the  mighty  storm  of  applause,  above' 
the  heads  of  10,000  soul-stirred  men — I  am  bound' 
to  confess  that  I  never  saw  such  a  scene,  and  do- 
not  believe  that  such  an  one  could  be  possible  ini 
any  country  on  earth  where  the  people  have  not 
their  government  in  their  own  hands. 

"  The  scene  to  me  was  like  the  embodied,  tumul- 
tuously  earnest  soul  of  a  great  free  nation.  The 
millions  of  Hindostan,  which  England  holds  down 
by  the  sword  and  the  cannon,  her  subjects  in  Greatf 
Britain  may  be  pleased  with  a  royal  pageant  at  a 
coronation  or  a  wedding ;  her  colonies  in  Canadai 
may  be  tickled  and  delighted  with  the  ceremonies^ 
attending  the  arrival  of  a  viceroy,  thrust  upon  them 
without  their  wishes  being  consulted ;  but  neither 
in  Hindostan,  the  British  Isles,  nor  in  her  dependi- 
encies  can  she  ever  hope  to  see  such  a  gathering 
under  her  constitution,  for  constitutional  purposes, 
as  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States  have  just 
presented  in  Chicago.  England  or  any  other  mo- 
narchial  nation  on  earth  must  be  like  Byron's  cele- 
brated description  of  Greece;  it  may  be  fair,  but 
you  are  bound  to  start  because  soul  is  absent. 

"  The  intense  enthusiasm  of  the  Republican 
Convention  is,  to  my  mind,  a  proof  that  no  nation, 
as  a  nation,  can  possess  a  heart  so  warm  and  strong, 
a  soul  so  earnest,  determined,  and  so  grand,  as  a 
people  who  themselves  possess  the  complete  pow 
24 


370  THE     CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

ers  of  their  own  government,  and  the  election  of 
their  own  chief  officers  to  carry  on  that  goveni- 
ment  for  the  good  of  the  citizens  at  home  and 
abroad. 

"  I  feel  still  the  thrill  of  indescribable  enthusi- 
astic tumult  which  swept  James  G.  Blaine  onwards 
to  the  forefront  of  the  nation,  and  it  would  have 
been  well  for  every  monarch-ridden  man  in  the 
world  if  he,  too,  could  have  been  present  in  the 
Exposition  Building  to  feel  it,  and  ponder  on  its 
lessons  of  the  rights  and  glory  of  absolute  freedom." 

THE    "plumed   knight's"   VICTORY. 

It  did  not  take  later  than  the  hour  of  meeting 
for  the  anti-Blnine  men  to  find  out  that  the  Blaine 
managers  had  not  fought  off  a  ballot  the  night  be- 
fore because  they  feared  it.  Another  recess  had 
been  spent  in  hopeless  attempts  to  make  a  winning 
combination,  and  morning  found  Arthur  making 
no  headway,  Edmunds  supported  by  a  forlorn 
hope,  Sherman  surely  shrinking,  and  nobody  else 
within  the  longest  range  of  the  nominating  light- 
ning. The  inevitable  ballot  was  approached  by  the 
Blaine  men  hopefully  and  by  the  opposition  sul- 
lenly. 

It  was  a  surprise  in  that  it  showed  Blaine  to 
have  a  larger  first  ballot  strength  than  his  mana- 
gers had  claimed,  and  Arthur  less  than  anybody, 
even  the  most  enthusiastic  of  his  opponents,  had 
suspected.  The  weakness  of  the  administration 
(Cause  being  thus  exposed,  the  nomination  of  Blaine 


THE   CONVENTION   OF   1884.  371 

might  have  been  effected  without  further  delay, 
but  the  Convention  resolved  itself  into  a  mob,  and 
the  Edmunds  and  Arthur  people  made  up  in  noise 
what  they  lacked  in  numbers,  so  that  it  was  really 
economic  of  time  to  stick  to  the  prearranged  Blaine 
schedule  of  four  ballots. 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  at  11.19  A.  m. 
by  Chairman  Henderson,  who  said  : 

"  The  Convention  this  morning  will  be  opened 
by  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Scudder,  of 
Chicago." 

Mr.  Scudder,  pastor  of  Plymouth  Church,  Chi- 
cago, offered  the  following  prayer  : 

"Almighty  and  ever  blessed  God,  we  worship 
Thee  as  the  author  of  our  being,  as  the  creator  of 
our  mortal  bodies  and  of  our  immortal  spirits,  and 
we  adore  Thee  as  the  inexhaustible  personal  source 
of  all  light  and  love  and  truth  and  liberty  and 
peace  and  gladness,  and  we  do  glorify  Thee  as 
the  Supreme  Law-giver  and  as  the  only  rightful 
sovereign  of  all  hearts  and  all  consciences,  and  we 
do  thank  Thee  with  reverence  and  gratitude  for 
the  benignant  providence  which,  from  the  very 
beginning,  has  watched  over  our  beloved  country. 
We  thank  Thee  for  its  manifold  deliverances  in 
times  of  national  peril,  for  its  grand  victory  over 
slavery,  for  its  symmetric  development  under  Thy 
protecting  care,  and  for  its  present  advancement 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  we  do  also 
bless  Thee  for  our  just  laws  and  liberal  institutions, 
for  our  civil  and  religious  liberty,  for  owr  fertile 
lands  and  abundant  resources,  for  our  great  cities 
and  our  happy  homes. 


372  THE   CONVENTION   OF   1884. 

"  We  bless  Thee,  Lord  God  of  truth  and  grace, 
for  the  great  faith,  and  for  our  Christian  churches, 
and  for  our  educational  privileges,  and  for  the 
privileges  that  Thou  dost  continually  grant  to  our 
people  for  their  growth  in  the  knowledge,  virtue 
and  power  that  constitute  genuine,  rational  hu- 
manity ;  and  we  ask  Thee  to  pronounce  Thy  bene- 
diction upon  this  Convention,  and  grant  it  to-day 
Thy  invaluable  support,  and  that  what  is  done 
here  may  be  done  in  righteousness  and  truth,  and 
in  the  spirit  of  patriotism  ;  and  may  every  man  in 
this  Convention  be  endowed  with  the  true  inspira- 
tion of  loyalty  and  truth  and  fidelity  to  the  highest 
interests  of  our  great  Republic ;  and  now,  finally, 
Great  and  Holy  God,  we  pray  Thee  that  this  Con- 
vention may  be  led  with  unanimity  to  select  for 
nomination  to  the  Presidency  of  these  United  States 
the  right  man,  and  when  he  is  selected  by  this 
Convention  may  he  be  elected  by  the  American 
people  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  country,  and 
after  he  has  been  elected,  if  that  be  Thy  Avill, 
may  his  life  be  precious  in  Thy  sight,  and  may  he 
be  so  endowed  with  every  gift  that  he  may  give 
the  country  an  administration  that  shall  be  an 
honor  to  this  Convention,  to  the  Republican  party, 
and  the  whole  American  people,  and  a  lesson  to 
mankind  ;  an  administration  which  shall  be  ac- 
ceptable in  Thy  sight,  oh  Lord  of  Hosts,  Thou, 
who  art  the  Lord  God,  and  we  ask  it  in  the  name 
of  our  Lord  and  Redeemer,  Jesus  Christ.    Amen." 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  the 
Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Ter- 
ritories that  have  not  yet  given  in  the  names  of 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  373 

the  members  of  the  National  Committee,  and 
which  were  passed  yesterday. 

A  delegate  from  California — I  desire  to  offer  a 
resolution  without  comment. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Illinois — I  demand  the  regular 
order;  I  object  to  this  resolution. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of 
the  States  for  National  Committeemen,  as  follows. 

California,  Horace  Davis;  Colorado  (a  delegate 
from  Colorado :  "Pass  Colorado  for  the  present"); 
Florida  (a  delegate  from  Florida  :  "  Pass  Florida"); 
New  Hampshire,  Edwin  H.  Fallett;  Tennessee, 
W.  D.  Brownlow;  District  of  Columbia,  Mr.  Car- 
son :  "  We  have  not  agreed  yet,  and  I  am  satisfied 
we  will  not  agree."  New  Mexico,  Colonel  Wil- 
liam H.  Ryners. 

A  delegate  from  California — I  desire  to  with- 
draw the  resolution  I  had  in  mind.  I  do  so  at 
the  request  of  the  members  of  my  delegation. 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  there 
is  now  nothing  in  order  except  to  call  the  roll  for 
the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Turner  of  Alabama — Mr.  President,  is  that 
call  of  the  roll  for  balloting  ? 

The  Chair — For  balloting — the  nomination  of 
the  candidate. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of 
States  for  the  vote  on  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, the  first  ballot  resulting  as  follows : 


374 


THE    CONVENTION    OF   1884. 


states. 


THE   FIRST   BALLOT. 

Total  vote.    Blaine.    Arthur.    Edmands.   Logtkn.   Sher- 
man 


Alabama, 

20 

1 

17 

, 

1 

Arkansas, 

14 

8 

4 

2 

California, 

16 

16 

^    ^ 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

,    ^ 

Connecticut,* 

12 

,    , 

,    ^ 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

1 

Florida, 

8 

1 

7 

Georgia, 

24 

.  . 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

3 

1 

40 

Indiana, 

30 

18 

9 

i 

Iowa, 

26 

26 

,    , 

Kansas* 

18 

12 

4 

i 

Kentucky,  t 

26 

5J 

16 

2^ 

Louisiana, 

16 

2 

10 

3 

Maine, 

12 

12 

Maryland, 

16 

10 

6 

Massachusetts, 

28 

1 

2 

25 

Michigan, 

26 

15 

2 

7 

Minnesota, 

14 

7 

1 

6 

Mississippi, 

18 

1 

17 

Missouri, 

82 

5 

10 

6 

10 

Nebraska, 

10 

8 

2 

,    . 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

,    , 

New  Hampshire, 

8 

,  . 

4 

4 

New  Jersey,  f  X 

18 

9 

.  . 

6 

New  York,  f 

72 

28 

31 

12 

North  Carolina, 

22 

2 

19 

i 

Ohio, 

46 

21 

.  , 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

.  . 

.  . 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

47 

11 

1 

i 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

,  . 

8 

South  Carolina, 

18 

1 

17 

Tennessee, 

24 

7 

16 

i 

Texas, 

26 

13 

11 

2 

Vermont, 

8 

,  . 

.  <> 

'8 

,  . 

Virginia, 

24 

2 

21 

1 

West  Virginia, 

12 

12 

Wisconsin, 

22 

10 

6 

6 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

.  , 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

,  . 

Id^ho, 

2 

2 

25 


THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 


375 


states. 

Montana,  2 

New  Mexico,  2 

Utah,^  2 

Washington,  2 

Wyoming,  2 
District  of  Columbia,     2 


Total  vote.    Blaine.    Arthur.    Edmunds.   Logan.   Sher- 
man 


Totals,  820    334i      278        93      63^        30 

*  Hawley,  12  and  1.  f  Lincoln,  1  and  2.  |  W.  T.  Sher- 
man, 2. 

During  the  roll-call  there  were  numerous  calls 
for  a  poll  of  the  delegates,  which  necessitated  the 
calling  by  the  Secretary  of  the  names  of  the  in- 
dividual delegates  in  the  States  from  which  these 
calls  proceeded.  This  caused  great  delay  in  baU 
loting.  After  the  announcement  of  the  vote  by 
the  Secretary,  the  Chair  said  : 

"A  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
having  been  had  without  securing  a  nomination, 
according  to  the  rules,  the  Convention  will  now 
proceed  to  another  vote.  The  Secretary  will  call 
the  roll." 

THE   SECOND   BALLOT. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll  of  States  for  the 
second  ballot,  which  resulted  as  follows : 

Total  vote.    Blaine.    Arthur.    Edmunds.    Logan.   Sher- 
man 


Alabama, 

20 

2 

17 

Arkansas, 

14 

11 

3 

California, 

16 

16 

,    ^ 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

,    . 

Connecticut,* 

12 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

*i 

Florida, 

8 

1 

7 

Georgia, 

24 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

3 

1 

40 


o/ 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 


States. 


Total  vote.     Blaine      Arthur.    Edmunds. 


Indiana, 

Iowa, 

Kansas,* 

Kentucky,  f 

Louisiana, 

Maine, 

Maryland, 

Massachusetts, 

Michigan,  J 

Minnesota, 

Mississippi, 

Missouri, 

Nebraska, 

Nevada, 

New  Hampshire, 

New  Jersej',  f 

New  York,  f 

North  Carolina, 

Ohio, 

Oregon, 

Penns3'']vania, 

Rhode  Island, 

South  Carolina, 

Tennessee, 

Texas, 

Vermont, 

Virginia, 

West  Virginia, 

Wisconsin, 

Arizona, 

Dakota, 

District  of  Columbia, 

Idaho, 

Montana, 

New  Mexico, 

Utidi, 

Washington, 

Wyoming, 


30 

26 

18 

26 

16 

12 

16 

28 

26 

14 

18 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 


18 

26 

13 

5 

4 

12 

12 

1 

15 
7 
1 
7 


9 
28 

3 
23 

6 
47 

i 

7 

13 

2 
12 
11 
2 
2 
1 


9 

2 

17 

9 

'  4 
3 
4 
1 
17 
10 
2 


31 

18 


11 

17 
16 
11 

'21 


Ix)gan.    Sher- 
man. 


24 
5 
6 


6 
12 


23 


Totals,  820      349      276        85        61         28 

*Hawley,  12  and  1.     f  Lincoln,  1,  2  and  1.    |  W.  T. 
Sherman,  2. 


THE     CONVENTION     OF     1884. 


377 


"When  the  announcement  was  made  of  the  result 
of  the  second  ballot,  owing  to  the  gain  shown  by 
the  Blaine  column,  there  was  wild  cheering,  which 
did  not  subside  for  several  minutes.  Upon  the 
partial  subsidence  of  the  noise,  some  delegates 
shouted  for  the  regular  order. 

The  Chair — No  nomination  having  been  made, 
the  Convention  will  now  proceed  to  the  third  bal- 
lot, and  the  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  States 
and  Territories. 


THE   THIRD   BALLOT. 


The  Secretary  called  the  roll  for  the  third  bal- 
lot, which  resulted  as  follows  : 


States. 


Total  vote.     Blaine.    Arthur.  Edmunds.   Logaa. 


Sher- 
man. 


Alabama, 

20 

2 

17 

1 

Arkansas, 

14 

11 

3 

California, 

16 

16 

•                 •    • 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

•    •                 •    • 

Connecticut,* 

12 

,    , 

•                 •    • 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

1 

•    • 

Florida, 

8 

1 

7 

•                 •    • 

Georgia, 

24 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

3 

1 

40 

Indiana, 

30 

18 

10 

2 

Iowa, 

26 

26 

Kansas,* 

18 

15 

,    ^ 

!          2 

Kentucky,f 

26 

6 

16 

2 

"i 

Louisiana, 

16 

4 

9 

2 

Maine, 

12 

12 

,  . 

•                 .    • 

Maryland, 

16 

12 

4 

•                 •    • 

Massachusetts, 

28 

1 

3 

24 

Michigan,! 

26 

18 

4 

3 

i 

Minnesota, 

14 

7 

2 

5 

Mississippi,! 

18 

1 

16 

Missouri, 

32 

12 

11 

4        *4 

378 


THE    CONVENTION  OF    1884. 


Statei. 


ToUl  vote.     Blaine.    Arthur.   Edmunds.   Logan.   Stier- 


Nebraska, 

10 

10 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

. . 

New  Hampshire, 
New  Jersey  ,t 
New  York, 

8 
18 

72 

ii 

28 

5 

1 

32 

North  Carolina, 

22 

4 

18 

Ohio, 

46 

25 

.  . 

Oregon, 
Pennsylvania, 

6 

60 

6 

50 

*8 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

,    , 

,    , 

South  Carolina, 

18 

2 

16 

Tennessee, 

24 

7 

17 

Texas, 

26 

14 

11 

Vermont, 

8 

,  . 

,  . 

Virginia, 
West  Virginia, 

24 
12 

4 
12 

20 

Wisconsin,  I 

22 

11 

10 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

,    ^ 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

,    , 

Idaho, 

2 

1 

1 

Montana, 

2 

1 

.  , 

New  Mexico, 

2 

,    . 

2 

Utah, 

2 

,    ^ 

2 

Washington, 

Wyoming, 

Dist.  of  Columbia, 

2 
2 

2 

2 
i 

2 

1 

12 


21 


Totals,  820      375      274        69        53        25 

*Hawley,  12  and  1.      f  Lincoln,  1,  1  and  6.     |W.  T. 
Sherman,  1  and  1. 

While  the  roll  was  being  called  for  the  third 
ballot  the  count  in  Kentucky  and  Massachusetts 
was  challenged,  but  upon  dissatisfaction  being  ex- 
pressed each  of  the  gentlemen  challenging  with- 
drew the  challenge.  When  eighteen  votes  were 
announced  for  James  G.  Blaine  from  the  State  of 
Michigan  there  was  tremendous  cheering.  When 
Nebraska  was  reached  Mr.  Thurston  arose  and  said : 


THE   CONTENTION    OF    1884.  379 

"  Mr.  Chairman  :  Nebraska,  with  her  fifty  thou- 
sand Republicans — " 

Here  again  a  profound  hostility  appeared  to  pre- 
vail among  the  audience  against  further  oratory, 
and  it  was  manifested  in  the  most  vociferous  man- 
ner. The  Chairman  finally  succeeded  in  getting 
order,  and  Mr.  Thurston  continued — "casts  ten 
votes  for  James  G.  Blaine,"  and  sat  down  amid 
tremendous  noise. 

While  the  roll  was  proceeding  and  after  the 
State  of  Nevada  had  been  called,  delegates  were 
seen  rushing  through  the  aisles  in  various  direc- 
tions. When  North  Carolina  was  reached  there 
was  a  great  deal  of  uproar  and  the  Chair  said : 
"  The  gentlemen  in  the  aisles  will  please  take  their 
seats  and  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  will  please  see  that 
they  do  so."  An  assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms  rushed 
around  at  a  terrific  pace  insisting  with  vehemence 
that  the  order  applied  with  peculiar  force  and 
especially  to  the  reporters. 

When  the  result  of  the  third  ballot  was  an- 
nounced there  was  another  scene  of  wild  confusion 
and  cheering.  When  opportunity  offered,  Judge 
Foraker,  of  Ohio,  was  recognized  by  the  Chair. 

Judge  Foraker — I  move  that  we  take  a  recess 
until  half-past  7  o'clock  this  evening. 

Mr.  Dutcher,  of  New  York — I  second  the  motion 
for  a  recess. 

On  the  question  of  adjournment  there  were  many 


380  THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

delays,  occasioned  by  the  demand  from  certain  of 
the  States  for  a  polling  of  the  vote.  The  result  on 
the  vote  was — yeas,  364 ;  nays,  450.  This  an- 
nouncement produced  another  season  of  wild  cheer- 
ing, during  which  Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  again  rose 
in  his  seat. 

Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio — I  move  that  the  rules  of 
this  Convention  be  suspended,  and  that  James  G. 
Blaine  be  nominated  by  acclamation.  [Loud  ap- 
plause and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — It  cannot  be  done. 
[Loud  cries  of  "  Roll-call,  roll-call "  and  continued 
confusion.] 

Mr.  Winston,  of  North  Carolina — I  move  that 
we  proceed  with  the  order  of  business — proceed  to 
call  the  roll  for  another  ballot.  [Loud  cries  of 
"Call  the  roll,  call  the  roll"  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Tennessee — I  desire  to  inquire 
how  Mr.  Cassell,  of  Tennessee,  is  recorded  ?  [Con- 
tinued confusion,  and  cries  of  "  Too  late,  too  late," 
and  "  Roll-call,  roll-call."] 

Mr.  Foraker — My  motion  is  that  the  rules  of 
this  Convention  be  suspended,  and  that  James  G. 
Blaine  be  nominated  by  acclamation.  [Loud  and 
long-continued  cheers  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — I  ask  for  roll-call. 

Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I  demand  the  regular 
order  and  a  call  of  the  roll.      [Loud  cheers.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — On  behalf  of  New 
York  I  ask  for  a  call  of  the  roll.    [Great  confusion.] 


THE    CONVENTION     OF     1884. 


381 


Mr,  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I  demand  a  call  of 
the  roll  and  I  move  that  we  proceed  to  ballot- 
[Continued  confusion  and  commotion  in  the 
hall.] 

Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio — In  order  that  the  time  of 
this  Convention  may  be  saved,  at  the  request  of 
several  members,  1  withdraw  the  motion  I  made. 

The  Chairman  directed  the  Clerk  to  call  the  roll 
of  States  for  the  fourth  ballot. 


THE    FOURTH   BALLOT. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll  of  the  States  for 
the  fourth  and  last  ballot  as  follows : 


States. 


Total  vote.     Blaine.    Arthur.    Edmunds.    Logan.   Sher- 
man. 


Alabama, 

20 

8 

12 

Arkansas, 

14 

11 

3 

California, 

16 

16 

.  . 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

Connecticut,* 

12 

.  . 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

*i 

Florida, 

8 

3 

5 

Georgia, 
Illinois, 

24 
44 

34 

24 
3 

Indiana, 

30 

30 

Iowa, 

26 

24 

2 

Kansas, 

18 

18 

Kentucky,  f 
Louisiana, 

26 
16 

9 
9 

15 

7 

Maine, 

12 

12 

,  . 

Maryland, 
Massachusetts, 

16 

28 

15 
3 

1 

7 

Michigan, 
Minnesota, 

26 
14 

26 
14 

Mississippi, 
Missouri, 

18 
•32 

2 
32 

16 

Nebraska, 

10 

10 

,    , 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

•    • 

18 


382 


THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 


New  Hampshire, 

8 

3 

2 

New  Jersey, 

18 

17 

New  York,*  t 

72 

29 

30 

North  Carolina,* 

22 

8 

12 

Ohio, 

46 

46 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

51 

8 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

7 

1 

South  Carolina, 

18 

2 

15 

Tennessee, 

24 

11 

12 

Texas, 

26 

15 

8 

Vermont, 

8 

,  . 

.  , 

Virginia, 

24 

4 

20 

West  Virginia, 

12 

12 

Wisconsin, 

22 

22 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

District  of  Columbia, 

2 

1 

i 

Idaho, 

2 

2 

Montana, 

2 

2 

New  Mexico, 

2 

.  . 

2 

Utah, 

2 

2 

Washington, 

2 

2 

Wyoming, 

2 

2 

Total  vote.     Blaine.    Arthur.    Edmnnda.   Logan.   Sher- 
man 

3 
1 
9 


Totals,  820      541      207        41  7        .  . 

*Hawley,  12,  2  and  1.     fL^^coln,  1  and  1. 

During  the  ballot,  when  the  State  of  Arkansas 
was  called,  Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  arose  and 
said: 

"  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order.  It  is  utterly  im- 
possible to  hear  a  word  unless  order  is  restored. 
Unless  that  order  is  restored  I  shall  move  that  this 
Convention  adjourn  to  a  hall  by  itself  to  finish 
these  proceedings."  [Great  applause,  confusion 
and  laughter.] 

The  vote  of  .Florida  was  polled  on  the  fourth 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  383 

ballot.  When  the  name  of  Joseph  E.  Lee,  of 
Florida,  was  called,  he  said  :  "  The  old  guard  dies, 
but  never  surrenders — Chester  A.  Arthur."  [Ap- 
plause.] When  Georgia  was  called,  the  chairman 
of  the  delegation,  Mr.  Buck,  said  :  "  Before  coming 
into  this  Convention  the  delegation  of  Georgia 
agreed  to  act  as  a  unit.  A  majority  of  the  dele- 
gation are  still  for  Chester  A.  Arthur,  and  unless  a 
vote  is  called  I  shall  announce  twenty-four  votes 
for  Arthur."  [Loud  applause  and  cries  of  "  Good ! 
good!"] 

The  Chair — Is  there  any  contest  in  Georgia  ? 
[Loud  cries  of  "  No,  no."] 

The  Chair — Georgia  then  casts  her  twenty-four 
votes  for  Chester  A.  Arthur.     [Loud  applause.] 

When  Illinois  was  called  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation,  Mr.  S.  M.  CuUom,  said  :  ''  I  ask  leave 
of  this  Convention  to  read  a  dispatch  which  I  re- 
ceived a  few  moments  ago  from  General  John  A. 
Logan,  addressed  to  the  Illinois  delegation."  [Loud 
cries  of  "  Regular  order,  regular  order,"  "  We 
object,"  "  Call  the  roll,"  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  CuUom — To  the  Republicans  [loud  cries  of 
"  Order  !  Call  the  roll !  Regular  order !  "] — I  am 
directed  by  General  Logan  to  read  it  to  this  Con- 
vention, and  shall  send  the  dispatch  to  the  desk  to 
be  read.  [Loud  cries  of  "  No !  no ! "  and  great 
confusion.] 

Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I  make  the  point  of 
order  that  the  reading  of   the  dispatch  is  not  in 


384  THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884. 

order,  and  nothing  but  the   announcement  of  the 
vote  is  in  order.     [Loud  applause.] 

The  Chair — The  Chair  sustains  the  point  of 
order.     [Loud  apphiuse.] 

Mr.  CuUom — The  Illinois  delegation  then  with- 
draws the  name  of  General  Logan,  and  gives  for 
Blaine  34  votes,  for  Logan  7,  and  for  Arthur  3. 
[Loud  applause  and  loud  cheers.] 

When  the  State  of  Ohio  was  called,  Judge  For- 
aker  arose  and  said :  "  For  what  I  suppose  to  be 
the  best  interests  of  this  party,  I  presented  the 
name  of  John  Sherman  to  this  Convention.  Also 
supposing  it  to  be  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
party,  we  have  until  now  favorably  and  most 
cordially  supported  him.  Now,  also,  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  part}',  we  withdraw  him  and  cast  for 
James  G.  Blaine  forty-six  votes."  [Tremendous 
outburst  of  applause.] 

The  Secretary  then  announced  the  result  of  the 
fourth  ballot  for  President  as  follows :  Whole 
number  of  delegates,  820;  whole  number  of  votes 
cast,  816  ;  necessary  to  a  choice,  411 ;  of  which 
Robert  T.  Lincoln  received  2,  John  A.  Logan  7, 
Joseph  R.  Hawley  15,  George  F.  Edmunds  41, 
Chester  A.  Arthur  207,  and  James  G.  Blaine  544. 

The  Secretary's  announcement  of  the  vote  for 
James  G.  Blaine  got  no  further  than  the  hundreds, 
for  his  voice  was  lost  in  the  whirlwind  of  ap- 
plause that  followed  the  announcement  of  the  fact 
of  Blaine's  nomination,  which  had  been  a  certainty 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  385 

ever  since  Shelby  M.  Cullom  had  tried  to  read  his 
telegram  from  John  A.  Logan.  Every  person  in 
the  audience,  delegates  and  visitors  alike^  rose  to 
their  feet  simultaneously,  and  all  being  Blaine  men,, 
shouted  and  sang  their  delight  at  the  success  of 
the  man  from  Maine  with  demonstrations  of  joy 
such  as  had  not  been  seen  before  in  the  Convention.. 
It  took  nearly  thirty  minutes  to  get  to  business. 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  [Jtho 
ushers  making  diligent  efforts  to  restore  quiet], 
Order !  [At  this  point  the  booming  of  the  cannon 
was  heard,  which  caused  renewed  cheering..  The 
Convention  at  length  becoming  comparatively 
quiet  the  Chairman  resumed.]  James  G.  Blaine,, 
of  Maine,  having  received  the  vOtes  of  a  majority 
of  all  the  delegates  elected  to  the  Convention — 
[the  Chairman  at  this  point  finding  himself  unable 
to  make  his  voice  heard  in  the  confusion  that  pre- 
vailed handed  the  written  announcement  to  the 
Secretary,  who  read  it  as  follows :] 

James  G.  Blaine  having  received  the  votes  of  a, 
majority  of  all  the  delegates  elected  to  this  Con- 
vention, the  question  now  before  the  Convention 
is,  shall  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine  be  made 
unanimous.  [Cries  of  "  Yes."]  On  that  motion 
the  Chair  recognized  Mr.  Burleigh,  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Burleigh  having  taken  the  platform,  said : 

Mr.  President — In  behalf  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  at  his  request,  I  move  to 
25 


386  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

make  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine  unani- 
mous, and  I  promise  for  the  friends  of  President 
Arthur,  who  are  always  loyal  at  the  polls,  and  for 
Northern  New  York,  20,000  Republican  majority, 
and  I  promise  you  all  that  we  will  do  all  we  can 
for  the  ticket  and  for  the  nominee,  and  wall  show 
you  in  November  next  that  New  York  is  a  Repub- 
lican State.  It  elected  James  A.  Garfield  and  it 
will  elect  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine.   [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Minnesota  has 
the  floor. 

Mr.  Sabin,  of  Minnesota,  having  the  floor,  said : 

Mr.  Chairman,  four  yours  ago,  in  this  very  hall, 
and  as  a  delegate  to  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention, I  was  opposed  to  Chester  A.  Arthur  and 
to  the  elements  with  which  he  then  associated. 
Since  then  he  has  been  called,  under  the  most 
trying  circumstances,  to  fill  the  first  place  in  the 
gift  of  the  people  of  this  country.  So  well,  so 
nobly,  so  f\iithfully  has  he  fulfilled  this  trust,  and 
so  happily  has  he  disappointed,  not  only  those  of 
his  opponents,  but  his  friends,  so  fully  has  he  filled 
the  position  of  the  scholar  and  the  gentleman, 
ithat  he  is  possessed  of  that  great,  good  common 
sense,  which  has  made  his  administration  a  great 
and  pronounced  success,  that  he  has  grown  upon 
me,  until  to-day  I  honor  and  revere  Chester  A. 
Arthur.  [Applause.]  As  a  friend  of  his,  I  no  less 
honor  and  revere  that  prince  of  gentlemen,  that 
;Scholar,  that  gifted  statesman,  James  G.  Blaine, 
whose  nomination  it  affords  me  the  greatest  pleas- 
ure to  second,  with  th€  prediction  that  his  name 


THE    CONVENTION    OF   1884.  387 

before  the  country  in  November  will  produce  that 
same  spontaneous  enthusiasm  which  will  make  him 
President  of  the  United  States  on  the  4th  of 
March  next.  [Loud  and  prolonged  applause. 
Cries  of  Curtis.] 

Mr.  Plumb,  of  Kansas — Mr.  Chairman,  this 
Convention  has  discharged  two  of  its  most  impor- 
tant trusts,  and  is  now,  notwithstanding  the  length 
of  time  it  has  been  in  session  and  the  exciting 
scenes  through  which  it  has  passed,  in  thorough 
good  humor,  and  I  believe  we  are  ready  to  go  on 
and  conclude  the  business  which  brought  us  all 
here.     [No,  no.] 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Nebraska — There  is  a  motion  to 
make  the  nomination  unanimous.  That  is  the 
question  before  the  Convention,  and  I  call  for  the 
regular  order. 

Mr.  Plumb,  of  Kansas — Before  proceeding  with 
that  I  desire  to  respond  to  the  sentiment  which 
pervades  the  entire  Convention.  I  move  that  this 
nomination  be  made  unanimous,  and  I  hope  there 
will  not  be  a  dissenting  voice  in  all  this  vast  as- 
semblage. 

The  Chair — I  have  been  requested  to  read  to  the 
Convention  the  following  telegraphic  despatch : 

The  President  has  sent  the  following  despatch 
to  Mr.  Blaine : 

The  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Augusta,  Maine — 
As  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  you  will 
have  my  earnest,  cordial  support. 


388  THE   CONVENTION-   OF   1884. 

The  Chair — Shall  the  motion  to  make  the  nom- 
ination unanimous  prevail?  All  those  in  favor  of 
that  will  say  aye  [the  tremendous  shout  of  "  aye  " 
sent  up  by  the  vast  multitude  clearly  demonstrated 
the  fact  that  the  nomination  was  made  unani- 
mous.] 

Mr  Husted,  of  New  York — I  move  that  this 
Convention  do  now  adjourn  until  eight  o'clock  this 
evening.     The  motion  prevailed. 

The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  eight 
o'clock  in  the  evening. 

There  was  a  very  large  attendance,  as  well  of 
delegates  as  of  spectators,  at  the  evening  session. 
The  galleries  were  hardly  less  crowded  than  at  any 
of  the  preceding  sessions ;  but  there  was  a  marked 
absence  of  any  other  feeling  than  one  of  simple 
curiosity.  It  was  8.15  o'clock  when  the^  Chair- 
man's gavel  fell,  calling  the  Convention  to  order. 

The  resolution  limiting  speeches  of  nomination 
to  ten  minutes  passed,  and  the  clerk  proceeded  to 
call  the  roll  of  States  for  nominations.  No  re- 
sponse was  received  until  Illinois  was  reached, 
when  Senator  Plumb,  of  Kansas,  said  that  it  was 
but  a  matter  of  just  recognition  to  the  great  body 
of  the  soldiers  of  the  war  for  the  Union,  that  a 
representative  from  their  number  should  be  placed 
as  the  second  name  on  the  ticket.  The  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  had  enrolled  more  than 
three-quarters  of  a  million  men  who  lately  wore 
the  blue.     In  presenting  a  name  from  their  ranks. 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  389 

the  Speaker  would  mention  a  man  fitted  in  every 
way  for  the  first  place ;  a  man  who  would  add 
strength  to  the  ticket,  and  justify  the  hopes  and 
expectations  of  the  party.  That  man  was  General 
John  A.  Logan.  The  speaker  did  not  present  him 
on  behalf  of  Illinois,  or  of  any  other  State,  but  of 
the  whole  United  Stales.  He  belonged  no  more 
to  Illinois  than  to  Kansas,  where  75,000  soldiers 
would  receive  the  news  of  his  nomination  with 
shouts  of  gladness.  The  speaker  was  commis- 
sioned by  the  State  of  Kansas  to  make  this  nomi- 
nation. 

The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Judge  Houck, 
of  Tennessee;  Hon.  J.  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska; 
Senator  Joseph  W.  Lee,  of  Pennsylvania;  Con- 
gressman Horr,  of  Michigan ;  John  C.  Dancy,  col- 
ored, and  delegates  from  Georgia  and  Kentucky. 

A  motion  was  made  to  nominate  Logan  by  ac- 
clamation. This  method  was  tried  but  did  not 
prove  satisfactory,  and,  after  several  speeches  were 
made.  Congressman  Davis,  of  Illinois,  demanded  a 
call  of  the  roll  on  the  nominations.  This  was 
ordered.  When  New  York  was  reached,  George 
William  Curtis  announced  that  his  delegation  was 
not  quite  ready,  and  asked  that  time  be  given  to 
make  the  count.  The  request  was  granted,  and 
the  call  proceeded. 

The  roll  being  completed.  New  York  was  again 
called,  and  Mr.  Curtis  announced  the  vote  of  that 
State  as  one  vote  for  Foraker,  of  Ohio ;  six  votes 


390  THE   CONVENTION   OF   1884. 

for  Gresham,  of  Indiana,  and  sixty  votes  for 
Logan.  The  vote  was  unanimous,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  these  seven  from  New  York,  Logan's 
total  vote  being  779.  The  nomination  was  then 
made  unanimous. 

It  would  be  impossible  in  the  above  detailed 
description  of  the  proceedings  to  tell  of  the  tumul- 
tuous enthusiasm  that  prevailed  from  the  time  the 
Convention  began  until  its  work  was  ended. 
No  better  idea  can  be  given  than  that  of  a  gen- 
tleman who  wrote  the  following  letter  to  a  friend. 
The  description  is  a  most  graphic  one : 

"James  G.  Blaine  is  nominated. 

"  Twice  defeated  for  the  nomination,  once  in 
1876  by  the  jealousy  of  a  part  of  New  England 
and  the  opposition  of  Ohio  and  the  South  and  once 
in  1880  by  the  machine,  the  choice  of  Kepublican 
States  and  Republican  voters  has  become  at  last 
the  choice  of  the  Republican  party.  Yesterday 
evening  left  without  question  or  challenge  the 
position  he  occupied  before  the  Convention.  He 
was  the  first  choice  of  an  overwhelming  plurality. 
He  was  the  second  choice  of  an  equally  over- 
whelming majority.  No  one  candidate  could  equal 
his  strength  on  the  first  ballot  and  no  combination 
of  candidates  could  equal  the  number  of  those  who, 
when  their  first  choice  was  laid  aside,  preferred 
James  G.  Blaine  to  any  other  man  within  the 
party. 

"  These  things  were  plain.  They  pointed  to  a 
logical  result,  which  accident  might  prevent  or 
intrigue  defeat,  but  the  course  and  outcome  of  the 


THE   CONVENTION   OF   1884.  391 

day  showed  that  neither  could  accomplish  its  pur- 
pose. He  was  nominated.  The  steady  march  of 
Republican  desires,  begun  long  ago  in  village 
primaries  and  the  county  caucus,  had  to-day  its 
long  drawn  triumph  and  crowning  suffrage.  Step 
by  step  the  work  in  the  Convention  went  on. 

"  The  roll-call  for  the  first  ballot  is  over  at  last. 
Then  clerks  bend  over  the  tally  sheets,  innumer- 
able pencils  pass  up  and  down,  and,  as  Henderson 
rises  to  give  the  result,  there  is  a  wild  sway  and 
raid  of  telegraph  boys  about  the  correspondent's 
desk.  All  over  the  land  men  are  putting  up  before 
listening  thousands  the  tally:  Blaine,  3341^ ;  Ar- 
thur, 278;  Edmunds,  93;  Logan,  63^;  John 
Sherman,  30 ;  Hawley,  13 ;  Lincoln,  3 ;  General 
Sherman,  2.  The  first  ballot  ends  in  a  Blaine 
storm  checked  as  the  second  ballot  opens. 

"  Changes  begin.  Arkansas  adds  three  votes  to 
Blaine.  A  dozen  States  pass,  and  the  vote  stands 
unchanged.  The  second  ballot  goes  on  and  Blaine 
is  gaining.  Every  vote  is  watched  with  breathless 
interest  followed  by  tumults  of  applause.  The 
Blaine  men  feel  that  they  are  gaining  ground. 
The  Arthur  men  know  that  they  are  losing.  The 
Edmunds  men  are  disconsolate.  The  ballot  ends, 
and  Blaine  is  further  to  the  front. 

"  With  Blaine  at  349  and  Arthur  at  276,  how- 
ever, the  gap  was  widened  past  repair  between  the 
candidates,  and  it  was  plain  when  order  came 
again,  such  order  as  this  restless  mob  gives,  that 
the  next  ballot  must  make  or  mar  all  the  plans  of 
the  past  or  assure  all  the  hopes  of  the  future. 

"  In  the  midst  of  it,  his  lips  vainly  forming  sen- 
tence after  sentence,  stands  Foraker,  slender,  well- 
built,  his  face  shining  with  the  effort  and  his  voice 


392  THE    CONVENTION    OF     1884. 

carried  away  by  the  Bhiine  gale.  Minute  by 
minute  passes  before  a  lull  comes,  and  then  it  be- 
comes known,  rather  by  men  passing  the  word 
along  than  by  any  hearing  of  his  words,  that  he 
moves  a  recess  until  7.30. 

"It  was  the  last  uncertain  chance  todefeat  Blaine, 
the  bare  possibility  that  five  hours  of  cabal  might 
bring  the  candidate,  in  place  of  Blaine,  whom  five 
months  of  popular  agitation  and  discussion  had  not 
evolved. 

"Straightway  Stewart,  steadying  himself,  shouts 
in  tlie  storm  that  breaks  on  Foraker's  motion  that 
the  opposing  forces  have  passed  the  skirmish  line 
and  the  battle  must  join.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  frequent  popular  calls  for  Blaine  his  cause  has 
had  good  management  before  the  Convention.  For 
the  first  time  it  had  now  a  leader  in  the  Conven- 
tion. There  is  in  the  stress  and  storm  of  these 
conliicts  the  shock,  if  not  the  danger,  of  battle, 
and  Stewart,  by  voice  and  manner,  by  look  and 
gesture,  standing  erect,  his  face  aflame  and  his  arm 
extended,  threw  into  his  manner  all  that  a  leader 
in  the  forefront  needed.  This  may  not  be  the 
best  way  to  decide  momentous  issues ;  but,  given 
these  conditions,  by  such  leadership  is  victory  won, 
and  won  it  was." 

While  these  stirring  scenes  were  being  enacted 
in  Chicago,  Mr.  Blaine  was  at  his  home  in  Au- 
gusta, Maine,  with  his  family.  He  heard  the 
news  a  very  few  moments  after  the  final  ballot 
was  taken.  The  now  nominee  of  the  Republican 
party  was  quietly  swinging  in  a  hammock  under 
a  spreading  aj)ple  tree,  and  sitting  round  him  were 


THE   CONVENTION   OF    1884.  393 

Mrs.  Blaine  and  two  of  her  daughters,  Miss  Stan- 
wood  (Mrs.  Blaine's  sister),  Miss  Dodge  ("  Gail 
Hamilton  "),  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Homan,  Miss  Manly 
and  Miss  Johnson. 

His  demeanor  of  quiet  composure  was  in  nowise 
disturbed  from  what  it  has  been  all  through  the 
past  week. 

"  I  did  not  expect  a  definite  result  so  soon,"  said 
Mr.  Blaine,  addressing  one  of  the  group,  "  but  the 
anxiety  in  regard  to  the  nomination  question  is 
over  at  least." 

NOMINATED  BY  THE  POPULAR  WILL. 

To  Mr.  Sprague,  editor  of  his  home  paper,  who 
at  this  moment  put  in  his  appearance,  he  said  : 
''  Well,  the  biggest  liar  in  the  country  cannot  say  I 
schemed,  or  dictated,  or  traded,  or  had  anything  to 
do  with  the  nomination  or  Convention.  I  have 
asked  no  delegate  to  vote  for  me ;  have  written 
to  no  man,  not  even  to  Mr.  Manly  or  Mr.  John  A. 
Stevens,  or  Mr.  Bigelow,  or  my  friend  Homan  here. 
To  no  one  have  I  said  one  word  in  any  way, 
manner  or  shape  that  can  in  any  way  be  construed 
to  be  a  bid  or  move  toward  this  nomination." 

At  this  instant  the  report  of  the  old  cannon  on 
the  wharf  at  Hallowell,  said  to  be  one  that  was 
used  on  the  "  Boxer"  during  her  fight  with  the  "  En- 
terprise," gave  the  first  boom  for  Blaine  that  was 
sounded  in  the  State  of  Maine. 

"  Isn't  this  glorious ! "  cried  Miss  Dodge  to  some 


394  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

ladies  who  had  just  driven  up.  The  first  congratu- 
latory despatch  received  by  Mr.  Blaine  was  from 
General  CoUis,  of  New  York,  and  was  sent  before 
the  final  vote  was  taken. 

SOUNDS   OF    REJOICING. 

Mr.  Blaine  and  his  entire  family  seemed  just  as 
quiet  and  unconcerned  as  ever;  but  as  the  crowd 
of  friends  increased  and  the  streets  around  began 
to  be  crowded  with  village  folks  shouting  their 
huzzas  and  pushing  to  get  the  best  view  of  the 
happy  party  on  the  lawn,  the  children  began  to 
show  signs  of  excitement.  Then  Miss  Dodge 
caught  the  sound  of  the  church  bells  as  they  began 
to  ring,  and  this  was  followed  by  shrieks  of  steam 
whistles  from  factories  and  steamers  on  the  river. 
The  noise  as  it  increased  began  to  relax  the  severe 
strain  which  the  entire  fiimily  held  over  their 
feelings,  and  one  by  one  they  grew  more  animated, 
a  brighter  light  came  to  the  eye,  and  the  voices 
were  raised  a  little  higher. 

The  air  was  filled  with  shouts  of  joy  as  the 
throngs  grew  thicker  on  the  streets.  The  bells 
and  guns  from  Hallowell  and  Gardiner,  two  and 
six  miles  down  the  river,  joined  in  the  general  din. 
Newspaper  correspondents  began  to  make  their 
way  along  to  the  party  on  the  lawn,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  himself  began  to  show  the  effects  of  the 
tremendous  excitement  as  the  crowd  grew  larger 
and  the  noise  increased  in  volume.     It  seemed  as 


THE    CONVENTION    OF    1884.  395 

though  every  workshop  and  store  had  emptied 
itself  into  the  streets,  and  everybody  was  excited 
and  jubihmt. 

The  Democrats  caught  the  excitement,  and  were 
inclined  to  feel  that  the  selection  of  an  Augusta  resi- 
dent was  at  least  an  honor  to  good  citizens,  and  they 
were  willing  to  join  in  the  glad  celebration  going  on. 

Congratulatory  despatches  kept  coming  in  as  fast 
as  the  facilities  of  the  telegraph  office  could  receive 
them.  Extra  operators  and  a  large  force  of  mes- 
sengers were  put  on.  The  local  train  from  Gar- 
diner and  Hallowell  brought  in  all  that  could 
stand  upon  it.  The  8  o'clock  train  also  brought 
crowds.  At  8.30  a  procession  was  formed  in  the 
square  down  town.  Headed  by  a  brass  band,  they 
marched  over  the  city  and  to  Mr.  Blaine's  house, 
where  they  began  the  celebration  that  will  be  kept 
up  the  remainder  of  the  campaign. 

When  the  procession  reached  Mr.  Blaine's  resi- 
dence on  Commercial  street  it  halted,  and  the 
spokesman  of  the  party  cried :  "  Three  cheers  for 
the  next  President  of  the  United  States."  A 
storm  of  cheers  followed.  In  response,  Mr.  Blaine 
appeared  at  the  doorway  and  surveyed  the  assem- 
bled multitude  for  a  moment.  All  demonstration 
was  quickly  hushed,  and  Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  My  friends  and  my  neighbors — I  thank  you 
most  sincerely  for  the  honor  of  this  call.  There 
is  no  spot  in  the  world  where  good  news  comes  to 


396  THE    CONVENTION   OF    1884. 

me  so  gratefully  as  here  at  my  own  home,  among 
the  people  with  whom  I  have  been  on  terms  of 
friendship  and  intimacy  for  more  than  thirty  years 
— people  whom  I  know  and  who  know  me. 
Thanking  you  again  for  the  heartiness  of  the  com- 
pliment, I  bid  you  good-night." 

There  was  a  happy  gathering  that  night  in  the 
Blaine  mansion.  Long  after  the  rest  of  the  family 
had  retired,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blaine  sat  up  and  talked 
about  the  gratifying  result  of  the  Convention's 
work.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  proud  and  happy ;  proud 
of  her  noble  husband  and  his  great  abilities,  and 
happy  because  the  people  had  rebuked  treachery 
and  called  him  to  be  their  standard-bearer  to  lead 
them  on  to  victory  at  the  polls.  Mr.  Blaine  showed 
no  excitement  whatever.  He  was  calm  and  col- 
lected, and  after  talking  for  an  hour  or  two,  went 
to  bed  and  slept  as  soundly  as  though  he  had  not 
passed  through  weeks  of  waiting  for  the  people's 
decision. 


Appendix  A» 


VOTE  OF  EACH  STATE  BY  COUNTIES 

FOR  PRESIDENT,  1880. 

ALABAMA. 


Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Autauga, 

974 

978 

Baldwin, 

663 

767 

Barbour, 

1200 

2773 

Bibb, 

106 

737 

Blount, 

260 

1318 

Bullock, 

656 

124 

Butler, 

861 

2026 

Calhoun, 

509 

1984 

Chambers, 

884 

1918 

Cherokee, 

180 

1390 

Chilton, 

134 

714 

Chocktaw, 

520 

1050 

Clarke, 

740 

1173 

Clay, 

52 

1002 

Cleburne, 

117 

904 

Coffee, 

63 

764 

Colbert, 

1072 

1237 

Conecuh, 

843 

1154 

Coosa, 

812 

1296 

Covington, 

64 

879 

Crenshaw, 

231 

1774 

Cullman, 

163 

336 

Dale, 

284 

1224 

Dallas, 

1108 

1794 

DeKalb, 

252 

759 

Elmore, 

1389 

1467 

Escambia, 

285 

812 

Etowah, 

347 

1217 

Fayette, 

Franklin, 

Geneva, 

Greene, 

Hale, 

Henry, 

Jackson, 

Jefferson, 

Lauderdale, 

Lamar, 

Lawrence, 

Lee, 

Limestone, 

Lowndes, 

Macon, 

Madison, 

Marengo, 

Marion, 

Marshall, 

Mobile, 

Monroe, 

Montgomery, 

Morgan, 

Perry, 

Pickens, 

Pike, 

Randolph, 

Russell, 


Garfield,     Hancocli^ 
D. 

631 


R. 

202 

110 

6 

1463 

1549 

273 

590 

781 

1228 

172 

1414 

1569 

1623 

2399 

191 

8062 

1825 

174 

83 

3239 

821 

5469 

644 

2082 

214 

741 

486 

1402 


655 

460 

943 

1736 

1729 

2059 

1712 

1743 

856 

1555 

1943 

1600 

1414 

538 

2808 

2359 

863 

939 

3784 

1087 

2971 

1420 

2278 

1562 

2327 

832 

1678 


(1) 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Shelby, 

St.  Clair, 

Sumter, 

Talladega, 

Tallapoosa, 

Tuscaloosa, 

Walker, 


Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock,  | 
1). 

840 

1455 

496 

942 

1337 

1787 

1757 

1659 

770 

2676 

807 

1855 

220 

539 

Garfield,    Hancock, 


Washington, 

Wilcox, 

Winston, 


R. 

139 

1264 

126 


D. 

575 

1860 

149 


Totals,         56378      90689 
Majority,  34309 

Total  vote,  151,620. 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 
Governor. 


O'Neal,  D.  101841 

Sheffield,  I.  46839 

Treasurer. 

Vincent,  D.  105061 

Montgomery,  I.  44092 


Secretary  of  State. 

Phelan,  D.  104403 

Townsend,  I.  45251 

Auditor. 
Carmichael,  D.  105506 

Shields,  I.  45506 


Tompkins,  D. 


Attorney-General. 
104S12  I  Lane,  I. 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep. 

1872  President 79444  90272 

1874  Governor 107118  93928 

1876  Governor 100837  56091 

1876  President 102989  68708 

1878  Governor 89571    

1880  Governor 134213  42458 


45078 


Maj. 
10828  R. 
13190  D. 
44746  D. 
34281  D. 
89571  D. 
91755  D. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  Edward  A.  O'Neal ;  Secretary  of  State,  Ellis 
Phelan ;  Treasurer,  I.  H.  Vincent ;  Attorney-General,  H. 
C.  Tompkins ;  Auditor,  J.  M.  Carmichael ;  Superintendent 
of  Education,  H.  C.  Armstrong — all  Democrats. 


VOTE    BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 8  8 

Democrats 31  80  111 

Ind.  Democrats 6  6 

Greenbackers 2  6  8 

Democratic  maj 29  72  101 


ARKANSAS. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Arkansas, 

716 

861 

Garland, 

566 

814 

Ashley, 

672 

727 

Grant, 

105 

478 

Baxter, 

156 

607 

Green, 

23 

515 

Benton, 

298 

1964 

Hempstead, 

1641 

1450 

Boone, 

325 

1134 

Hot  Spring, 

208 

609 

Bradley, 

178 

575 

Howard, 

453 

884 

Calhoun, 

270 

471 

Independence, 

435 

1463 

Carroll, 

399 

887 

Izard, 

223 

1005 

Chicot, 

1552 

266 

Jackson, 

500 

883 

Clark, 

880 

1263 

Jefferson, 

3196 

885 

Clay, 

73 

590 

Johnson, 

279 

1098 

Columbia, 

582 

1173 

Lafayette, 

544 

315 

Conway, 

1020 

908 

Lawrence, 

104 

800 

Craighead, 

83 

574 

Lee, 

995 

539 

Crawford, 

974 

1138 

Lincoln, 

848 

468 

Crittenden, 

913 

239 

Little  River, 

547 

491 

Cross, 

299 

464 

Logan, 

827 

1155 

Dallas, 

296 

495 

Lonoke, 

599 

1001 

Desha, 

32 

478 

Madison, 

414 

735 

Dorsey, 

281 

514 

Marion, 

120 

654 

Drew, 

553 

888 

Miller, 

735 

884 

Faulkner, 

459 

1097 

Mississippi, 

398 

536 

Franklin, 

468 

1583 

Monroe, 

963 

715 

Fulton, 

78 

558 

Montgomery, 

142 

445 

4  VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
1). 

Nevada, 

372 

936 

Sebastian, 

1074 

1639 

Newton, 

340 

320 

Sevier, 

141 

591 

Ouachita, 

929 

858 

Sharp, 

174 

793 

Perry, 

175 

187 

St.  Francis, 

494 

693 

Phillips, 

2367 

924 

Stone, 

50 

417 

Pike, 

152 

346 

Union, 

789 

1096 

Poinsett, 

23 

265 

Van  Buren, 

162 

873 

Polk, 

48 

334 

Washington, 

788 

1937 

Pope, 

376 

1156 

White, 

301 

1922 

Prairie, 

504 

749 

Woodruff, 

738 

668 

Pulaski, 

3351 

1971 

Yell, 

669 

1331 

Randolph, 

147 

905 

Saline, 

266 

719 

Totals, 

41661 

60489 

Scott, 

205 

609 

Majority, 

18828 

Searcy, 

566 

452 

Total  vote 

106,229. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS, 

1882. 

Governor. 

Secretary  of  State. 

Berry,  D. 

87675 

Frolich,  D. 

86709 

Slack,  R. 

49352 

Tufts,  R. 

49163 

Garland,  G. 

10142 

Tobey,  G. 

9273 

Treasurer. 

Auditor. 

Woodrufif,  D 

89038 

Files,  D. 

87940 

Waterhouse, 

R. 

49601 

Barry,  R. 

55400 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep. 

1872  President 37927  41073 

1874  Governor 76871     

1874  Congress 42671  22808 

1876  Governor 71298  37306 

1876  President 58083  38669 

1878  Governor 88792     

1880  President 60489  41661 

1880  Governor 84185  31424 


Maj. 

3146  R. 
76871  D. 
19863  D. 
33992  D. 
19414  D. 
88792  D. 
18828  D. 
52761  D. 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.  5 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  J.  H.  Berry;  Secretar}'^  of  State,  Jacob  Frolich ; 
Treasurer,  Wm.  E.  Woodruff,  Jr. ;  Auditor,  A.  W.  Files ;: 
Attorney-General,  C.  B.  Mone  ;  Land  Commissioner,  AV.  P. 
Campbell;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  W.  E., 
Thompson — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 1  13  14 

Democrats 30  81  111 

Greenbackers 2  2  4 

Democratic  maj 27  66  93« 


CALIFORNIA. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, . 

R. 

1>. 

R. 

D. 

Alameda, 

5887 

3894 

Mendocino, 

970 

1313; 

Alpine, 

66 

41 

Merced, 

516 

736. 

Amador, 

1344 

1411 

Modoc, 

370 

463. 

Butte, 

1811 

1832 

Mono, 

914 

821 

Calaveras, 

1156 

1137 

Monterey, 

1258 

1205 

Colusa, 

881 

1607 

Napa, 

1199 

1082: 

Contra  Costa, 

1300 

1010 

Nevada, 

2238' 

2029" 

Del  Norte, 

263 

297 

Placer, 

1640 

1416 

El  Dorado, 

1416 

1520 

Plumas, 

697 

645 

Fresno, 

614 

1133 

Sacramento, 

3791 

2817 

Humboldt, 

1489 

735 

San  Benito, 

429 

646 

Inyo, 

321 

274 

San  Bernardino,  729 

701 

Kern, 

463 

661 

San  Diego, 

740 

546 

Lake, 

454 

677 

San  Francisco, 

19042 

21471 

Lassen, 

303 

301 

San  Joaquin, 

2560 

2409 

Los  Angeles, 

2915 

2853 

San  LuisObisp 

0,830 

729 

Marin, 

759 

561 

San  Mateo, 

760 

720 

Mariposa, 

432 

598 

Santa  Barbara 

,  901 

717 

26 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

D. 

K. 

1». 

Santa  Clara, 

3114 

2821 

Trinity, 

464 

458 

Santa  Cruz, 

1233 

1102 

Tulare, 

918 

1316 

Shasta, 

865 

877 

Tuolumne, 

922 

1001 

Sierra, 

994 

559 

Ventura, 

697 

522 

Siskiyou, 

799 

900 

Yolo, 

1253 

1374 

Solano, 

1960 

1959 

Yuba, 

1165 

■    1185 

Sonoma, 
Stanislaus, 

2286 
752 

2628 
1161 

Totals, 

80273 

80417 

Sutter, 

602 

591 

Majority, 

144 

Tehama, 

867 

954 

, 

Total  vote  for  President,  160,690.  Total  vote  for  Gov- 
ernor, 169,094.  Judge  Terr}^  one  of  the  Democratic  can- 
didates for  Elector,  ran  546  votes  behind  his  ticket,  and 
was  beaten  by  Edgerton,  the  Eepublican  candidate  having 
the  highest  number  of  votes,  by  a  majorit}^  of  507.  The 
California  Electoral  College  consisted  of  five  Democrats 
and  one  Republican. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


Governor. 
Estee,  R. 
Stoneman,  D. 
McQuiddy,  G. 
.McDonald,  P. 


Lieutenant-Governor. 
Conklin,  R.  71640 


67173 
90695 

1020 

5772  I  Sims,  P. 


Daggett,  D. 
Swazey,  G. 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  Ind. 

U«72  President 40718  54020  1068 

1873  Supreme  Court...  19247  13841  24554 

1875  Sup.  Pub.  In 39630  45257    

1875  Governor 61509  31322  29752 

1876  President 76464  79269  44 

1879  Governor 47647  67965  44482 


87944 
1138 
3783 


Maj. 
13302  R. 

5207  I. 

5627  R. 
30187  D. 

2805  R. 
20318  R. 


VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.  7 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  George  Stoneman ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  John 
Daggett ;  Secretary  of  State,  Thomas  L.  Thompson ;  Treas- 
urer, William  A.  Jannay ;  Attorney-General,  E.  C.  Mar- 
shall— all  Democrats. 


PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.             House.  Total. 

Democrats 31                    61  92 

Republicans 9                     18  27 

Workingmen 1  1 

Democratic  maj 22                    42  64 


COLORADO. 

Garfield,Hancock,Weaver, 

Garfield, Ilancock.Weaver, 

K. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

D.          G. 

Arapahoe, 

4214 

3582 

102 

Lake, 

3801 

4197   142 

Bent, 

174 

242 

6 

La  Plata, 

259 

345     ... 

Boulder, 

1313 

796 

293 

Larimer, 

646 

388  178 

Carter, 

1297 

1061 

36 

Las  Animas, 

586 

1314     44 

Chaffee, 

1135 

1188 

17 

Ouray, 

479 

418       6 

Clear  Creek 

1567 

961 

83 

Park, 

698 

598     31 

Conejos, 

608 

611 

2 

Pueblo, 

824 

860     ... 

Costilla, 

334 

379 

... 

Rio  Grande, 

298 

198     ... 

Douglass, 

331 

282 

1 

Routt, 

39 

19     ... 

Elbert, 

176 

195 

6 

Saguache, 

509 

371       4 

El  Paso, 

1151 

580 

30 

San  Juan, 

224 

196       5 

Fremont, 

606 

530 

65 

Summit, 

1289 

1328     24 

Gilpin, 

1236 

805 

26 

Weld, 

804 

373  251 

Grand, 
Gunnison, 

121 

1012 

87 
1060 

4 

7 

Totals,    27450  24647  1435 

Hinsdale, 

421 

361 

... 

Majority, 

2803 

Huerfano, 

466 

532 

15 

Total  vote  for 

President, 

Jefferson, 

832 

790 

57 

53532. 

8  VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    188Q. 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


Governor. 

Campbell,  R.  27552 

Grant,  D.  29897 

Woy,  G.  937 


Supreme  Judge. 
Helm,  R.  30335 

Markham,  D,  29819 

Hollingsworth,  G.  1200 


VOTES  OF  STATE  AND  TERRITORY  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1872  Congress 6260     7696  1336  R. 

1874  Congress 9333     7170  2163  D. 

1876  Congress 12310    13308      998  R. 

1876  Governor 13316    14154      838  R. 

Dem.    Rep.   Gbk.    Maj. 

1878  Governor 11573   14396   2755  2823  R. 

1878  Congress 12003   14294   2329  2291  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  James  B.  Grant,  D. ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
W.  H.  Meyer,  R. ;  Secretary,  Melvin  Edwards,  R. ;  Treas- 
urer, Frederick  Walsen,  R. ;  Auditor,  John  C.  Abbott,  R. ; 
Attorney-General,  D.  F.  Urney,  R. ;  Superintendent  of  In- 
struction J.  C.  Shattuck,  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate. 

Republicans 17 

Democrats 9 


House. 

Total 

36 

53 

13 

22 

Republican  maj 


23 


31 


CONNECTICUT. 


Hartford, 
N.  Haven, 


Garfield,Hancock,Wenver, 
R.  D.  G. 

13919  12988  234 
15713  17895  212 


Qarfield,Hancock,WenTer, 
R.  D.         G. 

N,  London,  7766    6642  144 
Fairfield,     11996  12063    88 


VOTE   BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.  9 


Gai-field,Hancork,"Weaver, 
E.  D.  G. 

Litchfield,  5944  5886  107 
Windham,  4593  2880  18 
Middlesex,    4172    3719    58 


Garfield,  Hanoock,Weaver, 
K.  D.  Q. 

Tolland,         2967     2344      7 


Totals,     67073  64417  868 
Majority,   2656 

Total  vote  for  President,  including  412    Prohibition, 
132,805. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


Governor. 

Waller,  D.  59014 

Buckly,  R  54853 

Rogers,  P.  1034 

Tanner,  G.  697 


Lieutenant-Governor. 
Sumner,  D.  59154 

Candee,  R.  54906 

Williams,  P.  1026 

Baker,  G.  731 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  Temp,  Gbk.  Maj. 

1872  President 45894  50318   206  4218  R. 

1873  Governor 45059  39245  2541  3273  D. 

1874  Governor 46755  39973  4960  1809  D. 

1875  Governor 53752  44272  2942  6538  D. 

1876  President 61934  59034   378  2900  D. 

1878  Governor 46385  48867  1079  8314  2482  R. 


PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Thomas  M.  Waller,  D. ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
George  G.  Sumner,  D. ;  Secretary  of  State,  D.  Ward 
Northrup,  D. ;  Treasurer,  Alfred  R.  Goodrich,  D. ;  Con- 
troller, Frank  S.  Sloat,  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 15  154  169 

Democrats 9  95  104 

Republican  maj 6  59  65 


10        VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,   1880. 


DELAWARE. 


Ckirfield,      Hancock, 
K.  D. 


New  Castle, 

Kent, 

Sussex, 

Totals, 


7726 
3042 
3380 


7622 
3665 
3893 


14148      15180 


Hancock, 
P. 


Majority,  1032 

Total  vote  for  President, 
29328. 


Stockley,  D. 


VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1882. 
16558  I  Curry,  R. 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


14620 


Dem.       Rep.       Others.      Maj. 


1872  President 10205 

1874  Governor 12488 

1876  Congress 13169 

1876  President 13379 

1878  Governor 10730 

1878  Congress 10576 


11115 

11259 
10562 
10691 


487 

238 

2835 
2966 


423  R. 
1229  D. 
2339  D. 
2688  D. 
7895  D. 
7610  D. 


PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Charles  C.  Stockley,  D. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total 

Republicans 1  ..  1 

Democrats 8  21  29 

Democratic  maj 7  21  28 


FLORIDA. 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
B. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Alachua, 

1845 

1519 

Calhoun, 

89 

203 

Baker, 

132 

241 

Columbia, 

818 

1013 

Brevard, 

76 

221 

Clay, 

207 

351 

Bradford, 

303 

923 

Duval, 

2611 

1509 

VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        11 


Garfield 
K. 

Escambia, 

1302 

Franklin, 

122 

Gadsden, 

1067 

Hamilton, 

448 

Hernando, 

167 

Hillsborough, 

220 

Holmes, 

3 

Jackson, 

1183 

Jeflferson, 

1681 

Lafayette, 

75 

Leon, 

2832 

Levy, 

474 

Liberty, 

104 

Madison, 

1014 

Manatee, 

162 

Marion, 

1530 

Monroe, 

867 

Hancock, 
1). 

1462 
209 

1226 
748 
652 
937 
341 

1475 
818 
352 
985 
784 
131 

1053 
604 

1070 

1178 


Nassau, 

Orange, 

Putnam, 

Polk, 

Santa  Rosa, 

St.  Johns, 

Sumter, 

Suwannee, 

Taylor, 

Volusi;), 

Wakulla, 

Walton, 

Washington, 


G;«rfield, 
K. 

861 
386 
750 
9 
390 
354 
268 
514 

58 
333 
176 

71 
139 

23631 


Totals, 

Majority, 

Total  vote,  51663 


VOTE  FOR  CONGRESSMEN,   1882. 


2d  District. 
Bisbee,  R. 
Finley,  D. 


1st  District. 
Skinner, -R.  7029 

Davidson,  D.  11246 

McKinnon,  I.  3547 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep. 

1872  Governor 16004  17603 

1872  President 15428  17765 

1874  Congress 17555  18600 

1876  Governor 24179  23984 

1876  President 24434  23340 

1878  Congress 20171  17927 

1880  Governor 28341  23285 


Hancock, 
D. 

615 
1066 
749 
508 
622 
608 
716 
794 
312 
491 
881 
645 
420 

28022 
4401 


13069 
12813 


Maj, 
1599  R. 
2337  R. 
1054  R. 

195  D. 

94  D. 

2244  D. 

5056  D. 


PRESENT    STATE   GOVEtlNME'NT. 

Governor,  W.  D.  Bloxham;  Lieutenant-Governor,  L.  W. 


12        VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 

Bethel ;  Secretary  of  State,  John  L.  Crawford ;  Attorney- 
General,  George  P.  Raney ;  Controller,  W,  D.  Barnes; 
Treasurer,  H.  A.  L'Engle;  Land  Commissioner,  P.  W. 
White — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Senate.            House. 

Total. 

Republicans.. 

7                    31 

38 

Democrats 

...      25                    45 

70 

Democratic 

maj.... 

18                    14 

32 

GEORGIA. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

I). 

B. 

D. 

Appling, 

122 

295 

Clay, 

381 

515 

Baker, 

341 

534 

Clayton, 

148 

368 

Baldwin, 

317 

860 

CHnch, 

93 

368 

Banks, 

120 

645 

Cobb, 

559 

1980 

Bartow, 

827 

1917 

Coffee, 

... 

235 

Bibb, 

908 

1588 

Columbia, 

••• 

244 

Brooks, 

739 

984 

Colquitt, 

43 

177 

Bryan, 

121 

223 

Coweta, 

1285* 

1381 

Bullock, 

15 

992 

Crawford, 

175 

368 

Burke, 

2114 

983 

Dade, 

83 

459 

Butts, 

403 

672 

Dawson, 

128 

420 

Calhoun, 

398 

378 

Decatur, 

1005 

1099 

Camden, 

635 

331 

De  Kalb, 

330 

876 

Campbell, 

346 

575 

Dodge, 

65 

363 

Carroll, 

329 

1240 

Dooly, 

249 

835 

Catoosa, 

65 

488 

Dougherty, 

1031 

367 

Charlton, 

46 

141 

Douglas, 

124 

482 

Chatham, 

2160 

3404 

Earley, 

249 

737 

Chattahoochee 

S  309 

323 

Echols, 

40 

185 

Chatooga, 

206 

1166 

Effingham, 

206 

365 

Cherokee, 

125 

1813 

Elbert, 

28 

827 

Clarke, 

765 

800 

Emanuel, 

177 

769 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        13 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

I». 

R. 

D. 

Fannin, 

302 

343 

Marion, 

236 

467 

Fayette, 

183 

499 

McDuffie, 

60 

351 

Floyd, 

892 

2251 

Mcintosh, 

617 

184 

Forsythe, 

120 

1159 

Merriwether, 

888 

1028 

Franklin, 

151 

1173 

Miller, 

18 

241 

Fulton, 

2229 

3045 

Milton, 

46 

460 

Gilmer, 

225 

494 

Mitchell, 

699 

607 

Glascock, 

8 

212 

Monroe, 

1023 

1312 

Glynn, 

368 

292 

Montgomery, 

72 

246 

Gordon, 

163 

1248 

Morgan, 

1105 

828 

Greene, 

957 

755 

Murray, 

95 

933 

Gwinnett, 

244 

1812 

Muscogee, 

930 

1511 

Habersham, 

60 

1121 

Newton, 

581 

743 

Hall, 

269 

1745 

Oconee, 

329 

458 

Hancock, 

383 

583 

Oglethorpe, 

158 

637 

Haralson, 

60 

1121 

Paulding, 

258 

952 

Harris, 

893 

1036 

Pickens, 

319 

226 

Hart, 

164 

460 

Pierce, 

195 

275 

Heard, 

264 

617 

Pike, 

733 

1070 

Henry, 

506 

691 

Polk, 

508 

1066 

Houston, 

907 

1382 

Pulaski, 

448 

823 

Irwin, 

441 

235 

Putnam, 

1 

627 

Jackson, 

441 

1271 

Quitman, 

191 

301 

Jasper, 

267 

524 

Rabun, 

2 

532 

Jefferson, 

308 

625 

Randolph, 

169 

343 

Johnson, 

4 

259 

Richmond, 

1497 

2430 

Jones, 

520 

504 

Rockdale, 

243 

464 

Laurens, 

155 

524 

Schley, 

144 

300 

Lee, 

715 

263 

Screven, 

318 

1131 

Liberty, 

720 

419 

Spalding, 

861 

742 

Lincoln, 

277 

Stewart, 

128 

640 

Lowndes, 

660 

746 

Sumter, 

1167 

986 

Lumpkin, 

64 

568 

Talbot, 

798 

1139 

Macon, 

748 

705 

Taliaferro, 

390 

355 

Madison, 

104 

592 

Tatnall, 

113 

562 

14      VOTE   BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Ilancnck, 
V. 

572 
267 
736 

1316 
254 
719 
196 
664 
789 

1194 
855 
323 
572 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 
Governor.  Congress  at  Large. 

107253  Hardeman,  D  79340 

44896  Forsyth,  R.  23745 

In  1883,  Henry  D.  McDaniel,  D.,  was  elected  Governor, 
substantially  without  opposition,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused 
by  the  death  of  A.  H.  Stephens. 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Garfield 
K. 

Taylor, 
Telfair, 

324 
63 

Terrell, 

327 

Thomas, 

1213 

Towns, 

178 

Troup, 
Twiggs, 

713 
.362 

Union, 

47 

Upson, 
Walker, 

597 
.     341 

Walton, 

279 

Ware, 

201 

Warren, 

266 

Garfield, 
K. 

Ifancock, 
D. 

Washington, 

939 

1071 

Wayne, 

122 

353 

Webster, 

164 

301 

White, 

56 

644 

Whitfield, 

172 

907 

Wilcox, 

16 

294 

Wilkes, 

193 

727 

Wilkinson, 

72 

557 

Worth, 

132 
54086 

491 

Totals, 

102407 

Majorities, 

48321 

Total  vote, 

156,493. 

Stephens,  D. 
Gartrell,  I. 


Dem. 

Rep. 

O'Connor. 

Maj. 

1872  Governor.... 

...  103529 

46643 

56886  D 

1872  President.... 

...    76278 

62715 

4000 

13563  D 

1874  Congress 

...    93347 

33161 

60186  D 

1876  President 

...  138756 

50538 

88218  D 

1876  Governor 

...  110617 

34529 

76088  D 

1880  Governor 

...  118349 

64004 

54345  D. 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  Henry  D.  McDaniel ;  Secretary  of  State,  N.  C. 
Barnett;  Controller  General,  Wm.  A.Wright;  Treasurer, 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       15 

D.  N.  Speer ;  Attorney  General,  Clifford  Anderson  ;  Super- 
intendent of  Schools,  G.  J.  Orr — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 44  169  213 

Republicans 6  6 

Democratic  maj 44  163  207 


ILLINOIS. 

Garfield, nancock.Weaver, 
B.             D.             G. 

Garfleld,Hancock,WeaTer, 
R.             D.             G. 

Adams, 

4987 

6113 

608 

Edgar, 

2834 

2989 

127 

Alexandei 

,1579 

1353 

46 

Edwards, 

1177 

575 

10 

Bond, 

1711 

1273 

108 

Effingham 

,1361 

2452 

100 

Boone, 

2038 

351 

84 

Fayette, 

2136 

2633 

207 

Brown, 

1008 

1655 

153 

Ford, 

1857 

780 

455 

Bureau, 

4099 

2655 

329 

Franklin, 

1286 

1610 

283 

Calhoun, 

505 

946 

22 

Fulton, 

4168 

4718 

553 

Carroll, 

2396 

960 

154 

Gallatin, 

1050 

1574 

20 

Cass, 

1262 

1778 

224 

Greene, 

1865 

3160 

49 

Cham- 

Grundy, 

2087 

1135 

202 

paign, 

4720 

3472 

566 

Hamilton, 

1002 

1760 

499 

Christian, 

2687 

3346 

194 

Hancock, 

3609 

3957 

274 

Clark, 

1999 

2374 

337 

Hardin, 

484 

765 

10 

Clay, 

1555 

1660 

135 

Hender- 

Clinton, 

1578 

2242 

116 

son, 

1279 

923 

152 

Coles, 

2991 

2905 

141 

Henry, 

4469 

2061 

730 

Cook, 

54808  44293 

1168 

Iroquois, 

4128 

2738 

443 

Crawford, 

1541 

1917 

24 

Jackson, 

2152 

2160 

493 

Cumber- 

Jasper, 

1194 

1761 

88 

land, 

1365 

1563 

92 

Jefferson, 

1700 

2304 

311 

De  Kalb, 

4124 

1578 

104 

Jersey, 

1348 

2107 

123 

De  Witt, 

2011 

1845 

168 

Jo  Daviess 

2994 

2363 

168 

Douglas, 

1918 

1689 

65 

Johnson, 

1521 

893 

170 

Du  Page, 

2327 

1229 

16 

Kane, 

6180 

2831 

410 

16      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield  Hancock.VTeaver, 

Garfield, Hancockj'WeaTer, 

R. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

D. 

Q. 

Kankakee 

3201 

1640 

107 

Pulaski, 

1174 

742 

37 

Kendall, 

1954 

679 

233 

Putnam, 

704 

503 

2 

Knox, 

4863 

2392 

869 

Randolph 

2705 

2614 

41 

Lake, 

2884 

1494 

59 

Richland, 

1628 

1736 

2 

La  Salle, 

6941 

6308 

892 

Rock  Is'l, 

4025 

2565 

1001 

Lawrence, 

1492 

1497 

39 

Saline, 

1488 

1608 

25 

Lee, 

3359 

2242 

195 

Sangamon 

,5476 

6196 

238 

Living- 

Schuyler, 

1520 

1937 

69 

ston, 

3771 

2861 

865 

Scott, 

1035 

1288 

129 

Logan, 

2729 

2687 

121 

Shelby, 

2017 

3328 

1017 

Macon, 

3447 

3069 

185 

Stark, 

1383 

681 

380 

Macoupin, 

3904 

4341 

114 

St.  Clair, 

5847 

5877 

251 

Madison, 

5024 

4677 

115 

Stephen- 

Marion, 

2060 

2507 

471 

son, 

3581 

3071 

65 

Marshall, 

1684 

1603 

107 

Tazewell, 

2919 

3367 

153 

Mason, 

1616 

1926 

148 

Union, 

1139 

2264 

10 

Massac, 

1484 

778 

14 

Vermillion,  4982 

3422 

453 

McDon- 

Wabash, 

939 

1142 

39 

ough. 

3014 

2877 

464 

Warren, 

2849 

2003 

305 

McHenry, 

3516 

1799 

194 

Washing- 

McLean, 

7316 

5203 

317 

ton, 

2280 

1912 

44 

Menard, 

994 

1473 

470 

Wayne, 

2063 

2004 

159 

Mercer, 

2348 

1487 

448 

White, 

1812 

2591 

265 

Monroe, 

1172 

1713 

Whiteside, 

3918 

2215 

403 

Montgom- 

William- 

ery, 

2702 

3173 

201 

son, 

5776 

3803 

882 

Morgan, 

3199 

3452 

297 

Will, 

1853 

1825 

141 

Moultrie, 

1233 

1593 

197 

Winne- 

Ogle, 

4053 

2085 

250 

bago, 

4617 

1511 

278 

Peoria, 

5105 

5705 

720 

Woodford, 

2007 

2364 

108 

Perry, 

1751 

1535 

64 

Piatt, 

1855 

1578 

156 

Total,  318032  277635  26053 

Pike, 

2968 

3812 

777 

^lajority. 

40397 

Pope, 

1561 

914 

39 

Total  vote,  621,720. 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       17 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


State  Treasurer. 
Smith,  R.  254542 

Orendorf,  D.  249067 


Sup't  of  Instruction. 
Stratton,  R.  250276 

Raab,  D.  253145 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Dem. 

Rep. 

Gbk. 

Maj. 

1872  President 

184770 

241248 



53420  R. 

1874  Sup't  Pub.  In. 

197490 

166984 

30506  Op.  &D 

1876  Congress 

251870 

276552 



24682  R. 

1876  President 

258601 

278232 



19631  R. 

1876  Governor 

272432 

279226 

6794  R. 

1878  Treasurer 

170085 

206458 

68689 

36333  R. 

1880  President 

277635 

318032 

26053 

40397  R. 

1880  Governor 

277532 

314565 

26663 

37033  R, 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  John  M.  Hamilton,  R.;  Sec'y  of  State,  Henry 
D.  Dement,  R. ;  Auditor,  Charles  P.  Swigert,  R. ;  Treasurer, 
John  C.  Smith,  R. ;  Attorney-General,  James  McCartney, 
R. ;  Superintendent  of  Instruction,  Henry  Raab,  D. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 31  77  108 

Democrats 20  76  96 

Republican  maj 11  1  12 


INDIANA. 

GarfieldjHancock.Weaver, 
R.              D.             G. 

Qarfleld,Hancock,Weaver, 
R.              D.            G. 

Adams, 

1014 

2226       23 

Blackford 

781 

1029 

127 

Allen, 

4815 

7791       84 

Boone, 

2770 

2742 

690 

Bartholo- 

Brown, 

599 

1576 

42 

mew, 

2575 

2930       57 

Carroll, 

2205 

2215 

61 

Benton, 

1522 

1272       62 

Cass, 

3387 

3579 

119 

18      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, IIancock,Weaver, 
K.               D.            G. 

Garfleld.Haiicock.WeaTer, 
R.               D.            0. 

Clark, 

2899 

3659 

34 

Lagrange, 

2367 

1393 

116 

Clay, 

2851 

2893 

363 

Lake, 

2103 

1198 

39 

Clinton, 

2565 

3015 

110 

Laporte, 

3631 

3880 

121 

Crawford, 

1134 

1368 

55 

Lawrence 

2057 

1701 

146 

Daviess, 

2320 

2387 

85 

Madison, 

2798 

3722 

93 

Dearborn 

2547 

3615 

12 

Marion, 

13803 

11362 

708 

Decatur, 

2599 

2291 

94 

Marshall, 

2136 

2679 

555 

DeKalb, 

2441 

2582 

110 

Martin, 

1311 

1621 

37 

Delaware, 

3683 

1826 

59 

Miami, 

3016 

3066 

107 

Dubois, 

900 

2498 

15 

Monroe, 

1780 

1682 

165 

Elkhart, 

4191 

3472 

187 

Montgom- 

Fayette, 

1760 

1230 

11 

ery, 

3643 

3405 

163 

Floyd, 

2114 

3160 

176 

Morgan, 

2391 

2046 

133 

Fountain, 

2257 

2261 

554 

Newton, 

1202 

1716 

103 

Franklin, 

1683 

3151 

2 

Noble, 

2878 

2878 

31 

Fulton, 

1757 

1804 

51 

Ohio, 

727 

588 

18 

Gibson, 

2662 

2477 

74 

Orange, 

1421 

1521 

97 

Grant, 

3133 

2378 

158 

Owen, 

1486 

1977 

106 

Greene, 

2456 

2246 

192 

Parke, 

1672 

1875 

236 

Hamilton 

,3638 

2093 

166 

Perry, 

1659 

1867 

27 

Hancock, 

1722 

2273 

125 

Pike, 

1618 

1760 

229 

Harrison, 

1950 

2481 

131 

Porter, 

2243 

1578 

117 

Hendricks,3196 

1994 

218 

Posey, 

2127 

2615 

23 

Henry, 

3784 

2031 

252 

Pulaski, 

897 

1004 

289 

Howard, 

3000 

1796 

121 

Putnam, 

2539 

2850 

119 

Hunting- 

Randolph 

,  4295 

2058 

44 

ton, 

2638 

2657 

125 

Ripley, 

2399 

2470 

12 

Jackson, 

1997 

3138 

67 

Rush, 

2677 

2324 

52 

Jasper, 

1320 

848 

91 

Scott, 

771 

1100 

16 

Jay, 

2243 

2161 

156 

Shelby, 

2648 

3555 

68 

Jefferson, 

3296 

2647 

60 

Spencer, 

2363 

2475 

79 

Jennings, 

2068 

1710 

56 

Starke, 

381 

563 

178 

Johnson, 

2020 

2461 

287 

St.  Joseph 

,4147 

3682 

330 

Knox, 

2693 

3443 

24 

Steuben, 

2325 

1283 

106 

Kosciuski 

3571 

2837 

93 

Sullivan', 

1607 

3049 

140 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        19 


Garfield 

nancock,'^ 

B'eaver, 

Garfield, Ilaiicock.Weaver, 

B. 

I>. 

G. 

K. 

D.            G. 

Switzer- 

Warren,     1850 

901     124 

land, 

1549 

1429 

160 

Warrick,     2008 

2344       72 

Tippeca- 

Washing- 

noe, 

5061 

3820 

136 

ton,          1709 

2400       25 

Tipton, 

1518 

1856 

62 

Wayne,       6252 

3325     138 

Union, 

1085 

816 

3 

Wells,         1515 

2395     513 

Vander- 

White,       1610 

1591     124 

burgh, 

4909 

4481 

235 

Whitley,     1941 

2229       23 

Vermil- 
lion, 

1562 

1235 

140 

Totals,  232164  225522  12986 

Vigo, 

4983 

4576 

781 

Majority,  6642 

Wabash, 

3739 

i 

2339 

56 

Total  vote,  470,672. 

VOTE  FOR  SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 

1882. 

Myers,  D 

220918  |Hawn,R. 

210234 

Leonard, 

G. 

18520 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Rep.  Dem.  Ind.  Maj. 

1872  Governor 188276  189422  189  1337  D. 

1872  President 189144  163637  1417  21090  R. 

1874  Secretary  of  State  164902  182154  16233  17252  D. 

1876  President 207971  213526  9533  5555  D. 

1876  Governor 208080  213164  13213  5084  D. 

1878  Secretary  of  State  180657  194770  39415  14113  D. 

1880  Governor 231405  224452  14881  6953  R. 

1880  President 232164  225522  12986  6642  R. 


PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Albert  G.  Porter,  R. ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Thomas  Hanna,  R. ;  Secretary  of  State,  William  R.  Myers, 
D. ;  Auditor,  James  H.  Rice,  D. ;  Treasurer,  John  J. 
Cooper,  D. ;  Attorney-General,  Francis  T.  Hord,  D. ;  Super- 
intendent of  Public  Instruction,  John  W.  Holcombe,  D. 


20       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 
PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total 

Democrats 28  58  86 

Republicans 22  41  63 


Democratic  maj 


17 


23 


IOWA. 

Garfield,Hancock,WeaTer, 

Gaifield,Hancock,Weaver, 

K. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

D. 

G. 

Adair, 

1607 

515 

520 

Decatur, 

1570 

948 

633 

Adams, 

1338 

581 

535 

Delaware, 

2396 

1489 

59 

Allamakee 

1838 

1531 

332 

Des  Moines,  3414 

2318 

93 

Appanoose 

,1642 

1281 

691 

Dickinson, 

•325 

46 

... 

Audubon, 

963 

637 

76 

Dubuque, 

3007 

4576 

257 

Benton, 

2948 

1372 

284 

Emmet, 

276 

28 

9 

Blackhawk,  3014 

1558 

70 

Fayette, 

2547 

170 

904 

Boone, 

2275 

1292 

352 

Floyd, 

1928 

623 

317 

Bremer, 

1548 

707 

912 

Franklin, 

1501 

410 

75 

Buchanan, 

2156 

1208 

443 

Fremont, 

1920 

1650 

409 

BuenaVista,1058 

318 

50 

Greene, 

1645 

457 

399 

Butler, 

2072 

937 

37 

Grundy, 

1493 

981 

12 

Calhoun, 

859 

301 

19 

Guthrie, 

1707 

635 

615 

Carroll, 

1189 

1169 

104 

Hamilton, 

1305 

332 

283 

Cass, 

2232 

1179 

314 

Hancock, 

517 

168 

4 

Cedar, 

2369 

1421 

135 

Hardin, 

2223 

812 

115 

Cerro  Gordol604 

677 

20 

Harrison, 

1902 

1321 

382 

Cherokee, 

1118 

412 

100 

Henry, 

2458 

1142 

572 

Chickasaw 

1314 

1016 

454 

Howard, 

1066 

285 

673 

Clarke, 

1390 

621 

377 

Humboldt 

669 

259 

26 

Clay, 

779 

137 

3 

Ida, 

694 

335 

4 

Clayton, 

3098 

2419 

108 

Iowa, 

1787 

1286 

335 

Clinton, 

3479 

2887 

312 

Jackson, 

2148 

2522 

241 

Crawford, 

1569 

926 

42 

Jasper, 

3162 

1407  1144 

Dallas, 

2314 

617 

1286 

Jefferson, 

2130 

1380 

160 

Davis, 

1143 

1207 

1215 

Johnson, 

2400 

2766 

126 

VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        21 


Garfield  Hancock,Wei»ver, 
K.           D.             G. 

Garfield, IlancockjWeaver, 
R.              D.          G. 

Jones, 

2617 

1627 

15 

P'tt''.vatta'ie3687 

2793    184 

Keokuk, 

2367 

1803 

360 

Poweshiek,  2440 

936    583 

Kossuth, 

781 

249 

86 

Ringgold,     1450 

436     525 

Lee, 

3098 

3461 

494 

Sac,              1346 

445      92 

Linn, 

4508 

2875 

301 

Scott,           4322 

2594     150 

Louisa, 

1745 

720 

200 

Shelby,        1499 

963    105-^ 

Lucas, 

1599 

1020 

315 

Sioux,            677 

351      11 

Lyon, 

374 

101 

Story,           2041 

544    464 

Madison, 

1823 

837 

1090 

Tama,          2712 

1096     193' 

Mahaska, 

3081 

1210  1185 

Taylor,          1984 

784    559' 

Marion, 

2452 

1520  1190 

Union,          1555 

771    801- 

Marshall, 

3084 

1234 

267 

Van  Buren,  1876 

1529    299 

Mills, 

1689 

1060 

270 

Wapello,      2846 

2345    292 

Mitchell, 

1665 

832 

83 

Warren,        2205 

1019    952 

Monona, 

942 

331 

330 

Washingt'n,2516 

1370    34T 

Monroe, 

1289 

775 

483 

Wayne,        1737 

774'    890 

Mo'tg'mery,1981 

692 

427 

Webster,       1575 

798    589 

Muscatine 

2664 

1966 

268 

Winnebago,  703 

67      33 

O'Brien, 

599 

199 

101 

Win'esheik,  2474 

1415    212 

Osceola, 

432 

91 

., 

Woodbury,  1453 

995    135 

Page, 

2709 

972 

339 

Worth,           933 

290      11 

Palo  Alto, 

398 

375 

96 

Wright,          758 

182      31 

Plymouth, 

884 

756 

60 

Pocahontas,  463 

214 

17 

Totals,  183927  105845  32701 

Polk, 

4781 

2161 

1204 

Maj  Vty  78082 

Total  vote  for 

President,   including   592   Prohibition, 

323,065. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1883 

Governor. 

Supreme  Judge. 

Sherman, 

R. 

164182 

Reed,  R. 

163396 

Kline,  D. 

139093 

Hayes,  D. 

141049 

Weaver,  G 

. 

23089 

Church,  G. 

21438 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Rep.        Dem.  Gbk.  D.     Maj. 

1872  President.. 

1311 

73      71134     

60039  R. 

27 


22       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Rep. 

1873  Governor 105143 

1874  Secretary  of  State  107250 

1875  Governor 125058 

1876  President 171332 

1876  Secretary  of  State  172171 

1877  Governor 121546 

1878  Secretary  of  State  134544 

1879  Governor 157571 

1880  President 183927 

1881  Governor 133326 

1882  Secretary  of  State  149051 


Dem.  Gbk.  D. 

82598  

79054  

93359  

112121  

112115  

79353  

1302  123577 

85056  45429 
105845  32701 

73397  28146 
112180  30817 


Maj. 
22565  R 
28202  R. 
31134  R. 
59211  R. 
60056  R. 
42193  R. 
10967  R. 
72515  R. 
78082  R. 
59929  R. 
36871  R. 


PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  Buren  R.  Sherman;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
0.  M.  Manning;  Secretary  of  State,  J.  A.  T.  Hull; 
Treasurer,  Ed.  H.  Conger ;  Auditor,  John  Lee  Brown ; 
Attorney-General,  Smith  McPherson  ;  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  John  W.  Ackers — all  Republicans. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Senate. 

House. 

Total. 

Republicans 

39 

52 

91 

Democrats 

11 

42 

53 

Greenbackers.... 

.... 

6 

6 

Republican  m 

aj 

28 

4 

42 

KANSAS. 

Garfield, 
K. 

IlancockjWeaver, 
D.            G. 

Garfield, Tlancock.Weaver, 
R.                D.          O. 

Allen,         1576 

803 

44 

Brown, 

1875 

896     107 

Anderson,  1127 

497 

370 

Butler, 

2398 

1119     434 

Atchison,   2835 

2132 

71 

Chase, 

716 

324     409 

Barbour,      262 

175 

63 

Chautau 

- 

Barton,       1172 

714 

62 

qua, 

1321 

655     333 

Bourbon,   2310     1161     364 


VOTE    BY   COUNTIES  FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.        23 


Garfleld.Han  cock  ,\ 
R.                 D. 

leaver, 
G. 

Garfield, IlancockjTVeaver, 
R.                 B.          G. 

Cherotee, 

2374 

1681 

855 

Marshall, 

2276 

997 

427 

Clay, 

1765 

531 

369 

McPher- 

Cloud, 

2156 

888 

65 

son. 

2225 

564 

545 

Coflfey, 

1420 

851 

190 

Miami, 

2010 

1324 

454 

Cowley, 

2630 

1557 

190 

Mitchell, 

1728 

797 

235 

Crawford, 

1902 

1356 

450 

Montgom- 

Davis, 

702 

399 

335 

ery, 

1776 

1294 

694 

Decatur, 

307 

163 

28 

Morris, 

1282 

550 

179 

Dickinson 

,1954 

886 

292 

Nemaha, 

1755 

934 

5 

Doniphan 

,2067 

1143 

51 

Neosho, 

1471 

948 

461: 

Douglas, 

3049 

1463 

247 

Ness, 

315 

129 

90 

Edwards, 

313 

102 

Norton, 

761 

337 

198 

Elk, 

1274 

458 

486 

Osage, 

2704 

907 

793 

Ellis, 

680 

420 

54 

Osborne, 

1446 

589 

61 

Ellsworth 

1077 

483 

32 

Ottawa, 

1443 

524 

333 

Ford, 

370 

288 

20 

Pawnee, 

697 

235 

17 

Franklin, 

2108 

728 

898 

Phillips, 

1261 

653 

221 

Graham, 

494 

104 

210 

Pottawa 

Green- 

tomie, 

2139 

1179 

224 

wood, 

1311 

667 

347 

Pratt, 

196 

97 

33 

Harper, 

546 

294 

170 

Reno, 

1384 

636 

252 

Harvey, 

1554 

685 

135 

Republic, 

1875 

661 

151 

Hodgeman,  176 

52 

38 

Rice, 

1108 

496 

314 

Jackson, 

1504 

853 

14 

Riley, 

1484 

376 

347 

Jefferson, 

1976 

1397 

78 

Rooks, 

805 

338 

326 

Jewell, 

2199 

883 

399 

Rush, 

642 

238 

25 

Johnson, 

2132 

1182 

354 

Russell, 

932 

317 

110 

Kingman, 

436 

200 

85 

Saline, 

1950 

838 

95 

Labette, 

2720 

1462 

420 

Sedgwick, 

2288 

1354 

364 

Leaven- 

Shawnee, 

4403 

1548 

123 

worth, 

3186 

2489 

175 

Sheridan, 

93 

52 

64 

Lincoln, 

957 

419 

154 

Smith, 

1525 

517 

405 

Linn, 

1990 

745 

675 

Stafford, 

530 

192 

60 

Lyon, 

2398 

869 

402 

Sumner, 

2073 

1419 

629 

Marion, 

1239 

539 

271 

Trego, 

332 

107 

28 

24        VOTE   BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,   1880. 


Garfleld.Hancock.Weaver, 
B.                D.         G. 

Garfield, Hancock,Weaver, 
R.                 D.          Q. 

Wabaun- 

Wy'ndotte,2410    1733     236 

1279 

510 

39 

see, 

Washing- 

Totals,   121549  59789  19851 

ton, 

1957 

827 

231 

Majority,  61570 

Wilson, 

1628 

722 

527 

Total  vote,  201189 

Woodson, 

898 

437 

9 

An  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  forever  prohibiting 
the  manufacture  or  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  in  the 
State,  except  for  medical,  scientific  and  mechanical  pur- 
poses, was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  92,302  to  84,304. 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882 
Governor. 


Glick,  D. 
St.  John,  R. 
Robinson,  G. 


j        Lieutenant-Governor. 

83107  Finney,  R.  98204 

75155  Bason,  D.  60277 

20935  Bayne,G.  23411 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Rep. 

1872  President 67048 

1874  Governor 48594 

1876  Governor 69073 

1876  President 78322 

1877  Lieut-Governor..    62570 

1878  Govern  or 74020 

1880  President 121549 

1880  Governor 115204 


Dem. 

Gbk. 

Maj. 

32970 

33482  R 

35301 

13293  R 

46204 

22869  R 

37902 

40402  R 

24740 

37830  R, 

37208 

27057 

36812  R. 

59789 

19851 

61570  R 

63557 

19477 

51647  R. 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  G.  W.  Glick,  D, ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  D.  W, 
Finney,  R.;  Secretary  of  State,  James  Smith,  R.;  Auditor, 
E.  P.  McCabe,  R. ;  Treasurer,  Samuel  Howe,  R. ;  Superin^ 
tendent  of  Public  Instruction,  H.  C.  Speer,  R. ;  Attorney- 
General,  W.  A.  Johnson,  R. 


VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.        25 
PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 37                    86  123 

Democrats 2                     26  28 

Greenbackers 1                     13  14 

Republicanmaj 34                    47  81 


KENTUCKY. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Adair, 

937 

1095 

Clinton, 

605 

333 

Allen, 

688 

949 

Crittenden, 

786 

827 

Anderson, 

595 

1118 

Cumberland, 

729 

598 

Ballard, 

411 

1599 

Daviess, 

1271 

3054 

Barren, 

1358 

2140 

Edmonson, 

432 

484 

Bath, 

874 

1128 

Estill, 

772 

809 

Bell, 

533 

261 

Elliott, 

115 

623 

Boone, 

446 

1734 

Fayette, 

2830 

2449 

Bourbon, 

1668 

1686 

Fleming, 

1368 

1592 

Boyd, 

959 

794 

Floyd, 

394 

946 

Boyle, 

1191 

1284 

Franklin, 

1134 

1751 

Bracken, 

817 

1542 

Fulton, 

179 

707 

Breathitt, 

830 

797 

Gallatin, 

274 

683 

Breckenridge, 

912 

1376 

Garrard, 

1190 

1069 

Bullitt, 

275 

788 

Grant, 

869 

1333 

Butler, 

728 

540 

Graves, 

930 

2443 

Caldwell, 

899 

1160 

Grayson, 

724 

1012 

Calloway, 

1187 

Green, 

726 

685 

Campbell, 

2899 

3059 

Greenup, 

925 

726 

Carroll, 

372 

1460 

Hancock, 

270 

560 

Carter, 

695 

577 

Hardin, 

962 

1677 

Casey, 

708 

892 

Harlan, 

704 

166 

Christian, 

2844 

1853 

Harrison, 

1103 

1867 

Clark, 

1059 

1263 

Hart, 

1074 

1454 

Clay, 

922 

674 

Henderson, 

1504 

2217 

26        VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
1). 

Henry, 

383 

1661 

Muhlenburg, 

917 

1057 

Hickman, 

386 

1069 

Nelson, 

949 

1768 

Hopkins, 

838 

1459 

Nicholas, 

901 

1416 

Jackson, 

758 

272 

Ohio, 

702 

1645 

Jefferson, 

8746 

13970 

Oldham, 

502 

901 

Jessamine, 

1057 

979 

Owen, 

630 

2644 

Johnson, 

603 

472 

Owsley, 

663 

222 

Kenton, 

2980 

4370 

Pendleton, 

1186 

1779 

Knox, 

964 

611 

Perry, 

559 

318 

Larue, 

469 

1032 

Pike, 

758 

1060 

Laurel, 

905 

622 

Powell, 

608 

348 

Lawrence, 

726 

936 

Pulaski, 

1860 

1459 

Lee, 

418 

394 

Robertson, 

395 

696 

Leslie, 

518 

57 

Rockcastle, 

749 

700 

Letcher, 

300 

379 

Rowan, 

281 

289 

Lewis, 

1388 

1075 

Russell, 

366 

531 

Lincoln, 

1170 

1545 

Scott, 

1299 

1683 

Livingston, 

222 

868 

Shelby, 

1039 

1849 

Logan, 

1488 

1999 

Simpson, 

501 

1076 

Lyon, 

427 

630 

Spencer, 

358 

850 

Madison, 

2003 

2056 

Taylor, 

537 

879 

Magoffin, 

619 

553 

Todd, 

1201 

1250 

Marion, 

1023 

1525 

Trigg, 

873 

1262 

Marshall, 

196 

979 

Trimble, 

151 

1082 

Martin, 

121 

304 

Union, 

514 

1931 

Mason, 

1640 

2536 

Warren, 

1763 

2253 

McCracken, 

1045 

1537 

Washington, 

1172 

1319 

McLean, 

337 

755 

Wayne, 

523 

709 

Meade, 

317 

1067 

Webster, 

393 

946 

Menifee, 

158 

490 

Whitley, 

962 

479 

Mercer, 

1158 

1591 

Wolfe, 

348 

572 

Metcalf, 

772 

736 

Woodford, 

1104 

1228 

Monroe, 
Montgomery, 

621 
957 

516 
1211 

Totals, 

104550 

147999 

Morgan, 

443 

1139 

Majority, 

43449 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.      27 


Total  vote  for  President,  including   257    Prohibition, 
264,304. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1883. 


Governor. 
Knott,  D.  133615 

Morrow,  R.  89181 


Congress,  1882. 
Democratic,  102037 

Opposition,  89065 


VOTES 

1872  President 

1874  Court  of  Appl's 

1875  Governor 

1876  President 

1877  Treasurer 

1879  Governor 

1880  President 


OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  I.  Dem.  Maj. 

100212  88816  2374  11396  D. 

114348  53504  60844  D. 

126976  90795   36181  D. 

160445  98415   62030  D. 

96557  20451   76106  D. 

125799  81882  18954  43917  D. 

147999  104550  11498  43449  D. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  J.  Proctor  Knott ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  James 
E.  Cantrill ;  Secretary  of  State,  James  Blackburn ;  Attor- 
ney-General, P.  W.  Hardin ;  Auditor,  Fayette  Hewitt ; 
Treasurer,  J,  W.  Tate ;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion, Joseph  Desha  Pickett;  Register  of  Land  Office,  J.  C. 
Cecil — all  Democrats. 


^  PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.            House.  Total 

Democrats 33                    84  117 

Republicans 3                    11  14 

Independents 2                      5  7 

Democratic  maj 28                   68  96 


28      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


LOUISIANA. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Ascension, 

1640 

411 

Natchitoches, 

524 

1629 

Assumption, 

1458 

796 

Ouachita, 

18 

2225 

Avoyelles, 

1280 

1310 

Orleans, 

5859 

17330 

Baton  Rouge, 

E.970 

1153 

Plaquemines, 

861 

735 

V 

i.  228 

330 

Point  Coupee, 

759 

891 

Bienville, 

781 

783 

Rapides, 

560 

1748 

Bossier, 

185 

2144 

Red  River, 

85 

590 

Caddo, 

8 

2478 

Richland, 

32 

1122 

Calcasieu, 

99 

784 

Sabine, 

433 

Caldwell, 

140 

529 

St.  Bernard, 

221 

390 

Cameron, 

57 

165 

St.  Charles, 

899 

108 

Carroll,  E. 

1303 

209 

St.  Helena, 

244 

368 

"      W. 

42 

247 

St.  James, 

726 

599 

Catahoula, 

158 

616 

St.  John, 

1058 

383 

Claiborne, 

160 

1353 

St.  Landry, 

1086 

2009 

Concordia, 

245 

1445 

St.  Martin, 

948 

632 

De  Soto, 

160 

795 

St.  Mary, 

2179 

571 

Feliciana,  E. 

116 

763 

St.  Tammany, 

357 

431 

W. 

131 

1168 

Tensas, 

578 

2072 

Franklin, 

15 

571 

Terrebonne, 

439 

1005 

Grant, 

86 

326 

Tangipanoa, 

339 

714 

Iberia, 

1113 

600 

Union, 

52 

1162 

Iberville, 

196 

524 

Vermilion, 

15 

374 

Jackson, 

382 

Vernon, 

372 

Jefferson, 

981 

438 

Washington, 

27 

346 

Lafourche, 

1698 

1428 

Webster, 

188 

861 

Lafayette, 

1 

590 

Winn, 

320 

T.inpnln 

1115 
270 

Ijivingston, 

72 

Totals,         < 

51891 

65310 

Madison, 

456 

926 

Majority, 

33419 

Morehouse, 

53 

981 

Total   vote 

for    President,  including   423    Greenback, 

97,624. 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        29 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Rep,  Dem.  Maj. 

1872  Governor 72890  55249  17641  R 

1874  Treasurer 69544  68586  958  R. 

1874  Treasurer 71962  74901  2939  D. 

1876  President 75315  70508  4807  R. 

1876  President 77174  83723  6549  D. 

1876  Governor 74624  71198  3426  R. 

1876  Governor 76477  84487  8010  D. 

1878  Treasurer 34064  77212  43148  D. 

1879Governor 41460  72611  31151  D. 

1880  President 31891  65310  33419  D. 

PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Samuel  D.  McEnery;  Secretary  of  State, 
William  A.  Strong ;  Attorney-General,  A.  F.  Eagan ;  Au- 
ditor, Allen  Jumei;  Treasurer,  E.  A.  Burke;  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction,  Edwin  Fay — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 32  80  112 

Republicans 4  18  22 

Democratic  maj 28  62  90 


MAINE. 


Garfleld,TTancock-Weaver, 


B. 


Weaver,  F.     G. 


Androscog- 
gin,        4974  4215 
Aroostook,  2560  2738 
Cumber- 
land,    10167  9339     487 
Franklin,   2390  2178       72 
Hancock,  4314  3698     137 
Kennebec,  7771  5001     385 


207 
87 


GarfleldJIancock-Weaver, 

R.  Weaver,  F.     G. 

Knox,  2880  3659  415 
Lincoln,  2669  2890  98 
Oxford,  4354  3969  251 
Penobscot,  8186  6307  1157 
Piscata- 
quis, 1943  1330  145 
Sagada- 
hoc,   2932  1761   31 


30      VOTE  BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Ga!  field, Hancock-Weaver, 
R.       Ueiiver,  F.     G. 

Somerset,  4090  3526  440 
Waldo,  2748  3848  220 
Washing- 
ton, 4361  3622  98 


York, 


Garfield.Hancock -Weaver, 
R.       Weaver,  F.     G. 

7700     7090     228 


Totals,    74039  65171  4408 
Majority,  8868 


Total    vote    for  President,   including    93    Prohibition, 
143,711. 

VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1882. 


Robie,  R. 
Plaisted,  F. 
Vinton,  I. 


72724 
63852 


Dem, 

1872  President 29087 

1873  Governor 32816 

1874  Governor 41734 

1875  Governor 53213 

1876  Governor 60215 

1876  President 49283 

1877  Governor 42114 

1878  Governor 37872 

1880  Governor 73766 

1880  President 65171 


Chase,  G. 

1302 

Eustis,  P. 

395 

270 

TE  SINCE 

1872. 

Rep. 

Others 

.  Maj. 

61422 

32335  R. 

45674 

2090 

12858  R. 

53131 

275 

11397  R. 

57085 

3872  R. 

75710 

529 

15495  R. 

66300 

663 

17017  R. 

53631 

6076 

11517  R. 

56519 

41404 

18647  R. 

73597 

463 

169  D. 

74039 

4408 

8868  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Frederick  H.  Robie,  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 28  109  137 

Fusion 3  42  45 

Republican  maj 25  67  92 


VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       31 


MARYLAND. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
1}. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Allegany, 

3337 

3087 

Howard, 

1365 

1787 

Anne  Arundel,  2450 

2749 

Kent, 

1858 

1974 

Biiltimore 

Montgomery, 

2497 

3126 

City, 

22328 

32672 

Prince  G'rge's,  2637 

2721 

Baltimore 

Queen  Anne's 

5,  1666 

2307 

County, 

5348 

7264 

Somerset, 

1883 

1710 

Calvert, 

688 

876 

St.  Mary's, 

1772 

1530 

Caroline, 

1231 

1430 

Talbot, 

1988 

2148 

Carroll, 

3138 

3492 

Washington, 

4080 

4030 

Cecil, 

2674 

2984 

Wicomico, 

701 

Charles, 

1889 

1685 

Worcester, 

1402 

2256 

Dorchester, 

108 



Frederick, 

5764 

5281 

Totals, 

73789 

89950 

Garrett, 

1210 

1124 

Mitjority, 

16161 

Harford, 

2476 

3016 

Total  vote, 

163739. 

VOTE  FOR 

STATE  OFFICERS, 

1883. 

Governor. 

Controller,  1881 

McLane,  D. 

92698 

Keating,  D. 

75587 

Holton,  R. 

80648 

Gorsuch,  R. 

61944 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1872  President 67685  66760  925  D. 

1873  Controller 79651  59668  19983  D. 

1874  Congress  67503  53377  14126  D. 

1875  Governor 85451  72530  12921  D. 

1876  President 91780  71981  19799  D. 

1877  Controller 80708  50329  3a379  D. 

1879  Governor 90771  68605  22166  D. 

1880  President 89950  73789  16161  D. 


32      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 
PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Robert  M.  McLane ;  Secretary  of  State,  J.  T. 
Briscoe ;  Attorney-General,  Charles  B.  Roberts ;  Treasurer, 
Barnes  Compton;  Controller,  J.  Frank  Turner;  Clerk 
Court  of  Appeals,  Spencer  C.  Jones — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 14  63  77 

Republicans 12  28  40 

Democratic  maj 2  35  37 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


Garfleld,Hancock,Weaver, 


R. 


D. 
956 

5033 

6176 

174 


G, 

6 

5 

215 


Barnstable,  3473 
Berkshire,  6387 
Bristol,  13418 
Dukes,  576 

Essex,  22550  16428  1808 
Franklin,  4023  2097  122 
Hampshire,  5025  2111  112 
Hampden,  8673  6195  124 
Middlesex,  30339  19799    870 

Total  vote  for  President, 
282395. 


GarfieldjHancock.Wearer, 
R.  D.  G. 

Norfolk,      10018    6512    183 

Nantucket,      395      108 

Plymouth,  8942  4660  323 
Suffolk,  28344  28862  313 
Worcester,  23042  12849    467 


Totals,  165205 111960  4548 
Majority,  53245 

including  682    Prohibition, 


Governor 
Robinson,  R. 
Butler,  D. 
Almy,  P. 
Arnold,  G. 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1883. 

Lieutenant-Governor. 
Ames,  R.  161399 


160092 

150228 

1881 


Grinnell,  D. 
Blackmer,  P. 


53  Gushing,  G. 


147661 
1911 
1091 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.      33 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.   Eep.  Lab.   Temp,  Maj. 

1872  President  59260  133472  742i2  R. 

1878  Governor  59360   72183  12823  R 

1874  Governor  96377   89345   7032  D. 

1875  Governor  78333   83639  316  9124  5306  R. 

1876  President  108777  150063  779  41286  R. 

1876  Governor  106850  137605  12274  30755  R. 

1877  Governor  73185  91255  16354  3552  18070  R. 

1878  Governor  10162  134725  109435  1913  25290  R. 

1879  Governor  9989  122751  109149  1645  13602  R. 

1880  President  111960  165205  4548  682  53245  R. 

1880  Governor  111410  164825    4864  1059  53415  R. 

1881  Governor  54586   96609    4889  42023  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT, 

Governor,  George  D.  Robinson ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Oliver  Ames ;  Secretary,  Henry  B,  Pierce ;  Treasurer, 
Daniel  A.  Gleason ;  Auditor,  Charles  R.  Ladd;  Attorney- 
General,  Edgar  J.  Sherman — all  Republicans, 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.            House.  Total. 

Republicans 25                   145  170 

Democrats 15                    95  110 

Republican  maj 10                    50  60 


MICHIGAN. 

Garfield,  Hancock,Weaver, 

Garfield.Hancock.Wearer, 

R. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

D.           G. 

Alcona, 

386 

252 

9 

Baraga, 

173 

224  

Allegan, 

4694 

2376 

1209 

Barry, 

3083 

1020  2129 

Alpena, 

960 

834 

38 

Bay, 

2404  2068  1734 

Antrim, 

600 

153 

215 

Benzie, 

449 

170    142 

34        VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


3.-\rfieId,IIancock,Weaver, 
R.             V.           G. 

Garfield,nancock,WeaTer, 
K.               D.          G. 

Berrien, 

4535  3536 

540 

Mackinac, 

146 

296 

Branch, 

4121  1195 

1626 

Macomb, 

3137 

3218 

201 

Calhoun, 

5187  3142 

844 

Manistee, 

1189 

870 

240 

Cass, 

2859  2180 

415 

Manitou, 

34 

139 

Charlevoix, 

784    304 

78 

Marquette 

,2434 

1271 

14 

Cheboygan, 

605    541 

99 

Mason, 

1267 

766 

76 

Chippewa, 

396    347 

2 

Mecosta, 

1621 

852 

275 

Clare, 

488    370 

44 

Menomi- 

Clinton, 

3299  2797 

756 

nee, 

1380 

880 

4 

Crawford, 

183    142 

20 

Midland, 

761 

405 

355 

Delta, 

708    441 

6 

Missaukee 

,  266 

121 

37 

Eaton, 

4195  2681 

819 

Monroe, 

3178 

3701 

224 

Emmet, 

814    495 

118 

Montcalm 

,4163 

2770 

763 

Genesee, 

4938  3085 

925 

Muskegon 

,2807 

1680 

358 

Gladwin, 

160    243 

7 

Newaygo, 

1492 

625 

994 

G.  Traverse 

1356    428 

70 

Oakland, 

5370 

5150 

318 

Gratiot, 

2548  1489 

965 

Oceana, 

1481 

482 

501 

Hillsdale, 

4909  1951 

1365 

Ogemaw, 

264 

191 

58 

Houghton, 

2100  1311 

Ontonagor 

1,228 

218 

25 

Huron, 

1713  1245 

42 

Osceola, 

1225 

581 

23 

Ingham, 

3984  3412 

1005 

Oscoda, 

Ionia, 

4210  2542 

1257 

Otsego, 

328 

217 

81 

Iosco, 

809    513 

5 

Ottawa, 

3284 

2019 

784 

Isabella, 

1438    996 

129 

Presque 

Isle  Royal, 

Isle, 

216 

145 

Jackson, 

4486  3744  1810 

Roscom- 

Kalamazoo, 

4478  3045 

550 

mon, 

335 

596 

90 

Kalkaska, 

496     170 

31 

Saginaw, 

5207 

5304 

609 

Kent, 

8313  5115  3037 

Sanilac, 

2237 

1296 

186 

Keweena, 

591     262 

Schoolcr'ft 

,  157 

41 

Lake, 

579    266 

6 

Shiawas- 

Lapeer, 

3441  2606 

171 

see, 

3347 

1972 

1167 

Leelanaw, 

594    545 

83 

St.  Clair, 

4219 

3439 

758 

Lenawee, 

6451  5246 

402 

St.  Joseph 

3144 

2102 

1231 

Livingston, 

2879  2817 

231 

Tuscola, 

2999 

1517 

358 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.        35 


Gavfield,Hanco(k,Wpaver, 
K.               1).            G. 

Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, 
B.              U.          G. 

V'nBuren,  4131     2004   1062 

Wexford,    1111       406     128 

Washte- 
naw,      4629     4958     333 

Totals,  185341  131597  34895 

Wayne,     16157   15064     718 

Majority,  53744 

Total  vote   for   President,   including   942    Prohibition, 
352,775. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


Governor, 

Jerome,  R. 
Begole,  D. 
Sangenderf,  P. 


Lieutenant-Governor. 


149581  Crosby,  R.  157203 

154404  Pringle,  D.  149433 

6349  Brown,  P.  4489 
VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE   1872. 

Dem.   Rep.  Temp.  Gbk.  Maj. 
136202 
111519 
111951 

165926  870  8297  23434  R. 

166534  24439  R. 

112653  26905  R. 

126399  74333  46717  R. 

177954  35032  40263  R. 

185341   942  34895  53744  R. 


1872  President 79088 

1874  Governor 105550 

1875  Sup,  Court.  ..  91876 

1876  Governor 142492 

1876  President 142095 

1877  Sup.  Court....  85748 

1878  Governor 79682 

1880  Governor 137691 

1880  President 131597 


1271  55843  R. 

3937  2035  R. 

20075  R. 

870  8297 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVICRNMENT. 

Governor,  Joseph  W.  Begole,  D. ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Moreau  S.  Crosby,  R. ;  Secretary,  Harry  A.  Conant,  R, ; 
Treasurer,  E.  H.  Butler,  R. ;  Auditor,  W.  C.  Stevens,  R. ; 
Attorney-General,  Jacob  J.  Van  Riper,  R. ;  Superintendent 
of  Instruction,  V.  B.  Cochran,  R. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 19  62  81 

Democrats 13  37  60 

Workingmen 1  1 


Republican  maj. 


24 


30 


36        VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880, 


MINNESOTA. 

Garfield, 
B. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Aitkin, 

45 

24 

Lyon, 

1141 

195 

Anoka, 

975 

523 

McLeod, 

1111 

1031 

Becker, 

693 

138 

Marshall, 

127 

88 

Benton, 

251 

355 

Martin, 

863 

190 

Big  Stone, 

450 

254 

Meeker, 

1334 

564 

Blue  Earth, 

2729 

1821 

Mille  Lacs, 

265 

101 

Brown, 

1293 

708 

Morrison, 

459 

667 

Carlton, 

216 

229 

Mower, 

2088 

861 

Carver, 

1294 

1148 

Murray, 

557 

184 

Cass, 

131 

68 

Nicollet, 

1273 

274 

Chippewa, 

860 

161 

Nobles, 

693 

227 

Chisago, 

1246 

252 

01  ra  stead, 

2486 

1558 

Clay, 

920 

849 

Otter  Tail, 

2628 

772 

Cottonwood, 

717 

128 

Pine, 

221 

235 

Crow  Wing, 

328 

227 

Pipestone, 

358 

171 

Dakota, 

1610 

1742 

Polk, 

1638 

667 

Dodge, 

1702 

600 

Pope, 

924 

111 

Douglas, 

1438 

295 

Ramsey, 

4334 

4586 

Faribault, 

1863 

734 

Redwood, 

866 

217 

Fillmore, 

3216 

846 

Renville, 

1452 

598 

Freborn, 

2461 

625 

Rice, 

2493 

1761 

Goodhue, 

4040 

1354 

Rock, 

653 

165 

Grant, 

596 

43 

St.  Louis, 

698 

418 

Hennepin, 

8036 

4105 

Scott, 

834 

1776 

Houston, 

1907 

1297 

Sherburne, 

431 

212 

Isanti, 

839 

64 

Sibley, 

970 

1061 

Jackson, 

767 

126 

Stearns, 

1415 

2469 

Kanabec, 

101 

48 

Steele, 

1642 

944 

Kandiyohi, 

1608 

150 

Stevens, 

638 

513 

Kitson, 

158 

73 

Swift, 

899 

566 

Lac  qui  Parle 

878 

47 

Todd, 

664 

361 

Lake, 

20 

Traverse, 

118 

85 

Le  Sueur, 

1383 

1882 

Wabasha, 

2040 

1867 

Lincoln, 

468 

112 

Wadena, 

366 

107 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        37 


R. 

Waseca, 

1381 

Washington, 

2067 

Watonwan, 

745 

Wilkin, 

261 

Winona, 

2572 

Wridit, 

2110 

Garfield,    Hancock, 
D. 

963 

1508 

220 

94 

2555 

1317 


Garfield,     Hancock, 


Yellow 
cine. 


Medi- 


E. 


854 


D. 


70; 


Totals, 
Majority, 


93903 

40588 


53315; 


Total  vote  for  President,  including  3267  Greenback  and! 
286  Prohibition,  150771. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1883. 

Governor. 

Hubbard,  R.  72404 

Bierman,  D.  57859 

Holt,  P.  708 


Dem. 

1872  President 35211 

1873  Governor 35260 

1874  Chief  Justice 42111 

1875  Governor 35168 

1876  President 48779 

1877  Governor 40215 

1878  Congress 45339 

1879  Governor 41583 

1880  President 53315 


Congress,  1882. 

Republican, 

92822. 

Democratic, 

46653 

Greenback, 

6470 

TE  SINCE  1872. 

Rep.  Temp.  Gbk. 

Maj. 

55709   

20498  R. 

40781    1050    

5521  R.. 

51996   

9885  R. 

47053  1484   

11885  R. 

72962   2389 

24163  R. 

57644   

17429  R. 

53508   

8169  R. 

56918  2867  4264 

15335  R. 

93903     286  3267 

40588  R. 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  L.  F.  Hubbard ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  C.  A.. 
Gilman;  Secretary  of  State,  Fred.  Von  Baumbach;  State 
Treasurer,  Charles  Kittleson ;  Attorney-General,  W.  J. 
Hahn;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  D.  L, 
Kiehle — all  Republicans. 
28 


38        VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PKESIDENT,    1880. 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Republican  in  both  Houses. 


MISSISSIPPI. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

D. 

K. 

D. 

Adams, 

965 

1319 

Kemper, 

579 

1104 

Alcorn, 

558 

1111 

Lafayette, 

1215 

2032 

Amite, 

304 

566 

Lauderdale, 

465 

1460 

Attala, 

874 

1324 

Lawrence, 

567 

606 

Benton, 

759 

274 

Leake, 

299 

1283 

Bolivar, 

1016 

260 

Lee, 

80 

1644 

Calhoun, 

76 

1052 

Leflore, 

276 

642 

Carroll, 

267 

1266 

Lincoln, 

706 

636 

Chickasaw, 

667 

1505 

Lowndes, 

330 

1203 

Choctaw, 

23 

610 

Madison, 

928 

1248 

Claiborne, 

292 

1057 

Marion, 

201 

317 

Clarke, 

545 

1070 

Marshall, 

2454 

2510 

Clay, 

284 

1498 

Monroe, 

660 

2066 

Coahoma, 

364 

209 

^lontgoraery, 

143 

1372 

Copiah, 

1419 

2021 

Neshoba, 

84 

736 

Covington, 

189 

446 

Newton, 

1026 

De  Soto, 

1355 

1070 

Noxubee, 

427 

1234 

Franklin, 

263 

440 

Oktibbeha, 

366 

1210 

Greene, 

50 

200 

Panola, 

1754 

1744 

Grenada, 

276 

739 

Pearl, 

Hancock, 

197 

433 

Perry, 

56 

222 

Harrison, 

251 

499 

Pike, 

635 

914 

Hinds, 

1017 

2398 

Pontococ, 

541 

1227 

Holmes, 

1171 

1770 

Prentiss, 

120 

1493 

Issaquena, 

335 

57 

Quitman, 

83 

153 

Itawamba, 

37 

1235 

Rankin, 

561 

1208 

Jackson, 

298 

560 

Scott, 

793 

Jasper, 

339 

961 

Sharkey, 

178 

482 

Jefferson, 

140 

948 

Simpson, 

220 

519 

Jones, 

•-•■•■«'•• 

295 

Smith, 

966 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.      39 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Sumner, 

105 

627 

Washington, 

1220 

1125 

Sunflower, 

150 

160 

Wayne, 

432 

545 

Tallahatchie, 

415 

764 

Wilkinson, 

1072 

1438 

Tate, 

1435 

1626 

Winston, 

241 

841 

Tippah, 

400 

1326 

Yalabusha, 

94 

1173 

Tishomingo, 

51 

796 

Yazoo, 

155 

2133 

Tunica, 
Union, 

531 

388 

193 

1484 

Totals, 

34854 

75750 

Warren, 

74 

1034 

Majority, 

40896 

Total  vote  for  President,  1880,  including  677  scattering, 
117,078. 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 
Rep. 

1872  President 81916 

1873  Governor 74307 

1875  Treasurer 66659 

1876  President 51605 

1877  Governor 1168 

1880  President 34854 

1881  Governor 51364 

PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Robert  Lowr}'- ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  G.  D. 
Shands ;  Secretary  of  State,  Henry  C.  Myers ;  Treasurer, 
W.  L.  Hemingway ;  Auditor,  Sylvester  Gwin ;  Attorney- 
General,  T.  C.  Catchings ;  Superintendent  of  Education,  J. 
A.  Smith — all  Democrats. 


Dem. 

Maj. 

47191 

34725  R. 

52904 

21403  R. 

96806 

30147  D. 

109173 

57568  D. 

96454 

95286  D. 

75750 

40896  D. 

76365 

25001  D. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Democrats 

Republicans... 
Greenbackers. 
Independents. 


Senate. 

House. 

Total 

34 

101 

135 

3 

14 

17 

<  •• 

2 

2 

••• 

3 

3 

Democratic  maj 31 


82 


113 


40       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    188(;. 


MISSOURI. 

Garfield.Haneock.WeaTer, 
R.               V.           G. 

GarfleM,Hancock,WeaTe», 
B.                 D.           G. 

Adair, 

1651 

1260 

326 

Douglas, 

497 

163 

556 

Andrew, 

1781 

1571 

121 

Dunklin, 

182 

1330 

Atchison, 

1228 

1261 

490 

Franklin, 

2647 

2262 

78 

Audrain, 

983 

2322 

530 

Gascon- 

Barry, 

910 

1163 

327 

ade, 

1512 

487 

Barton, 

599 

942 

712 

Gentry, 

1377 

1982 

334 

Bates, 

1877 

2949 

245 

Greene, 

2198 

1912 

1286 

Benton, 

1202 

962 

164 

Grundy, 

1917 

1102 

124 

Bollinger, 

629 

1068 

117 

Harrison, 

2097 

1586 

239 

Boone, 

1170 

3269 

418 

Henry, 

1694 

2821 

306 

Buchanan 

,3317 

4693 

391 

Hickory, 

675 

436 

252 

Butler, 

275 

746 

96 

Holt, 

1605 

1297 

212 

Caldwell, 

1369 

1139 

373 

Howard, 

1166 

2047 

514 

Callaway, 

1184 

3369 

110 

Howell, 

457 

726 

209 

Camden, 

563 

507 

197 

Iron, 

565 

854 

3 

C.  Girard. 

Jackson, 

5123 

6703 

735 

eau. 

1641 

1869 

102 

Jasper, 

2874 

2533 

1110 

Carroll, 

2039 

2404 

409 

Jefferson, 

1501 

2012 

62 

Carter, 

80 

238 

50 

Johnson, 

2400 

2795 

318 

Cass, 

1710 

2710 

275 

Knox, 

574 

1468 

765 

Cedar, 

926 

900 

258 

Laclede, 

365 

960 

774 

Chariton, 

1617 

2899 

543 

Lnfiyette, 

1822 

3163 

102 

Christian, 

791 

438 

520 

Lawrence 

,  1567 

1476 

337 

Clark, 

1503 

1570 

120 

Lewis, 

1152 

1928 

152 

Clay, 

589 

2969 

193 

Lincoln, 

790 

2039 

634 

Clinton, 

1237 

2061 

187 

Linn, 

1991 

2049 

182 

Cole, 

1338 

1384 

55 

Livings- 

Cooper, 

1730 

2189 

372 

ton, 

1165 

1859 

1268 

Crawford, 

805 

1099 

69 

McDonald,  213 

706 

471 

Dade, 

1227 

902 

238 

Macon, 

1726 

2088 

844 

Dallas, 

654 

487 

555 

Madison, 

391 

952 

1 

Daviess, 

1796 

2045 

285 

Maries, 

288 

924 

58 

DeKalb, 

1238 

1305 

221 

Marion, 

1811 

3086 

87 

Dent, 

707 

1073 

35 

Mercer, 

1573 

990 

231 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.      41 


Garfield.Hancock,  Weaver, 

Garfield, Hancock.^ 

'eaver. 

R. 

D. 

G. 

K. 

D. 

G. 

Miller, 

970 

757 

167 

StFrancois,  778 

1750 

60 

Mississippi,  525 

1137 

113 

Ste  Gene- 

Moniteau, 

853 

1323 

643 

vieve, 

650 

1081 

40 

Monroe, 

671 

3488 

120 

St.  Louis, 

3223 

2719 

4 

Montgom- 

Saline, 

1907 

3851 

359 

ery, 

1329 

1721 

343 

Schuyler, 

570 

1065 

457 

Morgan, 

798 

950 

57 

Scotland, 

689 

1405 

479 

N.  Madrid 

,  341 

1070 

Scott, 

459 

1330 

Newton, 

957 

1535 

971 

Shannon, 

65 

467 

9 

Nodaway, 

2303 

2485 

941 

Shelby, 

350 

1770 

847 

Oregon, 

85 

809 

23 

Stoddard, 

590 

1541 

92 

Osage, 

1117 

1137 

10 

Stone, 

435 

140 

136 

Ozark, 

409 

314 

132 

Sullivan, 

1693 

1717 

187 

Pemiscot, 

85 

749 

Taney, 

337 

313 

207 

Perry, 

887 

1110 

71 

Texas, 

477 

1250 

285 

Pettis, 

2457 

2908 

306 

Vernon, 

940 

2338 

360 

Phelps, 

416 

1132 

548 

Warren, 

1343 

662 

203 

Pike, 

2151 

3236 

389 

Washing- 

Platte, 

945 

2693 

49 

ton, 

775 

1489 

78 

Polk, 

1506 

1360 

250 

Wayne, 

568 

1144 

46 

Pulaski, 

462 

772 

19 

Webster, 

561 

1024 

616 

Putnam, 

1513 

725 

424 

Worth, 

657 

751 

163 

Ralls, 

603 

1800 

14 

Wright, 

641 

409 

365 

Randolph 

1051 

2927 

691 

City  St. 

Ray, 

908 

2614 

568 

Louis, 

23006 

23837 

872 

Reynolds, 

139 

747 

Riple3\ 

115 

578 

70 

Totals,  153587  208589  35135 

St.  Charles,  2223 

2191 

33 

Majority, 

55002 

St.  Clair, 

765 

963 

1053 

Total  vote,  397310. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 
Supreme  Judge. 

Wagner,  R.  128239  |  Sherwood,  D. 

Rice,  G. 


193620 
33407 


42        VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,   1880. 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.        Rep.  Gbk.  Maj. 

1872  Governor 156714   121271   35443  D. 

1872  President 151433   119196   32237  D. 

1874  Governor 149556   112104   37452  D. 

1876  Governor 199580   147694   51886  D. 

1876  President 203077   145029   58048  D. 

1878  Sup.  Judge 185171   96994  61167  88177  D. 

1880  Governor 207670   153636  36338  54034  D. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Thomas  T.  Crittenden ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Robert  A.  Campbell ;  Secretar}^  M.  K.  McGrath ;  Auditor, 
John  Walker;  Treasurer,  Philip  E.  Chappell ;  Attorney- 
General,  D.  H.  Mclntyre ;  Land  Register,  Robert  McCul- 
loch ;  Superintendent  of  Schools,  \Vm.  E.  Coleman — all 
Democrats. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 28  104  132 

Republicans 6  32  38 

Greenbackers 4  4 

Democratic  maj 22  68  90 


NEBRASKA. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

HaDCock, 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Adams, 

1447 

550 

Cheyenne, 

232 

322 

Antelope, 

577 

145 

Clay, 

1517 

520 

Boone, 

671 

226 

Colfox, 

685 

399 

Buffalo, 

1195 

390 

Cuming, 

598 

537 

Burt, 

1010 

380 

Custer, 

299 

130 

Butler, 

958 

716 

Dakota, 

828 

386 

Cass, 

1861 

1303 

Dawson, 

347 

179 

Cedar, 

218 

326 

Dixon, 

459 

315 

VOTE    BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        43 


Hancock, 
D. 

1079 

2407 

452 

248 

42 
201 
789 

70 
127 
547 
346 
239 

49 
309 
352 
401 
579 
242 

51 
230 
1381 
261 
426 
275 

84 


Garfield 

Dodge, 

1439 

Douglas, 

3290 

Fillmore, 

1404 

Franklin, 

585 

Frontier, 

133 

Furnas, 

606 

Gage, 

1726 

Gosper, 
Greeley, 
Hall, 

156 

182 
1150 

Hamilton, 

997 

Harlan, 

678 

Hitchcock, 

135 

Holt, 

334 

Howard, 

637 

Jefferson, 

1069 

Johnson, 

1068 

Kearney, 

Keith, 

550 
32 

Knox, 

556 

Lancaster, 

3397 

Lincoln, 

377 

Madison, 

670 

Merrick, 

819 

Nance, 

199 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Nemaha, 

1473 

857 

Nuckolls, 

594 

331 

Otoe, 

1918 

1226 

Pawnee, 

1181 

326 

Phelps, 
Pierce, 

426 
76 

36 
119 

Platte, 

854 

832 

Polk, 

943 

336 

Red  Willow, 

284 

147 

Richardson, 

1764 

1492 

Saline, 

1841 

997 

Sarpy, 
Saunders, 

491 
1717 

516 
556 

Seward, 

1354 

699 

Sherman, 

308 

80 

Stanton, 

180 

160 

Thayer, 
Valley, 
Washington, 
Wayne, 

Webster, 

834 
392 

1190 
118 

1006 

348 
93 

499 
43 

389 

York, 

1444 

530 

Totals, 

54979 

28523 

Majority, 

26456 

Total  vote  for  President,  89452. 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,   1882. 


Governor. 

Dawes,  R.  43495 

Maton,  D.  28562 

Ingersoll,  G.  16991 


Lieutenant-Governor. 
Agee,  R.  44520 

W^arner,  D.  26622 

Reynolds,  G.  17656 


44       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Rep. 

1872  President 18245 

1874  Governor 20874 

1875  Sup.  Court 31226 

1876  President 31916 

1876  Governor 31947 

1877  Sup.  Court 29569 

1878  Governor 29469 

1878  Congress 28341 

1880  President 54979 

1880  Governor 55237 


Dem.   Ind.  Temp, 

7705    

8471   3987   1257 

15091    

17554  2336  4964 

17219  3022   30 

15639  775  

13473  9475  

21752  110  

28523  3950  

28167  3898  


Maj. 
10540  R. 

7159  R. 
16135  R. 
14362  R. 
14728  R. 
13930  R. 
15996  R. 

6589  R. 
26456  R. 
27070  R. 


PRESENT   STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  James  W.  Dawes;  Lieutenant-Governor,  A. 
"VV.  Agee ;  Secretary  of  State,  E.  P.  Roggen ;  Auditor, 
John  Walliehs;  Commissioner  of  Public  Lands  and 
Buildings,  A.  G.  Kendall ;  Attornej^-General,  Isaac  Powers, 
Jr.;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  W.  W.  W.  Jones ; 
Treasurer,  P.  D.  Sturdevant — all  Republicans. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Republican  majority  of  7  on  joint  ballot. 


NEVADA. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

1). 

K. 

D. 

Churchill, 

82 

99 

Nye, 

Douglas, 

247 

275 

Ormsby, 

624 

452 

Elko, 

782 

886 

Storey, 

2378 

2766 

Esmeralda, 

605 

678 

Washoe, 

756 

828 

Eureka, 

1026 

891 

White  Pine, 

398 

441 

Humboldt, 

373 

599 

Lander, 

Totals, 

7895 

8636 

Lincoln, 

257 

419 

Majority, 

741 

Lyon, 

355 

295 

Total  vote  for  President,  18 

80,  16541. 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       45 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 


Governor. 
Strother,  R.  6535 

Adams,  D.  7770 


Congress. 
Cassidy,  D. 
Powning,  R. 


VOTES   OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep. 

1872  President 6236  8413 

1874  Governor 10339  7755 

1876  President 9308  10383 

1876  Congress 7270  10241 

1878  Governor 9151  9678 

1878  Congress 9047  9727 


7720 
6462 

Maj. 
2177  R. 
2584  D. 
1075  R. 

971  R. 

527  R. 

680  R. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Jewett  W.  Adams,  D. ;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
E.  C.  Laugh  ton,  R.;  Secretary  of  State,  J.  M.  Dorner,  R. ; 
Controller,  J.  F.  Hallock,  R. ;  Treasurer,  George  Taflfly,  R.; 
Attorney -General,  W.  H.  Davenport,  R. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 8  27  85 

Democrats 12  13  25 


Republican  maj 


14 


Belknap, 

Carroll, 

Cheshire, 

Coos, 

Grafton, 

Hillsboro, 

Merrimack, 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


Garfield,      Hancock, 
R.  D. 

2350 
2370 
4339 
1822 
4964 
8687 
5936 


2483 
2574 
2976 
2379 
5352 
6999 
5922 


Rockingham, 

Stratford, 

Sullivan, 


Garfield, 
R. 

6959 
4632 
2729 


10 


Hancock, 
D. 

5985 
3912 
2175 


Totals,         44787      40707 
Majority,        4080 


Total  vote  for  President,  86177. 


46      VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1882. 
Hale,  R.  38399 1  Edgerley,  D. 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.  Rep.  Temp. 

1872  President 31725  37168      200 

1875  Governor 39121  39293   792 

1876  Governor 38128  41765   419 

1876  President 38509  41539  82 

1877  Governor 36721  40755  338 

1878  Governor 31135  38175  6507 

1880  Governor 40866  44435  892 


36879 


Maj. 
5443  R. 

172  R, 
3218  R. 
3030  R. 
4034  R. 
7040  R. 
3569  R. 


PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Samuel  W.  Hale;  Secretary  of  State,  A.  B. 
Thompson;  Deputy  Secretary  of  State,  Isaac  W.  Ham- 
mond; Treasurer,  Solon  A.  Carter;  Adjutant-General,  A. 
D.  Ayling;  State  Librarian,  William  H.  Kimball — all  Re- 
publicans. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 17  192  209 

Democrats 7  120  127 

Republican  maj 10  72  82 


NEW  JERSEY. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 

Atlantic, 

2448 

1720 

Cumberland, 

4446 

3640 

Bergen, 

3680 

4242 

Essex, 

20707 

17795 

Burlington, 

7010 

6543 

Gloucester, 

3345 

2658 

Camden, 

7895 

5832 

Hudson, 

14632 

19586 

Cape  May, 

1276 

961 

Hunterdon, 

3753 

5650 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,   1880.        47 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
1>. 

Mercer, 

7248 

6673 

Somerset, 

3217 

3157 

Middlesex, 

5420 

6557 

Sussex, 

2519 

3353 

Monmouth, 

5693 

7614 

Union, 

5746 

5665 

Morris, 

5720 

5037 

Warren, 

3136 

5240 

Ocean. 

1898 

1654 

Passaic, 
Salem, 


7576   5776 


3155    3012   Majority, 


Totals,   120555  122565 


2010 


Total  vote  for    President,  including  191   Prohibition, 
245,928. 

VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1883. 


Abbett,  D. 
Parsons,  P. 


103856  I  Dixon,  R. 
VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Dem. 

1872  President 76801 

1874  Governor 97283 

1876  President 115956 

1877  Governor 97840 

1880  Governor 121666 

1880  President 122565 


R. 

97047 

4153 

E  1872. 

Rep. 

Maj. 

91611 

14810  R. 

84050 

13233  D. 

103511 

12445  D. 

85094 

12746  D. 

121015 

651  D. 

120555 

2010  D. 

PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Leon  Abbett,  D. ;  Secretary  of  State,  Henry 
C.  Kelsey,  D. ;  Treasurer,  George  M.  Wright,  R. ;  Attorney- 
General,  John  P.  Stockton,  D. ;  Controller,  E.  J.  Anderson, 
R. ;  Chancellor,  Theodore  Runyon,  D. ;  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  Ellis  A.  Apgar,  D. 

PRESENT  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 9  33  42 

Republicans 12  26  38 

Democratic  maj 7  4 


48        VOTE    FOR    PRESIDENT,     1876     AND    1880. 


NEW  YORK 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Weaver, 

Hayes, 

Tilden, 

R. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

D. 

Albany, 

16564 

19624 

354 

16463 

17641 

Allegany, 

6827 

3482 

486 

6739 

3741 

Broome, 

7173 

5450 

168 

6767 

5424 

Cattaraugus, 

7401 

5466 

672 

6718 

5054 

Cayuga, 

9372 

5976 

536 

8958 

6119 

Chautauqua, 

10422 

5472 

585 

10065 

5685 

Chemung, 

4636 

4806 

976 

4732 

5228 

Chenango, 

5769 

4559 

623 

6173 

4826 

Clinton, 

6080 

4250 

74 

5502 

4796 

Columbia, 

6486 

5992 

19 

5799 

6311 

Cortland, 

4124 

2749 

78 

4038 

2642 

Delaware, 

6058 

5083 

218 

5867 

5272 

Dutchess, 

11045 

8475 

26 

9501 

9102 

Erie, 

24199 

20848 

442 

20299 

19533 

Essex, 

4776 

2775 

169 

4477 

2955 

Franklin, 

4185 

2780 

96 

4104 

2946 

Fulton  &  Hamilton,  4985 

3879 

35 

4262 

4231 

Genesee, 

4815 

3481 

72 

4322 

3321 

Greene, 

3879 

4405 

175 

3678 

4771 

Herkimer, 

6331 

5070 

61 

5966 

5212 

Jefferson, 

9439 

7216 

31 

9227 

7094 

Kings, 

51751 

61062 

507 

39065 

57557 

Lewis, 

4036 

3674 

11 

3610 

3707 

Livingston, 

5522 

4242 

161 

5267 

4244 

Madison, 

6793 

4683 

182 

6683 

4762 

Monroe, 

17102 

13742 

316 

14738 

13127 

Montgomery, 

5230 

4947 

32 

4457 

4765 

New  York, 

81730 

123015 

610 

58566 

112621 

Niagara, 

6478 

5937 

56 

5575 

5896 

Oneida, 

14546 

12600 

273 

14020 

12844 

Onondaga, 

16153 

11732 

138 

14867 

11162 

Ontario, 

6774 

5767 

134 

6334 

5528 

Orange, 

10088 

9672 

116 

9430 

9776 

TOTE    FOR    PRESIDENT,     1876     AND    1880.       49 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Weaver, 

Hayes, 

Tilden, 

R. 

D. 

G. 

K. 

D. 

Orleans, 

4581 

3104 

75 

4253 

8117 

Oswego, 

10236 

6746 

444 

10229 

7417 

Otsego, 

7516 

7184 

127 

6859 

7026 

Putnam, 

2113 

1708 

1949 

1805 

Queens, 

8151 

10391 

86 

6970 

9994 

Rensselaer, 

13672 

13031 

318 

12254 

12926 

Richmond, 

3291 

4815 

10 

2883 

4338 

Rockland, 

2688 

3415 

2 

2349 

3494 

St.  Lawrence, 

13748 

5835 

16 

13465 

5784 

Saratoga, 

8116 

5808 

49 

7489 

6496 

Schenectady, 

3250 

2628 

73 

2689 

2947 

Schoharie, 

8646 

5262 

85 

3549 

5324 

Schuyler, 

2790 

2293 

112 

2860 

2254 

Seneca, 

3394 

3802 

45 

3076 

3613 

Steuben, 

10245 

8992 

584 

9762 

8803 

Suffolk, 

6515 

6061 

49 

5589 

5804 

Sullivan, 

8339 

3718 

434 

3262 

4402 

Tioga, 

4751 

3627 

189 

4675 

3906 

Tompkins, 

4896 

3956 

363 

5032 

4028 

Ulster, 

9994 

9870 

30 

8914 

10636 

Warren, 

8330 

2618 

379 

3135 

2663 

Washington, 

7779 

4145 

59 

7303 

4815 

Wayne, 

7600 

5207 

225 

7081 

5199 

Westchester, 

11367 

11858 

82 

9574 

12054 

Wyoming, 

4695 

3309 

58 

4428 

8266 

Yates, 

3432 

2197 

97 

8327 

2045 

Totals,  555544    584511  12378    489225    522043 

Majorities,  21033  32818 

Total  vote  for  President,  1880,  including  1,517  Prohibi- 
tion, 1,103,945.  Total  vote  for  President,  1876,  including 
1,987  Greenback  and  2,359  Prohibition,  1,015,614. 


50       VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 
VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1883. 


Secretary  of  State. 
Carr,  R.  446088 

Maynard,  D.  427491 

Beecher,  G.  7066 

Gates,  P.  18205 


Controller. 

Davenport,  R. 

429873 

Ohapin,  D. 

445974 

Treasurer. 

Sexton,  R. 

428923 

Maxwell,  D. 

446618 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Dem. 

1872  President 387279 

1873  Secretary  of  State  341001 

1874  Governor 416391 

1875  Secretary  of  State  390211 

1876  Governor 519831 

1876  President 522043 

1877  Secretary  of  State  383062 

1878  Supreme  Judge...  356451 

1879  Treasurer 433485 

1879  Engineer 439681 

1880  President 534511 

1881  Secretary  of  State  403893 

1882  Governor 535347 


Rep.  O'Connor.  Maj. 

440759 

1404 
Temp. 

53480  R. 

331128 

3238 

9873  D. 

366074 

11168 

50317  D. 

375401 

11103 

14810  D 

489031 

30800  D. 

489225 

Gbk. 

32818  D. 

371798 

20282 

11264  D 

391112 

75133 

34661  R. 

436000 

21646 

2515  R. 

427240 

22779 

12441  D. 

555544 

12373 

21033  R 

416915 

16015 

13022  R. 

341523 

26602  193824  D 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  Grover  Cleveland,  D.;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
David  B.  Hill,  D.;  Secretary  of  State,  Joseph  B.  Carr,  R.; 
Controller,  Alfred  C.  Chapin,  D.;  Treasurer,  Robert  A. 
Maxwell,  D.;  Attorney-General,  Denis  O'Brien,  D.;  State 
Engineer  and  Surveyor,  Elnathan  Sweet,  D. 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       51 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House. 

Republicans 19  72 

Democrats 13  56 

Republican  maj 6  16 


Total. 
91 
69 

22 


NORTH   CAROLINA. 

Garfield, 

Hancck, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

R. 

n. 

R. 

D. 

Alamance, 

1247 

1463 

Davidson, 

1864 

1781 

Alexander, 

366 

824 

Davie, 

766 

975 

Allegheny, 

259 

549 

Duplin, 

1228 

2015 

Anson, 

1010 

1617 

Dare, 

274 

288 

Ashe, 

1069 

1117 

Edgecombe, 

3475 

1726 

Beaufort, 

1723 

1766 

Fors3"the, 

1791 

1778 

Bertie, 

1782 

1169 

Franklin, 

2012 

2032 

Bladen, 

1537 

1278 

Gaston, 

1139 

1107 

Brunswick, 

889 

746 

Gates, 

523 

1010 

Buncombe, 

1591 

1995 

Granville, 

3178 

2828 

Burke, 

790 

1125 

Greene, 

943 

880 

Cabarrus, 

1054 

1499 

Guilford, 

2233 

2280 

Caldwell, 

442 

988 

Halifax, 

2477 

1744 

Camden, 

524 

642 

Harnett, 

704 

1028 

Carteret, 

701 

1026 

Haywood, 

507 

932 

Caswell, 

1787 

1457 

Henderson, 

836 

674 

Catawba, 

624 

1883 

Hertford, 

1140 

983 

Chatham, 

1884 

2206 

Hyde, 

609 

819 

Cherokee, 

649 

722 

Iredell, 

1616 

2389 

Chowan, 

852 

630 

Jackson, 

261 

677 

Clay, 

187 

365 

Johnson, 

1631 

2059 

Cleveland, 

535 

1736 

Jones, 

800 

574 

Columbus, 

922 

1597 

Lenoir, 

1353 

1132 

Craven, 

2809 

1180 

Lincoln, 

786 

913 

Cumberland, 

2137 

2109 

Macon, 

335 

746 

Carrituck, 

364 

974 

Madison, 

1124 

951 

52      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hanwyrk, 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Martin, 

1287 

1408 

Rowan, 

1377 

2035 

McDowell, 

555 

817 

Rutherford, 

1207 

1236 

Mecklenburg, 

3245 

3361 

Sampson, 

1626 

2122 

Mitchell, 

987 

514 

Stanley, 

575 

887 

Montgomery, 

862 

719 

Stokes, 

1003 

1244 

Moore, 

1367 

1476 

Surry, 

1058 

1412 

Nash, 

1406 

1612 

Swain, 

101 

308 

New  Han'r, 

2200 

1438 

Transylvania, 

284 

461 

Northampton, 

2085 

1514 

Tyrrell, 

354 

432 

Onslow, 

537 

1085 

Union, 

824 

1516 

Orange, 

1902 

2537 

Wake, 

4622 

4359 

Pasquotank, 

1059 

575 

Warren, 

2681 

1366 

Pender, 

1234 

1007 

Washington, 

982 

602 

Perquimaus, 

992 

758 

Watauga, 

545 

712 

Person, 

1123 

1344 

Wayne, 

2257 

2427 

Pitt, 

1816 

2200 

W41kes, 

1583 

1510 

Polk, 

420 

335 

Wilson, 

1368 

1652 

Pamlico, 

362 

582 

Yadkin, 

1158 

941 

Randolph, 

1811 

2005 

Yancey, 

443 

712 

Richmond, 
Robeson, 

1743 
1960 

1363 
2235 

Totals,      115878 

124204 

Rockingham, 

1539 

2403 

M;iiority, 

8326 

Total  vote  for  President,  1880,  240,082. 

VOTE  FOR  CONGRESSMAN  AT  LARGE,  1882. 

Dockery,  R. 

111242 

Bennett,  D. 

111756 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 
Rep. 


1872  President 91393 

1872  Governor 98630 

1874  Supt.  Pub.  Inst 84181 

1876  President 108419 

1876  Governor 109990 

1878  Congress 53369 

1880  President 115878 

1880  Governor 115590 


Dem. 

Maj. 

67489 

23904  R. 

96731 

1899  R. 

98217 

14036  D. 

125427 

17008  D. 

123198 

13208  D. 

68263 

14894  D. 

124204 

8326  D. 

121827 

6237  D. 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.      53 
PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Thomas  J.  Jarvis;  Lieutenant-Governor,  James 
L.  Robinson ;  Secretary  of  State,  William  L.  Saunders ; 
Attorney-General,  Thomas  S.  Kenan ;  Treasurer,  John  M. 
Worth  ;  Auditor,  William  P.  Roberts ;  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  John  C.  Scarborough — all  Democrats.. 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.            House.  Total! 

Democrats 34                      68  102 

Republicans 16                      52  68> 

Democratic  maj 18                      16  34 


OHIO. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancocbi , 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Adams, 

2563 

2725 

Defiance, 

1977 

3140 

Allen, 

2906 

3890 

Delaware, 

3508 

2968 

Ashland, 

2752 

3217 

Erie, 

3661 

3305 

Ashtabula, 

6926 

2286 

Fairfield, 

3103 

4842' 

Athens, 

3645 

2234 

Fayette, 

2830 

2111 

Auglaize, 

1837 

3599 

Franklin, 

9438 

9863 

Belmont, 

5539 

5379 

Fulton, 

2912 

1787: 

Brown, 

3184 

4324 

Gallia, 

3488 

2310' 

Butler, 

3831 

6266 

Geauga, 

3053 

81Si. 

Carroll, 

2241 

1569 

Greene, 

4927 

2455^ 

Champaign, 

4100 

2865 

Guernsey, 

3318 

256S- 

Clarke, 

6229 

4179 

Hamilton, 

35173 

30122 

Clermont, 

4028 

4417 

Hancock, 

3124 

3350- 

Clinton, 

3937 

2167 

Hardin, 

3472 

3032' 

Columbiana, 

6545 

4273 

Harrison, 

2767 

2082 

Coshocton, 

2831 

3440 

Henry, 

1738 

2871 

Crawford, 

2622 

4567 

Highland, 

3648 

3490 

Cuyahoga, 

22123 

15130 

Hocking, 

1830 

2422 

Darke, 

4046 

5167 

Holmes, 

1370 

3281 

29 

54        VOTE    Br    COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
1). 

Garfield, 
U. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Huron, 

4566 

3040 

Pike, 

1756 

2192 

Jackson, 

2763 

2031 

Portage, 

8990 

8147 

Jefferson, 

4434 

2945 

Preble, 

3183 

2711 

Knox, 

3432 

3475 

Putnam, 

1851 

8417 

Lake, 

2978 

1104 

Richland, 

4032 

4885 

Lawrence, 

4627 

2862 

Ross, 

4734 

4551 

Licking, 

4210 

5575 

Sandusky, 

3059 

3640 

Logan, 

8739 

2468 

Sciota, 

3639 

2912 

Ijorain, 

6609 

2752 

Seneca, 

4008 

4845 

Lucas, 

7157 

5985 

Shelby, 

2274 

3320 

Madison, 

2680 

2305 

Stark, 

7264 

6965 

Mahoning, 

4943 

4044 

Summit, 

5890 

4071 

Marion, 

2192 

2932 

Trumbull, 

6796 

3184 

Medina, 

3340 

2158 

Tuscarawas, 

4096 

4844 

Meigs, 

4103 

2749 

Union, 

8802 

2236 

Mercer, 

1473 

3367 

Van  Wert, 

2634 

2572 

Miami, 

4928 

3604 

Vinton, 

1700 

1992 

Monroe, 

1600 

3751 

Warren, 

4565 

2564 

Montgomery, 

9726 

10332 

Washington 

4711 

4452 

Morgan, 

2510 

2091 

^^'ayne, 

4424 

4819 

Morrow, 

2581 

2143 

Williams, 

2881 

2596 

Muskingum, 

5804 

5336 

Wood, 

4305 

3441 

Noble, 

2316 

2044 

Wyandot, 

2398 

2981 

Ottawa, 

Paulding, 

1510 
1527 

2559 
1431 

Totals, 

375048 

340821 

Perry, 

2676 

3187 

Majority, 

84227 

Pickaway, 

2910 

3753 

Total  vote  for  President,  including  2,616  Prohibition, 
"724,941. 

VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1883. 


Hoadly,  D. 
IForaker,  R. 


359593  I  Schumacker,  P.  8361 

347064  Jenkins,  G.  2785 


YOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1S80.       55 


VOTES   OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Rep. 

1872  Sec'y  of  Stote.  ..  265930 

1872  President 281852 

1873  Governor 213837 

1875  Governor .297817 

1876  President 330698 

1876  Sec'y  of  State....  316872 

1877  Governor 249105 

1878  Sec'y  of  State....  274120 

1880  President 375048 

1881  Governor 312735 


Dem. 

Temp. 

Maj. 

251780 

2045 

14150  R. 

245484 

2100 

34268  R. 

214654 

817  D. 

292273 

2593 

5544  R 

323182 

7516  R 

311098 

Gbk. 

5774  R 

271625 

29201 

22520  D 

270966 

38322 

3154  R. 

340821 

6456 

34227  R. 

288426 

6330 

24309  R. 

PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  George  Hoadly ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  John 
G.  Warwick;  Secretary  of  State,  James  W.  Newman; 
Auditor,  Emil  Keisewelter;  State  Treasurer,  Peter  Brady; 
Attorney-General,  James  Lawrence — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 22  65  87 

Republicans 11  41  52 

Democratic  maj 11  24  35 


OREGON. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

K. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Baker, 

446 

629 

Curry, 

167 

153 

Benton, 

735 

690 

Douglas, 

1256 

1105 

Clackamas, 

1166 

872 

Grant, 

461 

436 

Clatsop, 

536 

434 

Jackson, 

743 

1065 

Columbia, 

312 

228 

Josephine, 

199 

279 

Coos, 

607 

554 

Lake, 

217 

374 

56       VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,   1880. 


Garfield, 
K 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
K 

HancocI^ 
D 

Lane, 

1012 

1092 

Union, 

664 

899 

Linn, 

1416 

1676 

Wasco, 

1330 

1510 

Marion, 

2050 

1386 

Washington, 

880 

578 

Multnomah, 

3211 

2719 

Yam  Hill, 

1056 

940 

Polk, 

771 

712 

Tillamook, 

134 

84 

Totals, 

20618 

19950 

Umatilla, 

1250 

1535 

Majority, 

668 

Total  vote  for  President,  40813. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS, 

1882. 

Governor. 

Secretary  of  Stai 

.0. 

Moody,  R. 

21481 

Earhart,  R. 

22052 

Smith,  D. 

20069 

Weatherford 

D. 

19536 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.      Rep.  Ind.  Maj. 

1873  Congress 8194   6123  20710. 

9163  6532  550  D. 

9106  837  267  D. 

15208  508  1050  R. 

15347  1108  R. 

16009  1353  54  D. 

20618  245  668  R. 


1874  Governor 9713 

1875  Congress 9373 

1876  President 14158 

1876  Congress 14239 

1878  Governor 16063 

1880  President 19950 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Z.  F.  Moody ;  Secretary  of  State,  R.  P.  Ear- 
hart;  Treasurer,  Edward  Hirsh ;  State  Printer,  W.  H. 
Byars ;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  L.  J. 
Powell — all  Republicans. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.            House.  Total. 

Republicans 16                     38  54 

Democrats 14                     20  34 

Independents 2  2 


Republican  maj 2 


16 


18 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.      57 


PENNSYLVANIA. 

18S0. 

1876. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Weaver, 

Hayes, 

Tilden, 

R. 

D. 

G. 

K. 

D. 

Adams, 

3137 

3752 

69 

2921 

3439 

Allegheny, 

35539 

22096 

1636 

28729 

19248 

Armstrong, 

4721 

3991 

375 

4613 

3821 

Beaver, 

4700 

3498 

129 

3982 

2950 

Bedford, 

3638 

3723 

53 

3210 

3532 

Berks, 

9225 

16959 

179 

8019 

15612 

Blair, 

5808 

4728 

195 

4752 

3933 

Bradford, 

8152 

4950 

496 

8008 

4989 

Bucks, 

8385 

8627 

23 

7722 

8023 

Butler, 

5269 

4678 

346 

5643 

4830 

Cambria, 

3962 

4555 

150 

2989 

4257 

Cameron, 

647 

582 

27 

572 

543 

Carbon, 

2857 

3464 

88 

2758 

3106 

Centre, 

3602 

4598 

99 

3266 

4065 

Chester, 

11298 

7524 

90 

9715 

6621 

Clarion, 

2533 

4433 

322 

3060 

4167 

Clearfield, 

3105 

4928 

296 

2318 

4220 

Clinton, 

2284 

3117 

36 

1809 

2974 

Columbia, 

2236 

4598 

192 

2069 

4394 

Crawford, 

7192 

5847 

1759 

7345 

6537 

Cumberland, 

4431 

5462 

119 

4151 

5062 

Dauphin, 

8573 

6619 

315 

7493 

5474 

Delaware, 

7008 

4473 

21 

5484 

3250 

Elk, 

720 

1534 

88 

534 

1330 

Erie, 

8752 

6471 

641 

8724 

6179 

Fayette, 

4920 

6250 

609 

4379 

5594 

Forest, 

370 

325 

281 

464 

385 

Franklin, 

5379 

4964 

4 

4897 

4620 

Fulton, 

853 

1252 

821 

1190 

Greene, 

2210 

4271 

32 

1956 

3719 

Huntingdon, 

3787 

3039 

393 

3493 

2982 

Indiana, 

4617 

2119 

1488 

4934 

2248 

Jefferson, 

2750 

2635 

137 

2350 

2459 

58       VOTE   EY   COUNTIES    FOR   PRESIDENT,   1880. 


Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Weaver, 

Hayes, 

Tilden, 

B. 

D. 

G. 

R. 

». 

Juniata, 

1625 

1999 

62 

1550 

2013 

Lackawanna, 

7357 

7178 

151 

Lancaster, 

19489 

10789 

39 

17425 

9638 

Lawrence, 

4360 

2047 

168 

3429 

1764 

Lebanon, 

5042 

3218 

7 

4552 

3028 

Lehigh, 

6144 

8292 

17 

5586 

7757 

Luzerne, 

11028 

12575 

372 

14919 

18396 

Lycoming, 

4955 

6416 

500 

4110 

5423 

McKean, 

3693 

3169 

299 

1427 

1320 

Mercer, 

6079 

5029 

490 

5508 

4587 

Mifflin, 

2075 

1955 

25 

1716 

1892 

Monroe, 

962 

3334 

17 

776 

3280 

Montgomery, 

11026 

11025 

75 

9385 

9654 

Montour, 

1265 

1862 

80 

1136 

1728 

Northampton, 

5961 

9653 

93 

5311 

9271 

Northumberland,  4847 

5931 

319 

4268 

5064 

Perry, 

3032 

2894 

2684 

2789 

Philadelphia, 

97220 

76330 

237 

77088 

62138 

Pike, 

537 

1332 

10 

443 

1387 

Potter, 

1773 

1134 

255 

1621 

1280 

Schuylkill, 

9337 

11511 

2488 

8677 

10457 

Snyder, 

2120 

1579 

13 

1922 

1539 

Somerset, 

4150 

2500 

55 

3784 

2336 

Sullivan, 

625 

994 

72 

502 

879 

Susquehanna, 

5031 

3802 

256 

4823 

3885 

Tioga, 

6018 

2815 

1151 

5892 

2729 

Union, 

2254 

1502 

11 

2154 

1489 

Venango, 

4089 

3573 

685 

3840 

3471 

Warren, 

3207 

2118 

684 

3151 

2365 

Washington, 

6451 

5850 

330 

5806 

5323 

Wayne, 

3122 

3421 

13 

2760 

3680 

Westmoreland, 

7113 

7975 

899 

6217 

7466 

Wyoming, 

1787 

1983 

38 

1679 

2026 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        59 
York,  7870      11581  9        6827      10403 


Totals,  444704    407428      20668 

Pluralities,       37276 

Total  vote,  1880,  for  President,  874783. 


384148 
17944 


366204 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1860. 


1862  Auditor-General..  219140 

1863  Governor 254171 

1864  President 263967 

1865  Auditor-General..  215740 

1866  Governor 290096 

1867  Supreme  Court...  267746 

1868  Auditor-General.  324739 

1868  President 313382 

1869  Governor 285956 

1871  Auditor-General..  269509 

1872  Governor 317760 

1872  President 211841 

1873  Treasurer 219471 

1874  Lt.-Governor 277195 

1875  Governor 292145 

1876  President 366204 

1876  Congress 369338 

1877  Treasurer 251717 

1878  Governor 297137 

1878  Supreme  Judge...  287221 

1878  Secretary 301034 

1879  Treasurer 221715 

1880  Auditor-General..  405736 

1881  Treasurer 258471 


Maj. 

3524  D. 

Pv. 


Rep.  Gbk. 

215616  

269496  15325 

269679  5712  R. 

238400  22660  R. 

307274  17178  R. 

266824  922  D. 

331416  9677  R. 

342280  28898  R. 

290552  4596  R. 

283999  11315  R. 

353387  34368  R. 

349589  136118  R. 

244823  25352  R. 

272516  4679  D. 

304175  12030  R. 

384148  7204  17944  R. 

379428  10090  R. 

241816  52854  9901  D. 

319490  81758  22353  R. 

311042  99316  23820  R. 

313193  81733  12157  R. 

280153  27207  58438  R. 

442335  19226  36599  R. 

265295  14976  6824  R. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


Bristol, 

Kent, 

Newport, 


Garfield,     Hancock, 
R.  D. 

443 

1153 

979 


1039 
1759 
2064 


Providence,  11316    6975 


Garfield,    Hancock, 
K.  D. 


Washington,     2017         1229 


Totals,         18195      10779 
Majority,       7416 


60        VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Total    vote    for    President,   including   20    Prohibitionj 
29,230. 

VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1883. 
Bourne,  R.  13078  I  Cutler,  I.  D.  706 

Sprague,  D.  10201   Scattering,  20 

VOTES  OF  STATE 
Dem. 
1872  President 5329 

1872  Governor 8308 

1873  Governor 3786 

1874  Governor 1589 

1875  Governor 5166 

1876  President 10712 

1877  Governor 11787 

1878  Governor 7639 

1879  Governor 5508 

1880  President 10779 

1881  Governor 4756 


SINCE 

1872. 

Rep. 

I.  Rep. 

Ma 

)• 

13665 

8336 

R 

9463 

1155 

R. 

9656 

5870 

R 

12335 

10746 

R. 

8368 

8724 

356  1 

R 

15787 

5075 

R 

12458 

671 

R 

11454 

3815 

R 

9717 

4209 

R 

18195 

7416 

R 

10489 

281 

5733 

R 

PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Augustus  0.  Bourne;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Henry  H.  Fay  ;  Secretary  of  State,  Joshua  M.  Addeman ; 
Attorney-General,  Samuel  P.  Colt;  General  Treasurer, 
Samuel  Clark — all  Republicans. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total. 

Republicans 30  65  95 

Democrats 7  17  24 

Republican  maj 23  48  71 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


Abbeville, 
Aiken, 


Garfield, 
R. 

1576 
1476 


D. 

6452 
4731 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

ndersoii, 

1253 

4312 

arnwell, 

2866 

6030 

VOTE   BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        61 


Beaufort, 

Charleston, 

Chester, 

Chesterfield, 

Clarendon, 

Colleton, 

Darlington, 

Edgefield, 

Fairfield, 

Georgetown, 

Greenville, 

Horry, 

Hampton, 

Kershaw, 

Lexington, 

Laurens, 

Total    vote 
169,749. 


Garfield, 
R. 

6035 

8162 
1114 
1073 
1473 
2112 
2120 
1041 
1680 

622 
2088 

613 


Hancock, 
D. 

382 

11444 

2922 

1925 

2512 

977 
4677 
6587 
3737 

161 
4242 
2168 


1695 

1168 

493 


3024 
2014 
3572 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Lancaster, 
Marion, 

2453 

1948 
4009 

Marlboro, 

1478 

2428 

Newberry, 
Oconee, 

1219 
516 

4572 
1934 

Orangeburg, 

2727 

3625 

Pickens, 

491 

1682 

Richland, 

2957 

3335 

Spartanburg, 
Sumpter, 

1840 
1629 

4944 
2352 

Union, 

754 

2965 

Williamsburg,    993 
York,                 2350 

1778 
3795 

Totals, 

57966 

111236 

Majority, 

53270 

for    President,  including   547   Greenback, 


VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882 


Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor. 

Thompson,  D.               67158  Sheppard,  D.  67087 

McLane,  G.-R.              17719  I  White,  G.-R.  17278 
VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Rep.           Dem.  Maj, 

1872  Governor 69838    36553  33285  R. 

1872  President 72290    22683  49607  R. 

1872  Congress 76034    19522  56512  R. 

1874  Governor 80403    68818  11585  R. 

1874  Congress 79209    62094  17115  R. 

1876  Governor 91127    92261  1134  R. 

1876  President 91870    90896  974  R. 

1876  Congress 91143    91559  416  D. 

1878  Congress 45081    116917  71836  D. 

1880  President 57966    111236  53270  D. 

1880  Governor 4277   117432  113155  D. 


62      VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  Hugh  S.  Thompson;  Lieutenant-Governor, 
John  C.  Sheppard  ;  Secretary,  James  M.  Leipscomb  ;  Con- 
troller, W.  E.  Stoney  ;  Attorney-General,  Charles  R.  Miles  ; 
Treasurer,  John  P.  Richardson ;  Superintendent  of  Edu- 
cation, Asbury  Coward — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT    STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.  House.  Total, 

Democrats 30  111  141 

Republicans 2  6  8 

Democratic  maj 28  105  133 


TENNESSEE. 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

R. 

D. 

K. 

D. 

Anderson, 

1058 

574 

Dickson, 

497 

1169 

Bedford, 

1766 

2504 

Dyer, 

248 

1060 

Benton, 

383 

771 

Fayette, 

3082 

2247 

Bledsoe, 

484 

372 

Fentress, 

511 

314 

Blount, 

Franklin, 

357 

2187 

Bradley, 

932 

665 

Gibson, 

Campbell, 

1038 

314 

Giles, 

2040 

2899 

Cannon, 

300 

1035 

Grainger, 

1197 

870 

Carroll, 

2208 

1820 

Greene, 

2303 

2060 

Carter, 

1644 

405 

Grundy, 

Cheatham, 

291 

794 

Hamilton, 

2460 

1595 

Claiborne,  ' 

1212 

967 

Hamblen, 

1095 

848 

Clay, 

177 

567 

Hancock, 

948 

493 

Cocke, 

1608 

906 

Hardeman, 

1409 

1566 

Coffee, 

198 

1766 

Hardin, 

1345 

972 

Cumberland, 

371 

287 

Hawkins, 

Davidson, 

6449 

7543 

Haywood, 

3557 

1766 

Decatur, 

413 

753 

Henderson. 

1385 

1274 

DeKalb, 

867 

1325 

Henry, 

1013 

2305 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       63 


Garfield, 
R. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
D. 

Hickman, 

392 

1157 

Polk, 

362 

653 

Houston, 

127 

522 

Putnam, 

467 

1040 

Humphreys, 

245 

1325 

Rhea, 

427 

668 

Jackson, 

136 

1299 

Roane, 

1628 

805 

James, 

403 

209 

Robertson, 

951 

2107 

Jefferson, 

1807 

693 

Rutherford, 

2482 

3855 

Johnson, 

Scott, 

582 

127 

Knox, 

4361 

3119 

Sequatchie, 

119 

224 

Lake, 

28 

337 

Sevier, 

2052 

431 

Lauderdale, 

971 

1147 

Shelby, 

7788 

6927 

Lawrence, 

362 

928 

Smith, 

709 

1569 

Lewis, 

37 

200 

Stewart, 

488 

1322 

Lincoln, 

886 

3652 

Sullivan, 

1207 

2264 

Loudon, 

1021 

533 

Sumner, 

1092 

2893 

Macon, 

559 

713 

Tipton, 

1604 

1893 

Madison, 

2223 

2834 

Trousdale, 



McMinn, 

1463 

1209 

Union, 

1140 

480 

McNairy, 

949 

1135 

VanBuren, 

60 

281 

Marion, 

Warren, 

482 

1577 

Marshall, 

548 

2606 

Washington, 

2104 

1576 

Maury, 

2742 

3306 

Wayne, 

905 

649 

Meigs, 

395 

607 

Weakley, 

Monroe, 

919 

1181 

White, 

173 

1308 

Montgomery, 

Williamson, 

1541 

2733 

Morgan, 

434 

245 

Wilson, 

1227 

2918 

Obion, 
Overton, 

583 
430 

1982 
1152 

Totals, 

98760 

130381 

Perry, 

Majority, 

31621 

Total  vote  for  President,  234,606. 


VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1882. 


Bate,  D. 
Beasley,  I. 


109873 
7246 


Hawkins,  R. 
Fussell,  I.  D. 


80149 
4427 


64       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 

Dem.           Rep.  Maj. 

1872  President 94391    83655  10736  D. 

1872  Congress  at  Large....  103088    80825  22263  D. 

1874  Governor 103061    55843  47218  D. 

1876  Governor 123740    73695  50045  D. 

1876  President 133166    89566  43600  D. 

1878  Governor 89018    42328  46690  D. 

1880  President 130381    98760  31621  D. 

PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  William  B.  Bate;  Secretary  of  State,  D.  A. 

Nunn ;  Treasurer,  M.  T.  Polk ;  Controller,  James  M. 
Nolan ;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Leon  Trous- 
dale; Commissioner  of  Agriculture,  J.  B.  Killebrew — all 
Democrats. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Senate.            House.  Total. 

Democrats 25                    71  96 

Republicans 8                    26  34 

Greenbackers 2  2 

Democratic  maj 17                    43  60 


TEXAS. 
VOTE  FOR  GOVERNOR,  1882. 
Ireland,  D.  150890  |  Jones,  G.-L 

VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 
Dem. 
1872  Congress 68622 

1872  President 66455 

1873  Governor 99984 

1875  Governor 150581 

1876  President 104755 

1878  Governor 158933 

1880  President 146863 


102501 


Rep. 

Gbk. 

Maj. 

46482 

22140  D. 

47426 

19029  D. 

52353 

47631  D. 

50000 

100581  D. 

44800 

59955  D. 

23402 

55002 

80529  D. 

53298 

26244 

93565  D. 

VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880.        65 
PRESENT   STATE  GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  John  Ireland;  Lieutenant-Governor,  Marion 
Martin;  Controller,  W.  J.'Spain;  Land  Commissioner,  W. 
C.  Walsh;  Treasurer,  Frank  R.  Lubbock;  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, John  D.  Templeton — all  Democrats. 

PRESENT  STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Democratic  by  78  on  joint  ballot. 

The  vote  of  Texas  for  President  in  1880  was  not  pub- 
lished by  counties,  and  we  therefore  can  only  give  the 
total  vote  of  this  State  for  the  Presidential  candidates. 


VERMONT. 

Garflold, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

Addison, 

3842 

585 

Orleans, 

2911 

804 

Bennington, 

2641 

1440 

Rutland, 

5690 

2421 

Caledonia, 

3134 

1372 

Washington, 

3611 

1927 

Crittenden, 

3902 

2020 

Windham, 

4637 

1426 

Essex, 

853 

472 

Windsor, 

6122 

1740 

Franklin, 

3018 

1652 

Grand  Isle, 

397 

239 

Totals, 

45567 

18316 

Lamoille, 

1702 

587 

Majority, 

27251 

Orange, 

3107 

1631 

Total    vote    for    President,    including    105   scattering, 
65,203. 

VOTE  FOR  STATE  OFFICERS,  1882. 

Governor 
Barstow,  R. 


Eaton,  D. 
Martin,  G. 


35839 

14466 

1535 


Lieutenant-Governor. 

Pingree,  R.  35856 

Bullard,  D  14442 

Jenne,  G.  1534 


66        VOTE    BY    COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,   1880. 


VOTES  OF  STATE 
Rep. 

1872  Governor 41946  4 

1872  President 41487 

1874  Governor 33582 

1876  Governor 44728 

1876  President 44091 

1878  Governor 37312 

1880  President 45567 

1880  Governor 47848 


SINCE  1872 

Dem.  Gbk.  Maj. 

16613  25333  R. 

10947  30540  R. 

13258  20324  R. 

20988  23735  R. 

20254  23837  R. 

17247  2635  20065  R. 

18316  1215  27251  R. 

21245  1578  26603  R. 


PRESENT   STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  John  L.  Barstow  ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  Sam- 
uel E.  Pingree ;  Treasurer,  William  H.  Dubois ;  Secretary 
of  State,  George  Nichols ;  Auditor,  E.  H.  Powell — all  Re- 
publicans. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 

Republican  in  both  Houses. 


VIRGINIA. 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Dem. 

Read. 

K. 

Dem. 

Read. 

R. 

Accomac, 

1863 

335 

1155 

Bucking- 

Alexandria 

,  262 

2 

489 

ham, 

576 

446 

842 

Albemarle, 

1818 

612 

1644 

Buchanan, 

110 

162 

33 

Allegheny, 

260 

70 

146 

Campbell, 

1678 

55 

1241 

Amelia, 

279 

147 

966 

Carroll, 

1199 

153 

338 

Amherst, 

1821 

108 

1058 

Caroline, 

1182 

160 

1172 

Appomat- 

Charles 

tox, 

580 

301 

460 

City, 

233 

98 

464 

Augusta, 

2649 

671 

1089 

Charlotte, 

715 

239 

1190 

Bath, 

199 

164 

86 

Chester- 

Bedford, 

2905 

148 

1888 

field, 

1020 

220 

955 

Bland, 

113 

375 

60 

Clarke, 

1013 

34 

362 

Botetourt, 

1429 

179 

596 

Craig, 

332 

34 

47 

Brunswick 

208 

577 

1160 

Culpepper, 

1094 

211 

926 

VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.        67 


Hancock, 

Garfield, 

Hancock, 

Garfleld, 

Dem. 

Bead. 

H. 

Dem. 

Read. 

R. 

Cumber- 

Lunenburg 

,  262 

394 

840 

land, 

418 

126 

905 

Madison, 

740 

380 

479 

Dickenson, 

13 

168 

40 

Mathews, 

684 

71 

286 

Dinwiddie, 

396 

224 

1074 

Mecklen- 

Elizabeth 

burg, 

805 

322 

2179 

City, 

468 

10 

1182 

Middlesex, 

509 

3 

614 

Essex, 

692 

36 

935 

Montgom- 

Fauquier, 

2420 

182 

1187 

ery, 

898 

415 

601 

Fairfax, 

1512 

214 

1398 

Nansemonc 

1,514 

566 

958 

Floyd, 

710 

265 

345 

New  Kent, 

107 

324 

361 

Fluvanna, 

392 

251 

297 

Nelson, 

1417 

125 

910 

Franklin, 

1922 

556 

855 

Norfolk, 

1447 

154 

2047 

Frederick, 

1794 

411 

766 

Northamp- 

Gloucester, 

698 

100 

832 

ton, 

722 

48 

946 

Goochland, 

252 

201 

480 

Northumber- 

Grayson, 

716 

682 

157 

land, 

684 

20 

591 

Greene, 

275 

386 

196 

Nottoway, 

129 

276 

1043 

Greensville 

,  208 

266 

824 

Orange, 

958 

153 

880 

Giles, 

589 

228 

215 

Patrick, 

767 

442 

318 

Halifax, 

1838 

273 

1987 

Page, 

317 

760 

149 

Hanover, 

1179 

268 

886 

Pittsyl- 

Henrico, 

1023 

157 

1032 

vania, 

3180 

206 

2624 

Henry, 

691 

590 

937 

Powhatan, 

220 

221 

668 

Highland, 

219 

421 

75 

Prince  Ed- 

IsleofWight,938 

269 

731 

ward, 

518 

357 

1106 

James  City 

,    99 

142 

358 

Prince  G'rg( 

3,284 

161 

961 

King   Wil- 

Princess An 

- 

liam, 

531 

146 

792 

ne, 

656 

239 

604 

King  and 

Prince  Wil- 

Queen, 

656 

64 

681 

liam, 

1095 

24 

459 

King  Ge'rge 

J,  336 

166 

514 

Pulaski, 

579 

154 

467 

Lancaster, 

462 

37 

646 

Rappahan- 

Lee, 

683 

595 

267 

nock, 

936 

52 

379 

Loudoun, 

2635 

145 

1792 

Richmond, 

514 

17 

651 

Louisa, 

829 

356 

1230 

Rockbr'ge, 

1637 

714 

951 

68       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 


Hancock, 
Dem.       Read. 

Garfield, 
K. 

Hancock, 
Dem.      Read. 

Garfield, 
R. 

Roanoke, 

694 

380 

599 

York,            413 

50 

691 

Rock'gham 

,1812 

1424 

690 

Cities. 

Russell, 

323 

635 

190 

Alex'ndria,  1458 

82 

994 

Scott, 

384 

510 

519 

Danville,       741 

8 

575 

Shenan- 

North Dan- 

doah, 

1433 

1336 

350 

ville,          139 

5 

96 

Southamp- 

Fredericks- 

ton, 

979 

594 

1719 

burg,          484 

48 

272 

Smyth, 

541 

573 

202 

Lynchb'rg,  1376 

24 

861 

Spottsyl- 

Manch'ster,   463 

51 

226 

vania. 

505 

266 

576 

Norfolk,       1448 

564 

1383 

Stafford, 

487 

421 

268 

Petersburg,  1045 

725 

1613 

Surry, 

436 

37 

682 

Portsmo'th,1178 

93 

1024 

Sussex, 

390 

288 

1203 

Richmond,  4945 

402 

2109 

Tazewell, 

678 

674 

148 

Staunton,      728 

53 

361 

Westmore- 

Wincliester, 410 

146 

392 

land, 

478 

105 

603 

Williams- 

Warwick, 

115 

26 

287 

burg,            58 

68 

108 

Wise, 
Warren, 

217 
920 

251 
70 

126 

143 

Totals,     96912  3 

1674  84020 

W'shingt'n, 

1132 

1094 

573 

Majority,     44556 

Wythe, 

891 

637 

382 

Total  vote,  1880,  for  Presid 

ent,  212606. 

VOTE  FOR  CONGRESSMAN  AT  LARGE,  1882. 
Wise,  Readj.  99992 1  Massey,  D.  94184 


Dawson,  I. 


4342 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Dem. 

1872  President 91440 

1876  Congress 139443 

1876  President 139670 

1877  Governor Readj.  101940 

1881  Governor 111473    99757 


Rep. 

Maj. 

93415 

1975  R. 

96480 

42963  D. 

95558 

44112  D. 

4329 

97611  D. 

11716  Read. 

VOTE    BY   COUNTIES    FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       69 
PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 

Governor,  W.  E.  Cameron  ;  Lieutenant-Governor,  John 
F.  Lewis;  Attorney-General,  Frank  S.  Blair— all  Read- 
justers. 

PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Senate.            House. 

Total, 

Democrats 

25 

64 

89 

Mahoneites 

15 

36 

51 

Democn 

iticmaj 

WES 

10 

28 

38 

)T  VIRGINIA. 

Hancock,Garfield,Weaver, 

Hancock,Garfield,Weaver, 

D. 

R. 

Q. 

R. 

D. 

G. 

Barbour, 

1017 

842 

251 

Lewis, 

1217 

981 

179 

Berkeley, 

1619 

1489 

252 

Lincoln, 

635 

251 

220 

Boone, 

508 

214 

116 

Logan, 

835 

92 



Braxton, 

1033 

518 

64 

Marion, 

1703 

1463 

350 

Brooke, 

626 

552 

59 

Marshall, 

1596 

2186 

28 

Cabell, 

1485 

928 

57 

Mason, 

1848 

1853 

367 

Calhoun, 

583 

330 

105 

Mercer, 

698 

55 

272 

Clay, 

226 

158 

39 

Mineral, 

922 

772 

46 

Doddridge 

698 

771 

362 

Mononga- 

Fayette, 

1263 

962 

175 

lia, 

1241 

1753 

84 

Gilmer, 

835 

464 

80 

Monroe, 

1134 

778 

68 

Grant, 

320 

611 

Morgan, 

394 

655 

Greenbrier,  1533 

636 

160 

McDowell, 

242 

50 

H'mpsh're 

1502 

329 

Nichols, 

619 

315 

43 

Hancock, 

439 

579 

10 

Ohio, 

4066 

3901 

149 

Hardy, 

843 

213 

Pendleton, 

760 

416 

Harrison, 

1736 

1577 

805 

Pleasants, 

641 

470 

55 

Jackson, 

1499 

1537 

71 

Pocahontas,  575 

258 

12 

Jefferson, 

2025 

1018 

45 

Preston, 

1335 

2347 

156 

Kanawha, 

2378 

2112 

1604 

Putnam, 

830 

453 

717 

30 

70        VOTE    BY   COUNTIES   FOR   PRESIDENT,    1880. 


HancockjGarfield.WeaTer, 

H«ncock,Garfleld,  Weaver, 

D. 

R. 

G. 

D. 

R.            G. 

Raleigh, 

563 

309 

55 

Wayne,        1305 

672        7 

Randolph, 

872 

364 

46 

Webster,        357 

74      15 

Ritchie, 

1008 

1238 

375 

Wetzel,        1720 

886      13 

Roane, 

1135 

593 

107 

Wirt,             769 

534      39 

Summers, 

889 

637 

98 

Wood,         2159 

2287    641 

Taylor, 

1055 

1250 

104 

Wyoming,     245 

201      10 

Tucker, 

340 

189 

4 

Tyler, 

930 

1125 

119 

Totals,   57391  46243  9079 

Upshur, 

586 

995 

204 

Majority,  11148 

Total  vote,  1880,  for  President,  102713. 


VOTE  FOR  SUPREME  JUDGE,  1882. 
Snyder,  D.  46661 1  Guthrie,  R.-G. 


43440 


VOTES  OF  STATE  SINCE  1872. 


Dem. 

1872  Governor 40300 

1872  President 29537 

1874  Congress 37823 

1876  Congress 56350 

1876  President 56565 

1876  Governor 56206 

1878  Congress 50318 

1880  President 57391 

1880  Governor 58407 


Rep.  I.  Dem.  Maj. 

42883  25831.  D. 

32283  600  2146  R. 

28874  8949  D. 

43066  13284  D. 

42001   14564  D. 

43477   12729  D. 

20056  24531  25787  D. 

46243  9079  11148  D. 

43072  12326  15335  D. 


PRESENT  STATE  GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  Jacob  B,  Jackson ;  Secretary  of  State,  Ran- 
dolph Stalnaker,  Jr.;  Auditor,  Joseph  S.  Miller;  Treasurer, 
Thomas  O'Brien;  Attorney-General,  C.  C.  Watts;  Super- 
intendent of  Schools,  B.  L.  Butcher — all  Democrats. 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       71 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Senate.            House. 

Total 

Democrats 

17 

38 

55 

Republicans 

8 

27 

35. 

Greenbackers.... 

1 

... 

1 

Democratic  rrn 

y 

8 

11 

19/ 

ISCONSIN. 

Garfield.Hancock.Weaver, 
R.               D.           G. 

Garfl  eld ,  Ha  n  cock ,  Weaveiv 
R.                D.           G. 

Adams,        994 

343 

40 

Jefferson, 

3060 

3923 

82. 

Ashland,     202 

223 

Juneau, 

1821 

1452 

120 

Barron,      1027 

394 

9 

Kenosha, 

1676 

1411 

Bayfield,        78 

86 

Kewaunee 

795 

1567 

........ 

Brown,       2681 

3034 

111 

La  Crosse, 

2730 

1995 

1311 

Buffalo,     1588 

837 

1 

La  Fayette 

,  2541 

2182 

811 

Burnett,      369 

57 

7 

Lincoln, 

370 

262 

71 

Calumet,   1151 

1991 

107 

Man  itowac,  2988 

3676 

1 

Chipp'wa,  1485 

1512 

198 

Marathon, 

1025 

1977 

313 

Clark,        1541 

671 

37 

Marinette, 

1332 

579 

Columbia,  3572 

2311 

36 

Marquette, 

905 

984 

19' 

Crawford,  1415 

1459 

172 

Milwau- 

Dane,        6018 

5800 

199 

kee, 

14088 

10997 

76 

Dodge,       3624 

5708 

168 

Monroe, 

2427 

1913 

298 

Door,         1357 

635 

166 

Oconto, 

1036 

822 

8 

Douglas,        41 

76 

Outagamie,  2124 

3258 

300 

Dunn,        2421 

992 

32 

Ozaukee, 

806 

2063 

77 

Eau  Clair,  2336 

1520 

153 

Pepin, 

939 

296 

5 

Fond    du 

Pierce, 

2320 

850 

142 

Lac,         4683 

4851 

471 

Polk, 

1439 

453 

1 

Grant,          4654 

3038 

179 

Portage, 

1952 

1534 

69 

Green,         2740 

1526 

284 

Price, 

142 

194 

Green  L'ke,  1764 

1170 

105 

Racine, 

3955 

2867 

72 

Iowa,           2674 

2310 

79 

Richland, 

2260 

1635 

151 

Jackson,      1841 

673 

61 

Rock, 

5741 

2646 

163 

72       VOTE    BY    COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880. 


St.  Croix,  2394 
Sauk,  3638 

Shawano,  932 
Sheboygan,  3251 
Taylor,  300 

Trempea- 
leau,        2302 
Vernon,       2774 
Walworth,  4361 
Total  vote  for 


,,IIancock,Weaver, 

D.  G. 

1718  27 

2081  169 

968  40 

2959  577 

274  


675  340 
1014  525 
' 1886   39 
President,  26' 


Gnrfleld.Hancock.WeaTpr, 
K.  "  " 


Washi'gt'n,  1905 
Waukesha,  3321 
Waupaca,  2647 
Waushara,  2172 
\Vinneb'go,4762 
Wood,  912 


D. 

2838 
2990 
1440 

509 
3798 

753 


G. 

56 
101 
283 

81 
526 
434 


Totals,  144399  114656  7986 
Majority,  29743 


•041. 


VOTE  FOR  CONGRESSMEN,  1882. 


Republican, 
Prohibition, 


Dem. 

1872  President 86477 

1873  Governor 81653 

1874  Congress 94584 

1875  Governor 84315 

1876  Congress 125158 

1876  President 123926 

1877  Governor 70482 

1878  Congress 93253 

1879  Governor 75023 

1881  Governor 69797 


mocratic 

J 

103546 

14116 

SINCE 

1872. 

Rep. 

Gbk. 

Maj. 

104992 

18515  R. 

66224 

15411  D. 

94127 

357  D. 

85155 

811  R. 

128031 

3873  R. 

130067 

6141  R. 

78753 

8271  R. 

100037 

12882 

6784  R. 

100539 

12998 

25516  R. 

81754 

13225 

11957  R. 

PRESENT  STATE   GOVERNMENT. 


Governor,  J.  M.  Rusk;  Lieutenant-Governor,  S.  S. 
Fifield;  Secretary  of  State,  E.  G.  Kinnie;  Treasurer,  E.G. 
McFetridge;  Attorney-General,  L.  F.  Frisby;  State  School 
Superintendent,  Robert  Graham — all  Republicans. 


VOTE   BY   COUNTIES   FOR    PRESIDENT,    1880.       73 


PRESENT   STATE   LEGISLATURE. 


Senate.  House.  Total. 

Democrats 15  55  70 

Republicans 17  43  60 

Democraticmaj 12  10 


THE  FEDERAL  OFFICE-HOLDERS. 

Number  Employed  in  the  Several  Departments  of  the 
Government. 

Executive  Office 7 

Congress 280 

State  Department 419 

Treasury  Department 12130 

War  Department 1861 

Post-Office  Department 52672 

Navy  Department 128 

Interior  Department 2813 

Department  of  Justice 2876 

Department  of  Agriculture 77 

Government  Printing-Office 1168 

Total 74431 


74 


POPULAR    VOTE    FOR    PRESIDENT. 


1868. 


1864. 


Electoral      Grant, 

Seymour, 

Lincoln, 

McClellan, 

States. 

Vute. 

R. 

D. 

B. 

D. 

Alabama, 

10 

76366 

72086 

Arkansas, 

6 

22152 

10078 

California, 

6 

54592 

54078 

62134 

43841 

Colorado, 

3 

Connecticut, 

6 

50996 

47951 

44691 

42285 

Delaware, 

3 

7623 

10980 

8155 

8767 

Florida, 

4 

Electors  chosen 

by  Legislat 

ure. 

Georgia, 

11 

57134 

102822 

Illinois, 

21 

256293 

199143 

189996 

158730 

Indiana, 

15 

176552 

166980 

150422 

130233 

loAva, 

11 

120399 

74040 

89075 

40596 

Kansas, 

5 

31047 

14019 

16441 

3691 

Kentucky, 

12 

39569 

115889 

27786 

64301 

Louisiana, 

8 

83263 

80225 

Maine, 

7 

70426 

42396 

6814 

46992 

Maryland, 

8 

30438 

62357 

40153 

32739 

Massachusetts, 

13 

136477 

f.9408 

126742 

48745 

Michigan, 

11 

128550 

97009 

91521 

74(i04 

Minnesota, 

5 

43542 

28072 

21060 

17375 

Mississippi, 

8 

Missouri, 

15 

85671 

59788 

72750 

31678 

Nebraska, 

3 

9729 

5439 

Nevada, 

3 

6480 

5218 

9826 

6594 

New  Hampshire,  5 

38191 

31224 

36400 

32871 

New  Jersey, 

9 

80121 

83001 

60723 

68024 

New  York, 

35 

410883 

429883 

368732 

361986 

North  Carolina, 

,  10 

96226 

84090 

Ohio, 

22 

280128 

237800 

265154 

205568 

Oregon, 

3 

10961 

11125 

9888 

8457 

Pennsylvania, 

29 

342280 

313382 

296391 

276316 

Rhode  Island, 

4 

12903 

6548 

14349 

8718 

South  Carolina, 

7 

62301 

45237 

Tennessee, 

12 

56757 

26311 

Texas, 

8 

Vermont, 

5 

44167 

12045 

42419 

13321 

Virginia, 

11 

West  Virginia, 

5 

29025 

20306 

23152 

10438 

Wisconsin, 

10 

108857 

84710 

83458 

65884 

Totals, 


369  3013188  2703600  2223035   811754 


POPULAR   VOTE   FOR   PRESIDENT. 


75 


1860. 


linculu,  Douglas, 

Statet.  R.  D- 

Alabama,                     13651 

Arkansas,                      5227 

California,  39173  38516 

Colorado,  

Connecticut,  43792  15522 

Delaware,  3815  1023 

Florida,                        367 

Georgia,                       11590 

Illinois,  172161  160215 

Indiana,  139033  115509 

Iowa,  70409  55111 

Kansas,  

Kentucky,  1364  25651 

Louisiana,                    7625 

Maine,  62811  26693 

Maryland,  2294  5966 

Massachusetts,  106533  34372 

Michigan,  88480  65057 

Minnesota,  22069  11920 

Mississippi,                  3283 

Missouri,  17028  58081 

Nebraska,  

Nevada,                       5801 

New  Hampshire,      37519  22811 

New  Jersey,  58324  62500 

New  York,  362646  312731 

North  Carolina,  

Ohio,  231610  18822 

Oregon,  5270  3951 

Pennsylvania,  268030  16765 

Rhode  Island,  12244  7707 

South  Carolina,  Electors  chosen  by 

Tennessee,                   11350 

Vermont,  33808  6849 

Virginia,  1929  16290 

West  Virginia,  

Wisconsin,  86110  65021 


Totals, 


1866452      1375157 


Breckinridge, 

Bell, 

D. 

U. 

48831 

27875 

23732 

20094 

34334 

6817 

14641 

3291 

7337 

3864 

8543 

5437 

51889 

42886 

2404 

4913 

12295 

5306 

1048 

1763 

53143 

66058 

22681 

20204 

6368 

2046 

42482 

41760 

5939 

22331 

805 

405 

748 

62 

40797 

25040 

31317 

58372 

2212 

*441 

48539 

44990 

11403 

12194 

5006 

183 

178871 

12776 

Legislature. 

64709 

69274 

47548 

15438 

218 

1969 

74323 

74681 

*888 

161 

847953 

690631 

76  UNITED   STATES   GOVERNMENT,    1883. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  GOVERNMENT, 
December  20,  1883. 

PRINCIPAL    EXECUTIVE    AND    DIPLOMATIC    OFFICERS    OF    THE 
UNITED    STATES. 

The  Executive. 

Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York,  President  of 
the  United  States,  salary $50,000 

Geo.  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  Pres.  pro  tern,  of 
Senate  and  Acting  Vice-President,  salary 8,000 

The  Cabinet 

Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  salary 8,000 

Charles  J.  Folger,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  salary 8,000 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  Secretary  of  War, 
salary 8,000 

William  E.  Chandler,  of  New  Hampshire,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  salary 8,000 

Henry  M.  Teller,  of  Colorado,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  salary 8,000 

Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana,  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral,* salary 8,000 

Benjamin  Harris  Brewster,  of  Pennsylvania,  At- 
torney-General, salary 8,000 

Principal  Officers  in  the  Various  Departments. 
State  Department. 
Assistant  Secretary — John  Davis  (1882),  Massachusetts ; 
salary,  $4,500. 

*  Qualified  April  11,  1883,  succeeding  Hon.  Timothy  O.  Howe,  of 
Wisconsin,  died  March  25, 1883. 


UNITED    STATES   GOVERNMENT,    1883.  77 

Second  Assistant  Secretary — William   Hunter    (1866), 
Rhode  Island,  $3,500. 

Third  Assistant  Secretary — Alvey  A.  Adee  (1882),  New 
York,  $3,500. 

Treasury  Department. 

Assistant  Secretaries — John   C.   New   (1882),   Indiana, 
$4,500;  Henry  F.  French  (1876),  Massachusetts,  $4,500. 

Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing — Truman  N.  Burrill 
(1883),  New  York,  $4,500. 

Supervising  Architect— Mifflin   E.   Bell   (1883),   Iowa, 
$4,500. 

First    Comptroller — William    Lawrence    (1880),   Ohio, 
$5,000. 

Second  Comptroller — William  W.  Upton  (1877),  Oregon, 
$5,000. 

Commissioner  of  Customs — Henry  C.  Johnson   (1874), 
Pennsylvania,  $4,000. 

First  Auditor — Robert  M.  Reynolds   (1878),  Alabama, 
$3,600. 

Second  Auditor— Orange    Ferriss    (1880),  New  York, 
$3,600. 

Third  Auditor— Edwin  W.  Keightley  (1879),  Michigan, 
$3,600. 

Fourth  Auditor— Charles  Beardsley  (1879),  Iowa,  $3,600. 

Fifth  Auditor — DeAlva  S.  Alexander  (1881),  Indiana, 
$3,600. 

Sixth  Auditor— Jacob  H.  Ela  (1881),  New  Hampshire, 
$3,600. 

Treasurer— Albert  U.  Wyman  (1883),  Wisconsin,  $6,000. 

Register— Blanche  K.  Bruce  (1881),  Mississippi,  $4,000. 

Comptroller   of  the  Currency— John   J.  Knox  (1872), 
Minnesota,  $5,000. 

Commissioner    of    Internal    Revenue— Walter    Evans 
(1883),  Kentucky,  $6,000. 

Solicitor  of  Internal  Revenue— Charles  Chesley  (1871), 
New  Hampshire,  $4,500. 


78  UNITED   STATES   GOYERXMENT,    1883. 

Director  of  the  Mint — Horatio  C.  Burchard  (1879),  Illi- 
nois, $4,500. 

Chief  of  the  Secret  Service  Division — James  J.  Brooks 
(1876),  Pennsylvania,  S3,500. 

Supervising  Surgeon-General   of  the   Marine  Hospital 
Service— John  B.  Hamilton  (1879),  Illinois,  $4,000. 

Supervising  Inspector-General  of  Steam  Vessels — James 
A.  Dumont  (1876),  Ncav  York,  $3,500. 

Solicitor — Kenneth  Rayner  (1876),  Mississippi,  $4,500. 

Superintendent  Life-Saving  Service — Sumner  I.  Kimball 
(1878),  Marine,  $4,000. 

Bureau  of  Statistics — Joseph  Nimmo,  Jr.  (1878),  New 
York,  $3,000. 

"War  Department. 

Adjutant-General — Richard  C.  Drum   (1880),  Pennsyl- 
vania.* 

Inspector-General — Delos  B.  Sacket  (1881),  New  York.* 

Quartermaster-General — Samuel    B.    Holabird     (1883), 
Connecticut.* 

Commissary-General — Robert  Macfeely  (1875),  Pennsyl- 
vania.* 

Surgeon-General — Robert  Murray  (1883),  Maryland.* 

Paymaster-General — Wm.   B.   Rochester    (1882),    New 
York.* 

Chief  of  Engineers— Horatio  G.  Wright  (1879),  Connec- 
ticut.* 

Chief  of  Ordnance— Stephen  V.  Ben^t  (1874),  Florida.* 

Bureau  of  Military  Justice — David  G.  Swaim  (1881), 
Ohio.* 

Chief  Signal  Officer— William   B.  Hazen  (1880),  Ver- 
mont* 

Navy  Department. 

Bureau  of  Yards  and  Docks— Edward  T.  Nichols  (1881), 
Georgia.* 

*  Made  up  of  pay  and  sundry  allowances. 


UNITED    STATES   GOVERNMENT,    1883.  79 

Bureau  of  Navigation — John  G.  Walker  (1881),  Iowa* 

Bureau  of  Ordnance — Montgomery  Sicard  (1881),  Dist. 
of  Columbia.* 

Bureau  of  Provisions  and  Clothing — Joseph  A.  Smith 
(1882),  Maine.*  t 

Bureau  of  Medicine  and  Surgery— Philip  S.  Wales 
(1879),  Maryland.* 

Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair — Theodore  D.  Wil- 
son (1882),  New  York.* 

Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruiting — Earl  English 
(1878),  New  Jersey.* 

Bureau  of  Steam  Engineering — vacant. 

Judge  Advocate-General — Wm.  B.  Remey,  U.  S.  Marine 
Corps  (1878),  Iowa,  ^3,500.* 

Commandant  of  Marine  Corps — Charles  G.  McCawley 
(1876),  Pennsylvania.* 

Post-Office  Department. 

First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  —  Frank  Hatton 
(1884),  Iowa,  $4,000. 

Second  Assistant  Postmaster-General — Richard  A.  El- 
mer (1881),  New  York,  S4,000. 

Third  Assistant  Postmaster-General — Abraham  D.  Hazen 
(1877),  Pennsylvania,  $4,000. 

Assistant  Attorney-General  Post-Office  Department — 
Alfred  A.  Freeman  (1877),  Tennessee,  $4,000. 

Superintendent  of  Foreign  Mails — 

Superintendent  of  Money-Order  System — Charles  F.  Mc- 
Donald (1864),  Massachusetts,  $3,000. 
Interior  Department. 

Assistant  Secretary — Merritt  L.  Joslyn  (1882),  Illinois, 
$4,000. 

Assistant  Attorney-General — Joseph  K.  McCammon 
(1880),  Pennsylvania,  $5,000. 

*  Made  up  of  pay  and  sundry  allowances. 
t  Also  Paymaster-General. 


80  UNITED    STATES  GOVERNMENT,    1883. 

Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office — Noah  C. 
Macfarland  (1881),  Kansas,  $4,000. 

Commissioner  of  Pensions — William  W.  Dudley  (1881), 
Indiana,  $5,000. 

Commissioner  of  the  Patent  Office — Benjamin  Butter- 
worth  (1883),  Ohio,  $4,500. 

Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs — Hiram  Price  (1881), 
Iowa,  $4,000. 

Commissioner  of  Education — John  Eaton  (1870),  Ten- 
nessee, $3,000. 

Commissioner  of  Railroads — William  H.  Armstrong 
(1882),  Pennsylvania,  $4,500. 

Superintendent  of  the  Census — Charles  W.  Seaton 
(1881),  New  York,  $5,000. 

Director  of  Geological  Survey — John  W.  Powell  (1881), 
Illinois,  $6,000. 

Architect  of  the  Capitol — Edward  Clark  (1865),  Penn- 
sylvania, $4,500. 

Department  of  Justice. 

Solicitor-General — Samuel  F.  Phillips  (1872),  North  Car- 
olina, $7,000. 

Assistant  Attorneys-General — Thomas  Simons  (1875), 
New  York,  $5,000 ;  William  A.  Maury  (1882),  District  of 
Columbia,  $5,000. 

Government  Printing  Office. 
Public    Printer— Sterling    P.   Rounds  '(1882),   Illinois, 
$4,500. 

Library  of  Congress. 
Librarian— Ainsworth  R.  SpofFord  (1865),  Ohio,  $4,000. 

Department  of  Agriculture. 

Commissioner— George  B.  Loring  (1881),  Massachusetts 
$4,500. 

Government  Directors  in  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Co. 
Colgate  Hoyt,  of  New  York;  Watson  Parrish,  of  Ne- 


UNITED   STATES   GOVERNMENT,    1883. 


81 


braska;  George  G.  Haven,  of  New  York;  Isaac  H.  Brom- 
ley, of  Connecticut ;  Edward  P.  Ferry,  of  Utah. 

Civil-Service  Commissioners. 

Dorman  B.  Eaton,  of  New  York ;  John  M.  Gregory,  of 
Illinois;  Leroy  D.  Thoman,  of  Ohio.  Salary,  $3,500  a 
year. 

Principal  Diplomatic  Officers. 
■  Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary. 

Country. 

Austria-Hungary, 

Brazil, 

Central  Amer.  States, 


Ministers. 

Alphonso  Taft,  Ohio, 
Thomas  A.  Osborn,  Kan., 
Henry  C.  Hall,  N.  Y., 


Chili, 

China, 

Corea, 

France, 

Germany, 

Great  Britain, 

Italy, 

Japan, 

Mexico, 

Peru, 

Russia, 

Spain, 

Turkey, 


Argentine  Republic, 

Belgium, 

Colombia, 

Hawaiian  Islands, 

Netherlands, 

Sweden  and  Norway, 

Venezuela, 


Cornelius  A.  Ix)gan,  111., 
J.  Russell  Young,  N.  Y., 
Lucius  H.  Foote,  Cal., 
Levi  P.  Morton,  N.  Y., 
Aaron  A.  Sargent,  Cal., 


Salary. 

SI  2,000 
12,000 
10,000 
10,000 
12,000 
5,000 
17,500 
17,500 


James  Russell  Lowell,  Mass.,  17,500 

William  W.  Astor,  N.  Y.,  12,000 

John  A.  Bingham,  Ohio,  12,000 

Philip  H.  Morgan,  La.,  12,000 

Seth  Ledyard  Phelps,  D.  C,  10,000 

William  H.  Hunt,  La.,  17,500 

John  W.  Foster,  Ind.,  12,000 

Lewis  Wallace,  Ind.,  7,500 

Ministers  Resident. 

Thomas  0.  Osborn,  111.,  7,500 

Nicholas  Fish,  N.  Y.,  7,500 

William  L.  Scruggs,  Ga.,  7,500 

Rollin  M.  Daggett,  Nev.,  7,500 

William  L.  Dayton,  N.  J.,  7,500 
William  W.  Thomas,  Jr.,  Me.,  7,500 

Jehu  Baker,  111.,  7,500 


82 


UNITED    STATES   GOVERNMENT,    1883. 


Ministers  Resident  and  Consuls-General. 


Country. 

Mi-nister. 

Salary. 

Bolivia, 

Richard  Gibbs,  N.  Y., 

$5,000 

Denmark, 

Wickham  Hoffmann,  N.  Y., 

5,000 

Greece, 

1 

Roumania, 

^  Eugene  Schuyler,  N.  Y., 

6,500 

Servia, 

, 

Hayti, 

John  M.  Langston,  D.  C, 

5,000 

(Also 

Charge  d'Affaires  to  Santo  Domingo.) 

Liberia, 

John  H.  Smyth,  N.  C, 

5,000 

Portugal, 

John  M.  Francis,  N.  Y., 

5,000 

Siam, 

John  A.  Halderman,  Mo., 

5,000 

Switzerland, 

Michael  J.  Cramer,  Ky,, 

5,000 

Persia, 

S.  G.  W.  Benjamin,  N.  Y., 

5,000 

Charge  D'Affaires. 
Paraguay  and  Uruguay, William  Williams,  Ind., 

Secretaries  of  Legation  and  Consuls-General. 
Italy,  Lewis  Richmond,  R.  L, 

Spain,  Dwight  T.  Reed,  N.  Y., 

Turkey,  G.  Harris  Heap,  Pa., 


Austria-Hung 
Brazil, 
China, 
France, 

Germany, 


Great  Britain, 


Japan, 
Mexico, 


Consuls-General, 
ary,  James  Riley  Weaver,  W.  Va., 

C.  C.  Andrews,  Minn., 
Owen  N.  Denny,  Oreg., 
George  Walker,  N.  Y., 
Mark  S.  Brewer,  Mich., 
Ferdinand  Vogeler,  Ohio, 

'  Hans  Mattson,  Minn., 
Wakefield  G.  Frye,  Me., 
Edwin  A.  Merritt,  N.  Y., 
Oliver  M.  Spencer,  Iowa, 

.  Seargent  P.  Stearns,  N.  J., 
Thomas  B.  VanBuren,  N.  J., 
David  H.  Strother,  W.  Va., 


5,000 


3,500 
3,000 
3,500 


3,000 
6,000 
5,000 
6,000 
4,000 
3,000 
5,000 
3,000 
6,000 
4,500 
4,000 
4,000 
2,000 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS.  83 

Country.                                                    Minister.  Salary. 

Russia,                            Edgar  Stanton,  111.,  $3,000 

Spain,                             Adam  Badeau,  N.  Y.,  6,000 

Turkey,                          George  P.  Pomeroy,  N.  J.,  5,000 

(The  Consul-General  is  also  agent.) 


XLVIIIth  CONGPvESS. 

March  4th,  1883,  to  March  3d,  1885. 
First  Session,  December  3,  1883. 


THE   SENATE. 

George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  President  pro  tern. 
Anson  G.  McCook,  of  New  York,  Secretary. 
[Republicans  (in  Roman),  38;  Democrats  (in  italics),  BQ; 
Readjusters  (in  small  caps),  2;  Total,  76.] 

Alabama. 

Term  ex.  Home  Post-Office. 

1885  James  L.  Pugh Eufaula. 

ISSdf  John  T.Morgan Selma. 

Arkanaas. 

1885  James  D.  Walker Fayetteville. 

1889  "[Augusttis  H.  Garland Little  Rock. 

California. 

1885  James  T.  Farley Jackson. 

1887  John  F.Miller San  Francisco. 

Colorado. 

1885  Nathaniel  P.  Hill Denver. 

1889  *Thomas  M.  Bowen Del  Norte. 

Connecticxd. 

1885  Orville  H.  Piatt Meriden. 

1887  Joseph  R.  Hawley Hartford. 

Delaware. 

1887  Thomas  Francis  Bayard ^^'ilmington. 

\^m'\EliSaulshury.... Dover. 


84  FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 

Florida. 

Term  ex.  Home  Post-OfiBce. 

1885  Wilkinson  Call Jacksonville. 

1887  Charles  W.Jones Pensacola. 

Georgia. 

1885  Joseph  E.  Brown Atlanta. 

1889  *Alfred  H.  Colquitt Atlanta. 

Illinois, 

1885  John  A.  Logan Chicago. 

1889*Shelby  M.  Cullom Springfield. 

Indiana. 

1S85  Daniel  W.  Voorhees Terre  Haute. 

1887  Benjamin  Harrison Indianapolis. 

Iowa. 

1885  William  B.  Allison Dubuque. 

1889  *  James  F.  Wilson Fairfield. 

Kansas. 

1885  John  J.  Ingalls Atchison. 

1889  fPreston  B.  Plumb Emporia. 

Kentucky. 

1885  John  S.  Williams Mt.  Sterling. 

1889  -f  James  B.  Beck Lexington. 

Louisiana. 

1885  Benjamin  F.  Jonas New  Orleans, 

1889  *  Randall  L.  Gibson New  Orleans. 

Maine. 

1887  Eugene  Hale Ellsworth. 

1889  fWilliam  P.  Frye Lewistou. 

Maryland. 

1885  James  B.  Groome Elkton. 

1887  Arthur  P.  Gorman Laurel. 

Massachusetts. 

1877  Henry  L.Dawes Pittsfield. 

1889  fOeorge  F,  Hoar Worcester. 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS.  85 

Michigan. 

Term  ex.  Home  Post-Office; 

1887  Omar  D.  Conger Port  Huron. 

1889  *Thomas  W.  Palmer Detroit. 

Minnesota. 

1887  Samuel  J.  Pv.  McMillan St.  Paul. 

1889  *  Dvvight  M.  Sabin Stillwater. 

3Essissippi. 

1887  James  Z.  George Jackson. 

1889  f  Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar Oxford. 

Missouri. 

1885  George  G.  Vest. Kansas  City, 

1887  Francis  M.  Cockrell Warrensburg 

Nebraska. 

1887  Charles  H.  Van  Wyck Nebraska  City, 

1889  *Charles  F.  Manderson Omaha. 

Nevada. 

1885  John  P.  Jones Gold  Hill. 

1887  James  G.  Fair Virginia  City. 

Neio  Hampshire. 

1885  Henry  W.  Blair Plymouth. 

1889  *  Austin  F.  Pike Franklin. 

New  Jersey. 

1887  William  J.  Sewell Camden. 

1889  t  John  R.  McPherson Jersey  City. 

New  York. 

1885  Elbridge  G.  Lapham Canandaigua. 

1887  Warner  Miller Herkimer. 

North  Carolina. 

1885  Zebulon  B.  Vance Charlotte. 

1889  iMatt  W.  Ransom, Weldon. 

Ohio. 

1885  George  H.  Pendleton Cincinnati. 

1887  John  Sherman Mansfield. 

31 


^6  FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 

Oregon. 

Term  px.  Home  Post-Office. 

1885  James  II.  Slater Le  Grande. 

1889  *  Joseph  N.  Dolph Portland. 

Pennsylvania. 

1885  J.  Donald  Cameron Harrisburg. 

1887  John  I.  Mitchell Wellsboro. 

Rhode  Island. 

1887  Nelson  W.  Aldrich Providence. 

1889  fHenry  B.  Anthony Providence. 

Soidh  Carolina. 

1885  Wade  Hampton Columbia. 

1S89  t  Mattheio  C.  Butler Edgefield. 

Tennessee. 

1887  Howell  E.  Jackson Jackson. 

1889  fJs/iam  G.  Harris Memphis. 

Texas. 

1887  Sam  Bell  Maxey Paris. 

1889  fi^icAard  Coke Waco. 

Vermont. 

1885  Justin  S.  Morrill Strafford. 

1887  George  F.  Edmunds Burlington. 

Virginia. 

1887  William  Mahone,  Rc Petersburg. 

1889  *H.  II.  RiDDLEBERGER,  Re Woodstock. 

West  Virginia. 

1887  Johnson  N.  Camden Parkersburg. 

1889  *John  E.  Kenna Kanawha. 

Wisconsin. 

1885  Angus  Cameron La  Crosse. 

1887  Philetus  Sawyer Oshkosh. 

*  New  Senators,     f  Re-elected. 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


87 


THE   HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES. 

John  G.  Carlisle,  of  Kentucky,  Speaker. 

John  B.  Clark,  Jr.,  of  Missouri,  Clerk. 

Republicans  (in  Homan),  118 ;  Regular  Democrats  (in 
italics),  196 ;  Readjusters  (in  small  caps),  5 ;  Greenback- 
Labor  (in  SMALL  caps),  1 ;  Independents  (in  small  caps), 
3;  vacancy,  2.  Total,  325;  majority,  163.  Representa- 
tives in  the  XLVIIth  Congress  marked  with  a  * ;  those  in 
a  preceding  Congress  with  a  f. 


Alabama. 

1  James  T.  Jones,  f  ^ 

2  Hilary  A.  Herbert.* 

3  William  C.  Oates.* 

4  Charles  M.  Shelley.* 

5  Thomas  Williams.* 

6  Goldsmith  W.  Hewitt.* 
.  7  William  H.  Forney.* 

8  Luke  Pry  or. X 

Arkansas. 

1  Poindexter  Dunn.* 

2  James  K.  Jones.* 

3  John  H.  Rogers. 

4  Samuel  W.  Peel. 

At  Large — Clifton  R.  Breck- 
inridge. 

California. 

1  William  S.  Rosecrans.* 

2  James  H.  Budd. 

3  Barclay  Henley. 

4  Pleasant  B.  Tally. 

At  Large — Charles  A.  Sum- 
ner, John  R.  Glascock. 

Colorado. 
James  B.  Belford.* 


Connecticut. 

1  William  W.  Eaton.X 

2  Charles  L.  Mitchell. 

3  John  T.  Wait.* 

4  Edivard  W.  Seymour. 

Delaware. 
Charles  B.  Lore. 
Florida. 

1  Robert  H.  M.  Davidson."* 

2  Horatio  Bisbee,  Jr.* 

Georgia. 

1  John  C.  Nicholls.  f 

2  Henry  G.  Turner.* 

3  Charles  F.  Crisp. 

4  Hugh  Buchanan.* 

5  Nathaniel  J.  Hammond.* 

6  James  H  Blount.* 

7  Judson  C.  Clenunts.* 

8  Seaborn  Reese.* 

9  Allen  D.  Candler. 

At  Large — Thomas  Harde- 
man.f 

Illinois. 
1  Ranson  W.  Dunham. 


88 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


2  John  F.  Finerty. 

3  George  R.  Davis.* 

4  George  E.  Adams. 

5  Reuben  EUwood. 

6  Robert  R.  Hitt.* 

7  Thomas  J.  Henderson,* 

8  William  Cullen.* 

9  Lewis  E.  Payson.* 

10  Nicholas  E.  Worihington. 

11  William  H.  Neece. 

12  James  M.  Riggs. 

13  William  M.  Springer.^ 

14  Jonathan  H,  RoAvell. 

15  Joseph  G.  Cannon.* 

16  Aaron  Shaw. 

17  Samuel  W.  Moulton* 

18  William  R.  Morrison* 

19  Richard  W.  Toivnshend.* 

20  John  R.  Thomas.* 

Indiana. 

1  John  J.  Kleiner. 

2  Thomas  R.  Cobb.* 

3  Strother  M.  Stockslager.* 

4  William  S.  Holman.* 

5  Cortland  G.  Matson.* 

6  Thomas  M.  Browne.* 

7  William  E.  English. 

8  John  E.  Lamb. 

9  TJiomas  B.  Ward. 

10  Thomas  J.  Wood. 

11  George  W.Steele.* 

12  Robert  Lowry. 

13  William  H.  Calkins.* 

Iowa. 
1  Moses  A.  McCoid.* 


2  Jeremiah  H.  Murjphy. 

3  David  B.  Henderson. 

4  Luman  H.  Weller. 

5  James  Wilson,  "j" 

6  John  C.  Cook.*  § 

7  John  A.  Kasson.* 

8  William  P.  Hepburn. 

9  William  H.  M.  Pusey. 

10  Adoniram  J.  Holmes. 

11  Isaac  S.  Struble. 

Kansas. 

1  John  A.  Anderson.* 

2  Dudley  C.Haskell.* mill 

3  Thomas  Ryan.* 

At  Large — Edmund  N. 
Morrill,  Lewis  Hanback, 
Samuel  R.  Peters,  Bishop  W. 
Perkins. 

Kentucky. 

1  Oscar  Turner.* 

2  James  F.  Clay. 

3  John  E.  Halsell. 

4  Thomas  A.  Robertson. 

5  Albert  S.  Willis.* 

6  John  G.  Carlisle.* 

7  Joseph  C.  S.  Blackburn.* 

8  Philip  B.  Tliompson.,  Jr.* 

9  William  W.  Culbertson. 

10  John  D.  White.* 

11  F-ank  L.  Woljord. 

Lo%miana. 

1  Carleton  Hunt. 

2  E.  John  Ellis.* 

3  William  P.  Kellogg,  t 

4  Newton  C.  Blanchard.* 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


89 


5  J.  Floyd  King* 

6  Edward  T.  Lewis.  H 

Mahie. 
At  Large— Thos.  B.  Reed  * 
Kelson  Dingley,  Jr.,*  Charles 
A.    Boutelle,   Seth    L.   Mil- 
liken. 

Maryland. 

1  George  W.  Covington.'^ 

2  /.  Frederick  C.  TalbotL* 

3  Fetter  S.  HoblitzelL* 

4  John  V.  L.  Flndlay^ 

5  Hart  B.  Holton. 

6  Louis  E.  McComas. 

Massachusetts. 

1  Robert  T.  Davis. 

2  John  D.  Long. 

3  Ambrose  A.  Ranney.* 

4  Patrick  A.  Collins. 
6  Leopold  Morse."^ 

6  Henry  B.  Lovering. 

7  Eben  F.  Stone.* 

8  William  A.  Russell.* 

9  Theodore  Lyman.  || 

10  William  W.  Rice.* 

11  William  Whiting. 

12  George  D.  Robinson.* 

Michigan. 

1  William  C.  Maybury. 

2  Nathaniel  B.  Eldredge. 

3  Edward  S.  Lacey.* 

4  George  L.  Yaple. 

5  Julius  Houseman. 

6  Edwin  B.  Winans. 


7  Ezra  C.  Carleton. 

8  Roswell  G.  Horr.* 

9  Byron  M.  Cutcheon. 

10  Herschel  H.  Hatch. 

11  Edward  Breitung. 

Minnesota. 

1  Milo  White. 

2  James  B.  Wakefield. 
8  Horace  B.  Strait.* 

4  William  D.  Washburn,* 

5  Knute  Nelson. 

MississippL 

1  Henry  L.  Middrow.* 

2  Vacancy. 

3  Elza  Jeffords. 

4  Hernando  D.  Money.* 

5  Otho  R.  Singleton.* 

6  Henry  S,  Van  Eaton. 

7  Ethelbert  Barksdale. 

Missouri. 

1  William  H.  Hatch.* 

2  Armstead  M.  Alexander. 

3  Alexander  M.  Docker y. 

4  James  N.  Barnes. 

5  Alexander  Graves. 

6  John  Cosgrove. 

7  Aylett  H.  Buckner.* 

8  John  J.  O'Neill. 

9  James  0.  Broadhead. 

10  Martin  L.  Clardy.* 

11  Richard  P.  Bland.* 

12  Charles  H.  Morgan.1[ 

13  Robert  W.  Fyan. 

14  Lowndes  H.  Davis.* 


90 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


Nebraska. 

1  Archibald  J.  Weaver. 

2  James  Laird. 

3  Edward  K.  Valentine.* 

Nevada. 
George  W.  Cassidy.* 
New  Hampshire. 

1  Martin  A.  Haynes. 

2  Ossian  Ray.* 

New  Jersey. 

1  Thomas  M.  Fhrell. 

2  J.  Hart  Brewer.* 

3  John  Kean,  Jr. 

4  Benjamin  F.  Howey. 

5  William  Walter  Phelps,  t 

6  William  H.  F.  Fiedler. 

7  William  McAdoo. 

New  York. 

1  Perry  Belmont* 

2  William  E.  Robinson.* 

3  Darwin  R.  James. 

4  Felix  Campbell. 

5  Nicholas  ^{idler.f 

6  Samuel  S.  Cox.* 

7  William  Dorshdm&r. 

8  John  J.  Adams. 

9  John  Hardy.* 

10  Abram.  S.  Hewitt* 

11  Orlando  B.  Potter. 

12  Waldo  Hutchins.* 

13  John  H.  Ketcham  * 

14  Lewis  Beach.* 

15  John  H.  Bagley,  Jr.  f 

16  Thomas  J.  Van  Alstyne. 


17  Henry  G.  Burleigh. 

18  Frederick  A.  Johnson. 

19  Abraham  X.  Parker.* 

20  Edward  Wemple. 

21  George  W.  Ray. 

22  Charles  R.  Skinner.* 

23  J.  Thomas  Spnggs. 

24  Newton  W.  Nutting. 

25  Frank  Hiscock.* 

26  Sereno  E.  Payne. 

27  James  W.  Wadsworth.* 

28  Stephen  C.  Millard. 

29  John  Arnot. 

30  HalbeH  S.  Greenleaf. 

31  Robert  S.  Stevens. 

32  William  F.  Rogers. 

33  Francis  B.  Brewer. 

At  Large — Henry   W.  Slo' 
cum.  f 

North  Carolina. 

1  Thomas  G.  Skinner,  f^f 

2  James  E.  O'Hara. 

3  Wiarton  J.  Green. 

4  William  R.  Cox.* 

5  Alfred  M.  Scales.* 

6  Clement  Dowd.* 

7  Tyre  York,  Ind. 

8  Robert  B.  Vance.* 

At  Large — Risden  T.  Ben- 
nett. 

Ohio. 

1  John  F.  Follett. 

2  Isaac  M.  Jordan. 

3  Robert  M.  Mtirray. 

4  Benjamin  Le  Fevre.* 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


91 


5  George  E.  Seney. 

6  William  D.  Hill  f 

7  Henry  L.  Morey.* 

8  J.  Warren  Keifer.* 

9  Jjimes  S.  Robinson.* 

10  Frank  H.  Hard,  f 

11  John  W.  McCormick. 

12  Alphonso  Hart. 

13  George  L.  Converse* 

14  George  ]V.  Geddes* 

15  Adoniram  J.  Warner,  f 

16  Beriah  Wilhins. 

17  Joseph  D.  Taylor.  |11| 

18  William  McKinley,  Jr.* 

19  Ezra  B.  Taylor.* 

20  David  R.  Paige. 

21  Martin  A.  For  an. 

Oregon. 
Melvin  C.  George.* 

Pennsylvania. 

1  Henry  H.  Bingham,* 

2  Charles  O'Neill.* 

3  Samuel  J.  Randall.* 

4  William  D.  Kelley.* 

5  Alfred  C.  Harmer.* 

6  James  B.  Everhart. 

7  I.  Newton  Evans,  f 

8  Daniel  Ermenlrout* 

9  A.  Herr  Smith.* 

10  William  Mutchler.* 

1 1  John  B.  Storm,  f 

12  Daniel  W.  Connolly. 

13  Charles  N.  Brumm,  GbL* 

14  Samuel  F.  Barr.* 

15  George  A.  Post. 


16  William  W.  Brown. 

17  Jacob  M.  Campbell.* 

18  Louis  E.  Atkinson. 

19  William  A.  Duncan. 

20  Andrew  G.  Curiin.* 

21  Charles  E.  Boyle. 

22  James  H.  Hopkins,  f 

23  Thomas  M.  Bayne.* 

24  George  M.  Lawrence,  f 

25  John  D.  Potion. 

26  Samuel  H.  Miller.* 

27  Samuel  M.  Brainerd. 

At  Large— Mori.  F.  Elliotb. 

Rhode  Island. 

1  Henry  J.  Spooner.* 

2  Jonathan  Chace.* 

South  Carolina, 

1  Samuel  Dibble.* 

2  George  D.  Tillman.* 

3  D.  Wyait  Aiken.* 

4  John  H.  Evins.* 

5  John  J.  Hemphill. 

6  George  W.  Dargan. 

7  Edmund  W.  M.  Mackey.* 

Tennessee. 

1  Augustus  H.  Pettibone. 

2  Leonidas  C.  Houk.* 

3  George  G.  DibrelL* 

4  Benton  McMilUn.* 

5  Richard  Warner.* 

6  Andrew  J.  Caldwell. 

7  John  G.  Ballentine. 

8  John  M.  Taylor. 

9  Rice  A.  Pierce. 
10  Casey  Young,  f 


92 


FORTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS. 


Texas. 

1  Charles  SteivarL 

2  John  H.  Reagan.* 

3  James  H.  Jones. 

4  David  B.  Culberson.'^ 

5  James  W.  Throckmorton,  f 

6  Olin  Wellbo7m.* 

7  Thos.  p.  Ochiltree,  Ind. 

8  James  F.  Miller. 

9  Roger  Q.  Mills.* 

10  John  Hancock,  f 

11  Samuel  W.  T.  Lanham. 

Vermont. 

1  John  W.  Stewart 

2  Luke  P.  Poland,  f 

Virginia. 

1  Robert  M.  Mayo,  Re. 

2  Harry  Libbey,  Re. 

3  George  D.  Wise.* 

4  Benjamin  S.  Hooper,  Re. 

5  George  C.  Cabell.  * 


6  John  Randolph  Tucker.* 

7  Vacancy.  §§ 

8  John  S.  Barbour.* 

9  Henry  Bowen,  Re. 

At  Large — John  S.  Wise, 
Re. 

West  Virginia. 

1  Nathan  Goff,  Jr. 

2  William  L.  Wilson. 

3  Charles  P.  Snyder.  §§§ 

4  Eustace  Gibson. 

Wisconsin. 

1  John  Winans. 

2  Daniel  H.  Sumner. 

3  Burr  W.  Jones. 

4  Peter  V.  Deuster.* 

5  Joseph  Rankin. 

6  Richard  Guenther.* 

7  (riV^eri  J/.  Tf^oocZu;ard. 

8  WiUiam  T.  Price, 

9  Isaac  Stephenson. 


Appendix  B. 


DUTIES  AND   PRIVILEGES  OF  THE 
PEESIDENT. 

Statement  of  the  Duties  and  Privileges  of  the  President— How  he  is 
chosen — The  Inauguration— Reminiscences  of  tlie  Inaugurations  in 
Wasliington — An  interi'egnum  in  the  Government — Inauguration  of 
Abraham  Lincoln — What  it  costs  the  President  to  live — Economy  in 
the  White  House— A  poorly-paid  Official — The  President's  Title — 
His  Visitors — His  Enemies — Difficulties  of  his  Position — The  Cabinet 
— The  White  House — Description  of  it — Internal  Arrangements — 
The  East  Room — The  State  Apartments — The  Private  Apartments — 
The  Etiquette  of  the  White  House — "  Who's  who  "  in  Washington — 
Rules  for  social  Intercourse  among  Officials — The  President's 
Levees — The  Scene  in  the  East  Room^The  Comicalities  of  a  Levee 
— The  New  Year  Receptions — A  brilliant  Scene — The  State  Din- 
ners— How  they  are  conducted  and  what  they  cost — That  '  wonderful 
Steward" — Description  of  a  State  Dinner — The  Sorri.  ws  of  the 
White  House — Who  have  died  there — The  daily  Life  ol  the  Presi- 
dent— A  busy  Life — Social  Evenings  at  the  White  House — An 
independent  President. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
requires  that  ''the  Executive  power  shall 
be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office 
during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together 
with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the 
same  term,  be  elected  as  follows: 

"Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  man- 
ner as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct, 
a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to 
which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  Con- 
gress; but  no  Senator,  or  Representative, 
or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit 


A  DUTIES    AND    PKIYILEGES 

under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector.  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their 
respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for 
President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom, 
at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the 
same  State  with  themselves;  they  shall 
name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for 
as  President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the 
person  voted  for  as  Vice-President;  and 
they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons 
voted  for  as  President,  and  all  persons  voted 
for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number 
of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall  sign 
and  certify,  and  transmit,  sealed,  to  the  seat 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Eep- 
resentatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and 
the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ;  the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for 
President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such 
number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed  ;  and  if  no  person  have 
sucli  majority,  then,  from  the  persons  having 
the  highest  number,  not  exceeding  three, 
on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President, 
the  House  of  Kepresentatives  shall  choose 
immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But 
in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes 
shall    be    taken    by   States,  the    represen- 


OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  3 

tation  from  each  State  having  one  vote ; 
a  quorum  for  this  purpose,  to  consist  of 
a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds 
of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all 
the  States  shall  be  necessaiy  to  a  choice ; 
and  if  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  shall 
not  choose  a  President,  whenever  the  right 
of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before 
the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then 
the  Vice-President  elected  by  the  Senate 
shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the 
President.  The  person  having  the  greatest 
number  of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be 
the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors 
appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  major- 
ity, then,  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on 
the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice- 
President  ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall 
consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 
But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to 
the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to 
that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
"  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time 
of  choosing  the  electors,  and  the  day  on 
which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day 
shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United 
States. 


4  DUTIES    AND    PRIVILEGES 

"  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen, 
or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  at  the  time 
of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be 
eligible  to  the  office  of  President;  neither 
shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office 
who  shall  not  have  attained  the  age  of 
thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a 
resident  within  the  United  States. 

"  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President 
from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation,  or 
inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on 
the  Yice-President,  and  the  Congress  may 
by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal, 
death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the 
President  and  Yice-President,  declaring  what 
officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such 
officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  dis- 
ability be  removed,  or  a  President "  shall  be 
elected. 

"  The  President  shall  at  stated  times  re- 
ceive for  his  services  a  compensation,  which 
shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished 
during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have 
been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive,  within 
that  period,  any  other  emolument  from  the 
United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

"Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his 
office,  he  shall  take  the  following  Oath  or 
Affirmation : 

*"I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm),  that  I 


OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  O 

will  faithfully  execute  the  oflfice  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of 
my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.'  " 

The  President  is,  by  virtue  of  his  office, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy, 
and  of  the  Militia  of  the  several  States,  when 
in  the  active  service  of  the  United  States. 
He  has  the  power  to  pardon  and  grant  re- 
prieves, except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 
He  appoints  all  officials  of  the  Government, 
and,  constitutionally,  has  the  power  to  re- 
move them  when  he  deems  it  his  duty  to 
do  so.  He  negotiates  treaties  with  foreign 
Powers,  and  conducts  the  official  intercourse 
of  this  Government  with  them.  He  exe- 
cutes, or  causes  to  be  executed,  the  laws  of 
Congress,  and  from  time  to  time  lays  before 
that  body  such  information  as  he  deems 
proper,  respecting  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  recommends  such  measures  as  he  judges 
necessary  and  expedient. 

THE  INAUGURATION. 
The  President  enters  upon  his  duties  on 
the  fourth  of  March  next  following  his  elec- 
tion by  the  people.  The  Constitution  merely 
requires  him  to  take  the  oath  already  given, 
but  does  not  prescribe  the  hour,  place,  or 
manner  of  taking  it,  and  there  is  no  law  of 
Congress  regulating  the  inaugural  ceremo- 


b  DUTIES    AND    PRIVILEGES 

nies.  The  oath  of  office  could  be  legally 
administered  by  any  magistrate,  but  it  is 
usual  for  the  Chief-Justice  of  the  United 
States  to  act  upon  such  occasions. 

Owing  to  the  absence  of  any  set  form  for 
the  inaugural  ceremonies,  difierent  customs 
have  prevailed  at  different  times.  A  review 
of  these  will  be  entertaining. 

George  Washington  was  first  inaugurated 
President  in  New  York  City,  on  the  1st  of 
May,  1789.  He  was  escorted  from  his  resi- 
dence in  Broad  Street  to  the  City  Hall, 
which  occupied  the  site  of  the  pi'esent  U.  S. 
Sub-Treasury,  where  Chancellor  Livingston 
administered  the  oath  of  office  to  him  in  the 
presence  of  the  people.  In  1793,  he  entered 
upon  his  second  term  by  taking  the  oath  in 
the  Senate  Chamber,  in  the  presence  of  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress  and  other  dignita- 
ries. John  Adams  was  inaugurated  in  1797, 
by  taking  the  oath  of  office  in  the  House 
of  Kepresentatives,  at  noon  on  the  4th  of 
March.  He  delivered  an  inaugural  address 
fiom  the  Speaker's  Chair  before  taking  the 
oath. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  first  President 
inaugurated  in  the  City  of  Washington.  He 
delivered  an  inaugural  address,  and  took  the 
oath  of  office  in  the  Senate  Chamber  at  noon 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1801.  He  delivered  no 
address  upon  the  occasion  of  his  second  in- 


OF    THE   PRESIDENT.  7 

auguration,  but  merely  subscribed  to  the 
oath  in  the  presence  of  Chief-Justice  Mar- 
shall, and  Judges  Patterson,  Gushing,  and 
Washington  of  the  Supi-enie  Court.  James 
Madison  took  the  oath  of  office  and  delivered 
his  inaugural  address  in  the  Hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1809,  and  on  the  occasion  of  his 
second  inauguration  was  merely  sworn  in  at 
the  Capitol  by  Chief-Justice  Marshall. 

Upon  the  election  of  Mi*.  Monroe,  in  1816, 
it  was  resolved  to  make  the  inaugural 
ceremonies  more  imposing.  On  the  4th  of 
March,  1817,  the  Vice-President  was  first 
sworn  in,  and  then  Mr.  Monroe  appeared  on 
an  elevated  platform  in  front  of  the  Capitol, 
delivered  his  inaugund  address,  and  took 
the  oath  of  office,  which  was  administered 
by  the  Chief-Justice  in  the  presence  of  an 
immense  multitude.  A  salute  of  artillery 
w^as  then  fired,  and  the  new  President  )'c- 
tired  to  the  White  House.  When  re-elected, 
Mr.  Monroe  could  not  be  sworn  into  office  on 
the  4th  of  March  (1821),  as  that  day  hap- 
pened to  fall  upon  Sunday.  As  no  legal 
oath  can  be  administered  on  Sunday,  the 
inauguration  was  postponed  until  the  5th, 
which  proved  a  very  tempestuous  day.  Mr. 
Monroe  then  simply  took  the  official  oath 
before  Chief-Justice  Marshall.  On  the  4th 
of  March,  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams  deliv- 


O  DUTIES    AND    PRIVILEGES 

ered  his  inaugural,  and  took  the  oath  of  office 
in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  1829,  Andrew  Jackson 
delivered  his  inaugural  address  from  the 
eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol,  and  took  the 
oath  of  office  in  the  presence  of  an  immense 
multitude.  On  the  occasion  of  his  second 
inauguration,  four  years  later,  the  ceremo- 
nies were  conducted  in  the  Hall  of  Repre- 
sentatives. Martin  Van  Buren  was  inaugu- 
rated on  the  4th  of  March,  1837.  The  Vice- 
President  was  first  sworn  in,  when  he  took 
the  Chair  as  Presiding  Officer  of  the  Senate. 
At  noon,  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  accompanied  by 
General  Jackson,  the  retiring  President,  en- 
tered the  Senate  Chamber,  from  which  the 
party  repaired  to  the  east  portico  of  the 
Capitol,  in  front  of  which  an  immense  mul- 
titude had  gathered.  Here  Mr.  Van  Buren 
delivered  his  inaugural  address,  and  took 
the  oath  of  office  at  the  hands  of  Chief- 
Justice  Taney.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1841, 
General  Harrison  left  his  quarters,  mounted 
on  a  magnificent  white  war-horse,  and  was 
escorted  to  the  Capitol  by  a  brilliant  throng. 
He  at  once  repaired  to  the  Senate  Chamber, 
where  the  new  Vice-President,  John  Tyler, 
had  been  sworn  in.  Repairing  to  the  east- 
ern portico,  he  delivered  his  inaugural,  after 
which  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  by 
Chief-Justice  Taney.     General  Harrison  sur- 


OF   THE    PRESIDENT.  9 

vived  his  election  only  a  few  weeks.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Mr.  Tyler,  the  Yice-Presidt^it 
who,  although  he  deemed  his  oath  as  Vice- 
President  a  sufficient  qualification  for  his 
new  position,  yet  immediately  took  the  Pres- 
idential oath  before  the  Chief  Judge  ol  the' 
Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Columlna.. 
James  K.  Polk  was  inaugurated  in  1845; 
with  an  imposing  display,  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, George  M.  Dallas,  being  first  sworn  in.. 
The  ceremonies  took  place  in  the  eastern 
j)ortico  of  the  Capitol,  and  were  followed  l\y 
a  levee  at  the  White  House.  General  Taylor 
was  inaugurated  on  the  5th  of  March,  1848, 
the  4th  chancing  to  fall  upon  a  Sunday,  and 
making  the  second  day  in  the  history  of  the 
country  when  the  Eepublic  has  been  witliout 
a  President.  He  delivered  his  inaugural 
fi'om  the  east  portico,  and  took  the  oath  be- 
fore Chief-Justice  Taney,  with  the  iti-ual 
ceremonies.  General  Taylor  died  Julf  9, 
1850,  and  on  the  11th  Mr.  Fillmore, '  the 
Vice-President,  took  the  Presidential  oavh  in 
the  House  of  Representatives. 

Upon  arriving  in  Washinigton  for  the  pnr- 
pose  of  entering  upon  the  duties  of  his; 
office.  General  Pierce  took  lodgings  at  Wii- 
lard's  Hotel.  On  the  4th  of  March,  185.?,  he 
was  waited  upon  by  the  retiring  President, 
Mr.  Fillmore,  and  the  Hon.  Jesse  D.  Bright  and 
Hon.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  Avho  had  been  ap- 

32 


10  DUTIES    AXD    PRIVILEGES 

pointed  a  Committee  for  that  purpose  by 
Congress,  and  was  conducted  to  the  Ca[)itol 
l)v  a  splendid  escort,  in  which  detachments 
of  the  reguhir  troops  of  the  United  States 
and  a  force  of  Volunteers  took  part.  He 
delivered  liis  inuagural,  and  took  the  oath 
before  Chief-Justice  Taney,  from  the  east 
portico,  after  which  he  held  a  levee  at  the 
White  House.  On  tlie  4th  of  March,  1857, 
James  Buchanan  was  escorted  from  his 
lodgings  at  Willard's  Hotel  to  the  Capitol, 
where  the  oath  w^as  administered  to  him  in 
the  Senate  Chamber,  by  the  Hon.  James  M. 
Mason,  President  j9ro  tem.  of  the  Senate. 
Mr.  Buchanan  then  repaired  to  the  east 
portico,  where  he  delivered  his  inaugural 
address  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  mul- 
titude. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln was  inaugurated  President.  Kumors  of 
plots  to  assassinate  him  were  so  plentiful, 
that  it  became  advisable  for  him  to  pass 
through  the  State  of  Maryland  with  the 
utmost  secrecy.  He  reached  Washington  in 
this  way  before  any  one  but  his  most  trust- 
ed friends  ^vere  aware  of  his  movements. 
Threats  against  his  life  were  openly  made 
after  his  arrival,  and  it  became  necessary  to 
station  a  strong  force  of  regular  troops 
■throughout  the  city,  so  as  to  make  sure  of 
the  preservation  of  order  and  i)eace.     The 


OF    THE   PRESIDENT.  11 

military  arrangements  were  directed  by 
General  Scott  in  person.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
conducted  to  the  Capitol  with  great  display. 
He  was  received  by  the  Senate,  and  escorted 
to  the  east  portico,  where  he  delivered  his 
address,  and  took  the  oath  before  Chief- 
Justice  Taney.  His  second  inauguration, 
March  4,  1865,  was  accompanied  with  one 
of  the  finest  displays  ever  witnessed  in 
Washington.  The  ceremonies  took  place  in 
the  east  portico  of  the  Capitol.  The  morn- 
ing was  dark  and  lowering,  but  as  the  Presi- 
dent placed  himself  in  front  of  the  vener- 
able Chief-Justice  to  pronounce  the  solemn 
vow,  the  sun  burst  from  behind  the  heavy 
clouds,  and  shone  down  upon  him  with  ail 
its  brilliancy. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  during  whose  administration 
our  great  Civil  War  was  fought,  and  who 
had  issued  his  illustrious  proclamation 
emancipating  the  slaves,  was  re-elected  by 
an  overwhelming  majority,  receiving  2,213,- 
665  votes  against  1,802,237  for  his  opponent. 
General  George  B.  McClellan.  The  total 
number  of  electoral  votes  counted  was  233, 
of  which  Lincoln  and  Johnson  received  212, 
and  their  opponents.  General  George  B. 
McClellan  and  George  Pendleton,  but  21.  It 
must  be  remembered,  though,  that  the  States 
then  in  rebellion  were  not  I'epresehted  in  the 
Electoral  College.     Mr.  Lincoln's  second  in- 


12  DUTIES    AND   PRIVILEGES 

augural  address  closed  with  this  now  famous 
passage :  "  With  malice  towards  none,  with 
charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the  right  as 
God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  finish 
the  work  we  are  in — to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds,  to  care  for  him  wiio  shall  have 
borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and 
orphans,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and 
cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  our- 
selves, and  with  all  the  nations." 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1865,  the  Confed- 
erates attempted  to  open  peace  negotiations 
with  General  Grant,  but  President  Lincoln 
instructed  him  to  have  no  conference  with 
General  Lee,  the  Chief  Commander  of  the 
Confederate  army,  unless  it  should  be  for 
the  capitulation  of  Lee's  army,  and  forbade 
him  to  decide,  discuss,  or  confer  on  any 
political  question.  On  the  day  after  the 
evacuation  and  surrender  of  Eichmond,  the 
capital  of  the  Confederacy,  Mr.  Lincoln  en- 
tered it,  accompanied  by  his  son  Robert 
(now  Secretary  of  War  under  President  Ar- 
thur), Admiral  Porter,  and  a  few  sailors. 
On  the  evening  of  Good  Friday,  April  14, 
1865,  he  visited  Ford's  Theatre,  at  Washing- 
ton, in  company  of  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  some 
personal  friends.  A  few  minutes  past  ten 
o'clock  an  actor,  John  Wilkes  Booth,  entered 
the  private  box,  approached  President  Lin- 
coln from  behind,  placed  a  pistol  close  to  his 


OF    THE    PRESIDENT.  13 

head,  and  fired.     He  then  leaped  from  the 
box  upon  the  stage,  exckiimed,  "  Sic  semper 
tyrannis!"  and  escaped.    The  next  morning, 
shortly  after  seven  o'clock,  President  Lincoln 
expired.     At  the  same  hour  when  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  shot,  the  Secretary  of  State  Seward 
was  attacked  in  his  house,  and  soon  it  be- 
came  apparent   that  a  terrible   conspiracy 
had  been  entered  to  murder  simultaneously 
nearly  all  the  chief  officers  of  the   United 
States    Government.      Booth    was    hunted 
down  and  killed  by  his  pursuers,  and  eight 
persons  were  tried  for  this  conspiracy  by  a 
military  commission.    Four  of  them  (includ- 
ing a  woman)  w^ere  hanged,  while  three  were 
sentenced  to  Dry  Tortugas  for  life,  and  one 
for  six  years.    One  died  there;  the  others 
were  pardoned  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  successor, 
Andrew  Johnson,  the  seventeenth  President 
of  the  United  States,     On  the  15th  day  of 
Aj^ril,  1865,  on  the  death  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, Mr.  Johnson  took  the  oath  of  office  as 
President  of  the  United  States.     His  con- 
ciliatory policy  towards  the  States  formerly 
in  rebellion,  his  vetoing  of  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill  and  of  an  Act  for  the  extension  of  the 
Freedmen's   Bureau,    both    of    which   were 
passed  over  the  veto  though,  soon  brought 
on  a  hostility  between  himself  and  the  ma- 
jority of  Congress,  w'hich  finally  resulted  in 
his  impeachment  for  high  crimes  and  mis- 


14  DUTIES   AND    PRIVILEGES 

demeanor  in  office.  The  impeacliment  reso- 
lution was  passed  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives (yeas,  126;  nays,  47;  not  voting, 
17).  The  articles  of  impeachment  were 
]^resented  to  the  United  States  Senate  on 
March  5,  1868;  the  trial  began  on  March 
23,  and  in  May  President  Johnson  was  ac- 
quitted, 35  voting  guilty,  and  19  not  guilty 
— a  two-thirds  majority  being  required  to 
convict.  On  December  25,  1868,  he  issued  a 
proclamation  granting  a  full  pai'don  to  every- 
body who  had  participated  in  the  rebellion. 

On  March  4,  1869,  he  w^as  succeeded  in 
the  Presidential  office  by  General  Ulysses  S. 
Grant,  one  of  the  most  illustrious  com- 
manders of  the  War  of  the  Kebellion.  It 
was  he  who  fought  some  of  the  bloodiest 
battles  of  the  war,  and  who  forced  the  sur- 
render of  General  Robert  E.  Lee  at  Appo- 
mattox Court-House,  April  9,  1865.  After 
the  war  General  Grant  fixed  his  head- 
quarters at  Washington,  D.  C.  On  July  25, 
1866,  he  was  commissioned  full  General  of 
the  Army,  a  rank  especially  created  for  him. 
From  August  12,  1867,  to  January  14,  1868, 
during  the  suspension  of  Stanton  by  Presi- 
dent Johnson,  he  acted  as  Secretary  of  War. 

At  the  Republican  National  Convention 
in  Chicago,  General  Grant  was  nominated 
for  President,  with  Schuyler  Colfax  for  Vice- 
President.     They  carried  26  States,  and  re- 


OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  15 

ceived  214  electoral  votes,  against  80  for 
Seymour  and  Blair.  President  Grant  was 
inaugurated  on  March  4,  1869,  and,  as  he 
was  in  political  harmony  with  the  Republi- 
can majority  in  Congress,  the  reconstruction 
of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion  went  on. 
Dui'ing  his  first  administration  a  court  of 
arbitration,  convened  at  Geneva  in  1872, 
awarded  $15,500,000  to  be  paid  by  tlie 
British  Government  to  the  United  States,  as 
a  compensation  for  damages  inflicted  on 
American  shipping  and  commerce  by  rebel 
cruisers  built  and  fitted  out  in  England. 

At  the  National  Republican  Convention 
held  in  Philadelpliia,  President  Grant  was 
renominated,  with  Henry  Wilson  for  Vice- 
President.  They  received  268  electoral  votes, 
against  80  for  other  candidates.  Grant's 
majority  over  Horace  Greeley  was  762,991 
votes. 

The  National  Convention  held  in  Cincin- 
nati in  June,  1876,  nominated  Governor 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  on  the  seventh 
ballot,  for  the  Presidency.  He  received  a 
popular  vote  of  about  4,033,000  votes,  while 
for  his  Democratic  opponent,  Samuel  J. 
Tilden,  of  New  York,  4,284,000  votes  were 
cast.  In  several  States  the  electoral  vote 
was  claimed  for  each  candidate.  To  decide 
upon  these  questions  Congress  created  an 
Electoral  Commission,  consisting  of  five  Sen- 


16  DUTIES    AXD    PRIVILEGES 

ators,  five  Representativ'es,  and  five  Judges 
of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  The 
count  of  the  electoral  vote  was  begun  on 
February  1,  1877.  The  Commission  declared 
that  it  could  not  go  behind  the  returns,  and 
on  Mai'ch  2  it  was  declared,  by  8  to  7  votes 
of  the  Electoral  Commission,  that  Hayes  had 
received  185  and  Tilden  184:  votes.  The 
former  was,  therefore,  inaugurated  on  March 
5,  1877.  This  administration  is  devoid  of 
occurrences  of  great  importance. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  held 
in  Chicago  in  1880  nominated,  on  the  thirty- 
sixth  balloting.  General  James  A.  Garfield, 
of  Ohio,  for  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  Yoik,  for 
Yice-President.  The  Presidential  election 
of  1880  Avas  held  on  the  2d  of  Novem- 
ber, and  the  ])opular  vote  was  as  follows : 
For  James  A.  Garfield  (Republican),  4,437,- 
345 ;  for  Winfield  S.  Hancock  (Democrat), 
4,435,015;  for  J.  B.  Weaver  (Greenback), 
305,831.  General  G<ufield  thus  obtained  a 
majority  of  2330  of  the  popular  vote.  The 
electoral  vote  was  as  follows :  For  Garfield, 
214;  for  Hancock,  155;  thus  giving  Gar- 
field a  majority  of  59  votes  in  the  electoral 
college.  On  March  4,  1881,  the  inaugura- 
tion ceremonies  took  place  upon  a  scale 
of  unusual  magnificence ;  50,000  strangers 
visited  Washington  City  on  this  occasion. 


OF    THE    PRESIDENT.  17 

Yeiy  soon  after  entering  upon  his  duties, 
President  Garfield  found  that  tlie  Executive 
Chair  was  by  no  means  a  bed  of  roses.  The 
llepublican  party  soon  divided  into  two 
sections,  one  supporting  the  President,  and 
the  other,  known  as  the  "  Stalwarts,"  op- 
posing him.  A  bitter  partisan  contest  set 
in,  and  prolonged  the  executive  session  of 
the  Senate  to  a  very  late  day.  The  quarrel 
was  fiercest  over  the  appointment  of  a  new 
Collector  for  the  port  of  New  York,  and 
culminated  in  the  resignation  of  Senators 
Conkling  and  Piatt,  of  that  State.  The 
i-esignation  was  based  upon  tlie  ground  that 
the  President  had  nominated  the  Collector 
for  the  port  of  New  York  without  consulting 
or  yielding  to  the  wishes  of  the  Senators 
from  that  State,  the  said  Senators  in  effect 
claiming  the  right  to  dictate  what  appoint- 
ments should  or  shoukl  not  be  made  in  that 
State.  Tlie  President,  however,  having  with 
him  the  sui)port  of  tlie  great  mass  of  the 
nation,  without  regard  to  party,  i)ursued 
with  nnshaken  firmness  the  course  he  had 
determined  ujion.  After  the  resignation  of 
Senators  C(mkling  and  Piatt,  the  nomi- 
nation of  Mr.  Robertson  was  confirmed  by 
the  Senate,  the  highest  legislative  body  in 
the  Union  thus  uniting  with,  the  majority 
of  the  citizens  of  the  country  in  aj^proving 
the  course  of  the  President. 


18  DUTIES    AND    PRIVILEGES 

As  the  time  wore  on,  President  Garfield 
gained  steadily  in  the  esteem  of  the  people. 
His  purpose  to  give  to  the  country  a  fair 
and  just  administration  of  the  government 
became  every  day  more  apparent,  and  his 
high  and  noble  qualities  became  each  day 
moi'e  conspicuous.  People  began  to  feel  for 
the  first  time  in  many  years  that  the  Execu- 
tive Chair  was  occupied  by  a  man  capable 
of  conceiving  a  pure  and  noble  standard  of 
duty,  and  possessed  of  the  firmness  and 
strength  of  will  necessary  to  carrying  it  out. 
The  country  was  prosperous,  and  there  was 
every  reason  to  expect  a  continuance  of  the 
general  happiness. 

Soon  after  the  opening  of  President  Gar- 
field's administration,  the  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral discovered  that  certain  contracts  for 
carrying  the  mails  on  what  are  known  as 
''the  Star  Routes"  were  fraudulent,  and  the 
persons  interested  in  them  were  robbing  the 
government  of  immense  sums  of  money. 
The  President,  Postmaster-General  and  At- 
torney-General, sustained  by  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  resolved  to  bring  the 
criminals  to  justice.  The  latter,  being  men 
of  wealth  and  position,  bitterly  resented  the 
course  of  the  government,  and  violently 
denounced  it.  Nevertheless,  the  President 
firmly  pursued  what  he  deemed  his  duty, 
and  the  criuiinals  were  only  prevented  from 


OF    THE    PRESIDENT.  19 

being  brought  to  speedy  trial  and  convic- 
tion by  the  conclusion  of  the  term  of  the 
court. 

During  the  late  spring  and  early  summer 
the  President  suffered  a  severe  affliction  in 
the  serious  illness  of  his  wife  from  malarial 
fever,  which  came  near  resulting  fatally. 
The  White  House  is  situated  in  the  most 
unhealthy  section  of  Washington  City,  and 
its  inmates  are  every  summer  forced  to  re- 
treat to  a  purer  atmosphere.  As  soon  as 
Mrs.  Garfield  was  able  to  be  moved,  she 
was  taken  to  Long  Branch,  where  she  speed- 
ily recovered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July,  the 
President,  with  several  members  of  his  Cabi- 
net, including  Secretary  Windom,  Secretary 
Hunt,  and  Postmaster-General  James,  and 
a  considerable  party  of  friends,  with  quite 
a  number  of  ladies,  started  on  a  tour 
through  the  New  England  States.  During 
the  trip  the  President  intended  to  be 
present  at  the  commencement  exercises 
of  his  alma  mater,  Williams  College,  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. The  party  arrived  at  the  Balti- 
more and  Potomac  depot  in  Washington  in 
advance  of  the  President,  who  reached  the 
depot  shortly  after  with  Mr.  Blaine,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  who  came  simply  to  see 
him  off  and  say  good-bye.  In  j)assing  through 
the  waiting-room  at  the   station  the  Pros- 


20  DUTIES   AND    PRIVILEGES 

ident  was  fired  at  twice,  and  fell  terribly 
wounded.  The  shooting  occurred  at  9.20. 
and  the  assassin  was  Charles  Guiteau,  a 
disappointed  office-seeker,  whose  whole  ante- 
cedents tended  to  prove  that  his  mental 
powers  were  impaired.  On  the  19th  day  of 
September,  at  thirty-five  minutes  after  ten 
o'clock,  death  ended  the  terrible  sufferings 
of  President  Jauies  A.  Garfield,  at  Elberon, 
near  Long  Branch,  New  Jersey. 

When  the  President  passed  away  there 
were  eleven  persons  in  the  room,  which  is  by 
no  means  large,  and  must  therefore  have 
seemed  crowded.  The  narrow  surgical  bed 
was  in  the  centre  of  the  room,  with  the 
head  toward  the  south.  It  had  a  white 
counterpane  on  it,  and  the  pillow  was  not 
high.  The  gas  from  one  of  the  side  brackets, 
which  had  been  low,  was  turned  up,  so  that 
everything  was  in  light.  Colonel  Eockwell, 
tall  and  military-looking,  with  large  features 
and  a  moustache  just  turning  gray,  stood  at 
one  corner  of  the  head  of  the  bed,  and  Gen- 
eral Swaim,  short  and  stout  and  robust  in 
appearance,  stood  at  the  other.  Dr.  Bliss 
stood  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the  bed,  near 
the  President's  head,  almost  touching  Colo- 
nel Eockwell,  and  Mrs.  Garfield's  position 
was  immediately  opposite,  on  the  left-hand 
side,  very  near  to  General  Swaim.  Dr. 
Agnew  w^as  also  on  the  right-hand  side,  a 


OF    THE   PRESIDENT.  21 

little  below  Dr.  Bliss.  Mrs.  Eockwell  was 
at  the  foot  of  the  bed,  a  little  to  the  left, 
and  Master  Rockwell  stood  a  little  at  her 
back.  Mollie  Garfield,  with  her  face  in  her 
pocket-handkerchief,  and  with  Lnlii  Eock- 
well's  arm  around  her  waist,  stood  on  the 
line  between  the  I'ight-hand  corner  of  the 
foot  of  the  bed  and  the  north-eastern  angle 
of  the  room,  which  contains  a  high  dresser 
over  a  large  old-fashioned  fireplace.  Private 
Secretary  Brown  stood  on  the  line  of  the  foot 
of  the  bed,  back  toward  the  wall,  and  the 
colored  waiter  stood  in  the  doorway,  which 
is  in  the  north-west  corner.  Everything  was 
to  some  extent  duplicated  by  reflection  in 
the  plate-glass  mirror-door  of  a  wardrobe  a 
little  at  one  side  from  the  south-west  angle 
of  the  room.  The  ladies  in  the  room  had 
hastily  dressed,  and  wore  wraps  thrown 
loosely  across  their  shoulders.  Every  one 
was  standing  up,  and,  with  the  exception 
of  Mollie  Garfield,  for  a  time  every  one's 
gaze  was  fastened  on  the  patient's  face, 
watching  the  shadows  steal  across  it.  No 
word  was  spoken  until  Dr.  Bliss,  after  stoop- 
ing down  and  feeling  for  the  pulse  and  pla- 
cing; his  ear  ascainst  the  heart,  crossed  the 
hands  on  the  then  inanimate  breast,  arose, 
lifted  his  right  hand,  pointing  upward  as 
toward  a  spirit  that  had  taken  flight,  and 
turning  his  back  upon  the  bed  stood  with 


22  DUTIES    AND    PRIVILEGES 

folded  arms.  As  Mrs.  Garfield  dropped  up- 
on her  knees  by  the  bedside  every  one  with- 
drew, leaving  her  and  her  daughter  there 
alone. 

The  arrangements  for  the  funeral  were 
prepared  under  the  supervision  of  the  Attor- 
ney-General, Hon.  Wayne  McYeagh.  It  was 
decided  to  leave  Elberon  on  the  morning  ot 
the  21st,  on  the  special  train  that  had 
brought  the  President  and  his  family  to 
Long  Branch.  Upon  reaching  Washington 
the  remains  were  conducted  to  the  Capitol, 
where  they  laid  in  state  in  the  rotunda  until 
the  23d,  w^hen  the  special  train  conveyed 
them  direct  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  there  to  re- 
main in  state  until  Monday,  the  26th,  when 
they  w^ere  buried  in  Lake  Yiew'  Cemetery, 
the  spot  chosen  for  the  interment. 

The  funeral  was  one  of  the  grandest  and 
most  imposing  ever  witnessed  in  the  United 
States.  All  along  the  route  immense  crowds 
gathered  in  the  streets  and  at  the  stations. 
From  the  moment  the  funeral  train  left 
Long  Branch  until  its  arrival  at  Cleveland 
it  passed  throuo:h  an  almost  steadv  line  of 
people.  The  expressions  of  grief  w^ere  uni- 
versal. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  President 
Garfield,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  pres- 
ent at  Elberon  united  in  the  following  tele- 
gram to  the  Yice-President : 


OF    THE    PRESIDENT.  23 

"Hon.  Chester  A.  Authur, 

"No.  123  Lexington  Ave.,  New  York: 
"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform 
you  of  the  death  of  President  Garfield,  and 
to  advise  you  to  take  the  oath  of  office  with- 
out delay.  If  it  concurs  with  your  judgment, 
we  will  be  very  glad  if  you  will  come  down 
on  the  earliest  train  to-morrow  morning. 

"William  Windom, 
"Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"William  H.  Hunt, 
'  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

"Thomas  L.  James, 
"  Postmaster-General. 

"Wayne  McYeagii, 
"Attorney-General. 

"L.  J.  KiRKWOOD, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Interior." 

The  Yice-President  immediately  replied  as 
follows: 

"New  York,  September  19. 

"Hon.  Wayne  MacYeagh, 

"  Attorne^^-General,  Long  Branch: 
"I  have  your  telegram,  and  the  intelli- 
gence fills  me  with  profound  sorrow.    Expi-ess 
to  Mrs.  Garfield  my  deepest  sympathies. 

"Chester  A.  Arthur." 


24  DUTIES   AND    PKIVILEGES 

In  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the 
Cabinet,  General  Arthur  decided  to  take  the 
oath  without  dehay,  and  Judges  Brady  and 
Donohoe,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  were  at  once  sent  for.  Judge 
Brady  arrived  at  the  residence  of  the  Vice- 
President,  in  company  with  Messrs.  Rollins 
and  Root,  at  ten  minutes  before  two,  but  the 
ceremony  was,  out  of  courtesy,  deferred  until 
Judge  Donohoe's'  arrival,  at  a  little  after  two 
o'clock,  with  ex-Commissioner  French.  On 
Judge  Donohoe's  arrival  General  Arthur  rose 
from  his  seat  in  the  libraiy  and  advanced  to 
the  front  parlor.  It  is  a  large  room.  The 
carpet  is  soft  and  deep  and  of  a  dark  tint. 
Heavy  curtains  to  match  the  carpeting  hang 
from  the  large  French  windows.  Oil  paint- 
ings by  old  masters  hang  from  the  walls. 
Despatches,  books  and  writing  materials 
were  scattered  over  the  large  table  that 
stands  in  the  centre.  General  Aithur  stood 
behind  this  table,  facing  the  window.  He 
had  regained  his  composure,  and  his  eye 
was  clear  and  his  manner  dignified.  The 
gas  in  the  library  was  burning  dimly,  and 
his  fine,  tall  form  stood  out  grandly  from  the 
dark  background.  Old  allegorical  pictures 
loomed  out  from  the  darkness — pictures  of 
conquests  and  of  triumphs,  of  defeat  and 
despair — and  above  all  was  the  white  mar- 
ble bust  of  Henry  Clay.    Judge  Brady  stood 


OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  25 

on  the  other  side  of  the  table,  facing  General 
Arthur.  Grouped  around  the  two  men  were 
Judge  Donohoe,  Elihu  Root,  Commissioner 
French,  Daniel  G.  Rollins  and  General  Ar- 
thur's son.  Judge  Brady  slowly  advanced  a 
step,  and  slowly  raised  his  right  hand.  Gen- 
eral Arthur  did  likewise.  A  moment  of  im- 
pressive silence  follow^ed.  General  Arthur's 
features  were  almost  fixed.  Then  Judge 
Brady  administered  the  oath.  General  Ar- 
thur, speaking  in  a  clear,  ringing  voice,  said : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully 
execute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my  ability 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States." 

After  this  he  remained  standing  a  moment 
longer,  his  hand  still  raised.  No  one  spoke, 
nor  did  the  President  afterward  give  ex- 
pression to  any  emotion. 

Soon  after  this  President  Arthur  sent  the 
following  telegram  to  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet : 

"New  York,  September  20. 

"I  have  your  message  announcing  the 
death  of  President  Garfield.  Permit  me  to 
renew  through  you  the  expression  of  sorrow 
and  sympathy  which  I  have  already  tele- 
graphed to  Attorney-General  MacYeagh.  In 
accordance   with    your   suggestion,    I   have 

33 


26  DUTIES   AND   PKIVILEGES 

taken  the  oath  of  office  as  President  before 
the  Hon.  John  K.  Brady,  Justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  State  of  New  York.  I 
will  soon  advise  you  further  in  regard  to  the 
other  suggestion  in  your  telegram. 

"C."a.  Arthur." 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  Presi- 
dent Arthur  left  New  York  for  Long  Branch. 
He  reached  that  place  at  1.15  p.  m.,  and 
drove  at  once  to  Attorney- General  Mac- 
Yeagh's  cottage.  After  an  informal  confer- 
ence with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the 
President  walked  over  to  Elberon  Cottasie 
and  left  a  card  of  sympathy  for  Mrs.  Gar- 
field. He  then  returned  to  New  York.  On 
the  21st  he  again  returned  to  Long  Branch, 
took  part  in  the  funeral  ceremonies  at  Elbe- 
ron, and  accompanied  the  funeral  train  to 
Washington,  where  he  became  the  guest  of 
Senator  Jones.  During  the  remainder  of  the 
day  and  evening  he  remained  in  strict  seclu- 
sion. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet  repaired  to  the  resi- 
dence of  Senator  Jones  to  call  on  the  Presi- 
dent. During  the  forenoon  a  number  of  the 
members  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress 
called  to  pay  their  respects.  This  was  ended 
at  half-past  eleven,  and  a  little  later  the 
President  and  Cabinet  went  over  to  the  east 


OF   THE   PRESIDENT.  27 

front  of  the  Senate  wing  of  the  Capitol, 
which  they  entered,  then  went  directly  to 
the  room  of  the  Vice-President,  the  niagniti- 
cent  marble  chamber  north  of  the  Senate 
Chamber.  When  they  went  in,  nobody  out- 
side of  their  circle  who  saw  them  seemed  to: 
know  what  was  on  foot.  It  was  not  until 
the  Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  clad 
in  his  dark  robes  of  oflftce,  was  seen  ap- 
proaching from  the  main  corridor  that  it  was 
guessed  that  the  President  was  about  to  go 
through  the  formality  of  taking  the  oath  of 
office  as  President  at  the  hands  of  the  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  This  was 
considered  but  a  formality,  as  Mr.  Arthur 
had  been  swoi'n  in  New  York  early  on  Tues-^ 
day  morning.  It  was  thought  by  the  Cabi- 
net, however,  that  it  would  be  as  well  to: 
follow  a  custom  which  had  been  established 
by  having  the  oath  administered  by  the 
highest  judicial  officer  in  the  country.  The 
scene  when  the  oath  was  taken  was  impres- 
sive in  the  extreme.  At  the  right  of  the 
President  stood  Senator  Jones  and  Speaker 
Sharpe,  of  New  York.  Ex-President  Haye» 
was  a  conspicuous  figure  well  in  the  fore- 
ground, with  General  Grant  but  a  few  steps 
behind.  All  of  the  Cabinet  were  present. 
Of  the  Senators  there  were  present  Hale, 
Jones,  Sherman,  Dawes  and  Anthony,  and 
Kepresentatives  Hiscock,  McCook,  Townsend 


28  DUTIES   AND   PEIVILEGES 

and  others.  During  the  ceremony  ex-Presi- 
dent Hayes  sat  near  ex-President  Grant. 
The  administration  of  tlie  oath  was  followed 
by  the  President's  brief  inaugural,  which  he 
read  from  manuscript. 

Secretary  Blaine  was  the  first  one  to  grasp 
the  President's  hand  when  he  had  finished 
reading  his  address.  The  Secretary  was 
followed  by  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  by 
others  present.  There  were  about  forty  wit- 
nesses in  the  room.  An  important  Cabinet 
meeting  followed  the  ceremonies.  This  meet- 
ing lasted  nearly  an  hour.  The  first  official 
act  of  the  new  President  was  then  performed. 
It  was  the  issuance  of  a  proclamation  desig- 
nating Monday,  September  26th,  as  a  day  of 
humiliation  and  prayer  on  account  of  the 
death  of  the  late  President.  The  members 
of  the  Cabinet  then  one  after  another  ten- 
dered their  resioniations.  This  formality  was 
expected.  The  President  made  no  intima- 
tion as  to  whether  they  would  or  would  not 
be  accepted.  He  simj)ly  asked  them  to  con- 
tinue to  administer  the  business  of  their 
respective  departments. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  President  Ar- 
thur attended  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  his 
martyred  predecessor,  and  accompanied  the 
remains  to  the  railway  station.  It  was  his 
wish  to  go  with  the  funeral  party  to  Cleve- 
land, but  in  view  of  the  fact  that  a  railway 


OF   THE   PEESIDENT.  29 

journey  of  such  length  is  always  dangerous, 
and  that  an  attempt  might  be  made  upon 
his  life  by  some  fanatic,  and  that  in  the 
event  of  his  death  the  country  would  be 
without  an  official  head,  there  being  no 
Vice-President,  President  of  the  Senate,  or 
Speaker  of  the  House,  the  Cabinet  advised 
him  to  remain  in  Washington,  and  he  con- 
sented to  do  so. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  President  Ar- 
thur issued  his  proclamation  summoning  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  to  convene  in 
extraordinary  session  on  the  10th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1881. 


30  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

WHAT  IT  COSTS  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  LIVE. 

The  official  salary  of  the  President  is  tixed 
by  law  at  tifty  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
or  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  his  term 
of  four  years.  At  the  beginning  of  each 
term  Congress  makes  an  appropriation  for 
refurnishing  the  Executive  Mansion.  The 
kitchen  and  pantry  are  supplied  to  a  consid- 
erable extent  by  the  same  body.  Congress 
pays  all  the  employees  about  the  house,  from 
the  private  secretary  to  the  humblest  boot- 
black ;  it  provides  fuel  and  lights ;  keeps  up 
tlie  stables;  and  furnishes  a  corps  of  gar- 
deners and  a  garden  to  supply  the  Presiden- 
tial board  with  fruits,  flowers,  and  vegetables. 
Many  persons  suppose  that  these  allowances 
ought  to  be  enough  to  enable  him  to  live 
comfortably.  They  are  mistaken,  however. 
The  President  is  required  by  public  opinion 
to  live  in  a  style  consistent  with  the  dignity 
of  his  position  and  the  honor  of  the  country, 
and  such  a  mode  of  life  imposes  upon  him 
many  very  heavy  expenses.  Besides  this, 
he  is  expected  to  be  liberal  and  charitable 
towards  persons  and  meritorious  causes  seek- 
ing his  aid,  and  "their  name  is  legion."  He 
cannot  give  as  a  private  individual;  his  do- 
nation must  be  large.  The  expense  of  en- 
tertaining the  various  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment,  members   of  Congress,   and   Foreign 


THE    WHITE   HOUSE.  31 

Ministers,  is  enormous.  One  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  per  annum  would  not  be  too 
much  to  allow  him. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  VISITORS. 

Access  to  the  President  may  be  easily  had 
by  any  person  having  legitimate  business 
with  him,  or  wishing  to  pay  his  respects  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  but,  as 
His  Excellency's  time  is  valuable  and  much 
occupied,  interviews  are  limited  to  the  short- 
est possible  duration.  Visitors,  upon  such 
occasions,  repair  to  the  reception-room  ad- 
joining the  President's  private  office,  send 
in  their  cards,  and  await  His  Excellency's 
pleasure. 

Besides  granting  these  private  interviews, 
the  President  holds  public  receptions  or 
levees  at  stated  times  during  the  sessions  of 
Congress. 

His  official  title  is  "Mr.  President,"  but 
courtesy  has  added  that  of  "His  Excellency." 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  none  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive officers  of  the  States  of  the  Union, 
except  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  have 
any  legal  claim  to  the  titles  "His  Excel- 
lency" and  "Your  Excellency." 

All  sorts  of  people  come  to  see  the  Presi- 
dent, on  all  sorts  of  business.  His  immense 
patronage  makes  him  the  object  of  the 
efforts  of  many  unprincipled  men.     His  in- 


32  THE   WHITE    HOUSE. 

tegrity  is  subjected  to  the  severest  trials 
and  if  he  come  out  of  office  poor,  as  happily 
all  of  our  Presidents  have  don€,  he  must  in- 
deed be  an  honest  man.  His  position  is  not 
a  bed  of  roses,  for  he  cannot  hope  to  please 
all  parties.  His  friends  exaggerate  his  good 
qualities,  and  often  make  him  appear  ridicu- 
lous, while  his  enemies  magnify  his  faults 
and  errors,  and  slander  and  persecute  him 
in  every  imaginable  way.  Pitfalls  are  set 
for  him  along  every  step  of  his  path,  and  he 
must  be  wary  indeed  if  he  would  not  fall 
into  them.  The  late  President  Buchanan 
once  said  that  there  were  at  least  two  per- 
sons in  the  world  who  could  not  echo  the 
wish  experienced  by  each  American  mother, 
that  her  son  might  one  day  be  President, 
and  that  they  were  the  retiring  and  the  in- 
coming Presidents,  the  first  of  whom  was 
worn  and  wxary  with  the  burden  he  was  lay- 
ing down,  and  the  other  for  the  first  time 
fully  alive  to  the  magnitude  of  the  task  he 
had  undertaken. 

CABINET  MEETINGS. 
The  Cabinet  Ministers  in  our  Government 
are  the  Secretaries  placed  at  the  heads  of 
the  various  Departments.  They  are  the 
constitutional  advisers  of  the  President,  but 
he  is  not  obliged  to  be  governed  by  their 
advice.     It  is  customary,  however,  to  lay  all 


THE   WHITE    HOUSE.  S3 

important  matters  before  them  for  tlieii' 
opinions  thereupon,  which  are  submitted  in 
writing  at  the  request  of  the  President,  and 
for  this  purpose  reguhvr  meetings  of  the 
Cabinet  are  held  at  stated  times  in  a  room 
in  the  Executive  Mansion,  provided  for  that 
purpose.  It  is  located  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  mansion,  and  is  plainly  but  comfortably 
furnished. 

The  relations  existing  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet  are,  or  ought  to  be,  of 
the  most  friendly  and  confidential  nature. 
They  are  well  set  forth  in  the  attitude  main- 
tained upon  this  point  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  Says 
Mr.  Raymond,  his  biographer:  "He  always 
maintained  that  the  proper  duty  of  each 
Secretary  was  to  direct  the  details  of  every- 
thing done  within  his  ow^n  Department,  and 
to  tender  such  suggestions,  information,  and 
advice  to  the  President  as  he  might  solicit 
at  his  hands.  But  the  duty  and  responsi- 
bility of  deciding  what  line  of  policy  should 
be  pursued,  or  what  steps  should  be  taken 
in  any  specific  case,  in  his  judgment,  be- 
longed exclusively  to  the  President ;  and  he 
was  always  willing  and  ready  to  assume  it." 

THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

The  Executive  Mansion  is  situated  on 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  near  the  western  end 


34  THE    WHITE   HOUSE. 

of  tlie  city,  and  is  surrounded  by  the  Treas- 
ury, State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments. 
The  gi'ounds  in  front  are  handsomely  orna- 
mented, and  in  the  rear  a  fine  park  stretches 
away  to  the  rivei.  Tlie  location  is  attractive, 
and  commands  a  magnificent  view  of  the 
Potomac,  but  it  is  not  healthy.  Ague  and 
fever  prevails  in  the  Spring  and  Fall,  and 
renders  it  anything  but  a  desirable  place  of 
residence.  The  building  is  constructed  of 
freestone  painted  white  —  hence  its  most 
common  name,  the  "White  House."  It  was 
designed  by  James  Hoban,  and  was  modeled 
after  the  palace  of  the  duke  of  Leinster. 
The  corner-stone  was  laid  on  the  13th  of 
October,  1792,  and  the  house  was  ready  for 
occupancy  in  the  Summer  of  1800.  It  was 
partially  destroyed  by  the  British  in  1814. 
It  has  a  front  of  one  hundred  and  seventy 
feet,  and  a  depth  of  eighty-six  feet.  It  con- 
tains two  lofty  stoi'ies  of  rooms,  and  the  roof 
is  surrounded  with  a  handsome  balustrade. 
The  exterior  walls  are  ornamented  with  fine 
Ionic  pilasters.  On  the  north  front  is  a 
handsome  portico,  with  four  Ionic  columns 
in  front,  and  a  projecting  screen  with  three 
columns.  The  space  between  these  two  rows 
of  pillars  is  a  covered  carriage  way.  The 
main  entrance  to  the  house  is  from  this  por- 
tico through  a  massive  doorway,  which  opens 
into  the  main  hall.     The  garden  front  has  a 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  35 

rusticated  basement,  which  gives  a  third 
story  to  the  house  on  this  side,  and  by  a 
semi-circular  projecting  colonnade  of  six 
columns,  with  two  flights  of  steps,  leading 
from  the  ground  to  the  level  of  the  principal 
story. 

THE  INTERIOR  OF  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Entering  by  the  main  door,  the  visitor 
finds  himself  in  a  handsome  hall,  divided 
midway  by  a  row  of  imitation  marble  pil- 
lars, and  ornamented  with  portraits  of  former 
Presidents.  Passing  to  the  left,  you  enter 
the  magnificent  banqueting  hall,  or,  as  it  is 
commonly  called, 

THE  EAST  ROOM, 
w^hich  occupies  the  entire  eastern  side  of  the 
house.  It  is  a  beautiful  apartment,  and  is 
handsomely  furnished.  It  is  used  during 
the  levees  and  upon  great  State  occasions. 
The  President  sometimes  receives  here  the 
congratulations  and  respects  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  is  subjected  to  the  torture  ot 
having  his  hand  squeezed  out  of  shape  by 
his  enthusiastic  friends.  It's  a  great  pity 
that  some  one  of  our  Chief  Ma2;istrates  has 
not  the  moral  courage  to  put  a  stop  to  this 
ridiculous  practice  of  hand-shaking.  The 
East  Koom  is  eighty-six  feet  long,  forty  feet 
wide,  and  twenty-eight  feet  high.    It  has  four 


36  THE    VVHITE    HOUSE. 

fire-places,  and  is  not  an  easy  room  to  warm. 
Adjoining  the  East  Room  are  three  others, 
smaller  in  size,  the  whole  constituting  one  oi 
the  handsomest  suites  in  the  country.  The 
first,  adjoining  the  East  Eoom,  is  the  G^^een 
Room,  the  next  the  Blue  Room,  and  the 
third  the  Red  Room.  Each  is  handsomely 
furnished,  the  prevailing  color  of  the  apart- 
ment giving  the  name. 

THE  RED  ROOM 
is  elliptical  in  form,  having  a  bow  in  rear, 
and  is  one  of  the  handsomest  in  the  house. 
It  is  used  by  the  President  as  a  general  re- 
ception-room. He  receives  here  the  official 
visits  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  Eepublic,  and 
of  foreign  ministers.  Previous  to  the  com- 
pletion of  the  East  Room,  this  apartment 
was  used  for  all  occasions  of  public  cere 
mony. 

The  building  contains  thirty-one  rooms  ol 
considerable  size.  West  of  the  Red  Room  is 
the  large  dining-room  used  upon  State  occa- 
sions, and  adjoining  that  is  the  small  dining- 
room  ordinarily  used  by  the  President  and 
his  family.  The  stairs  to  the  upper  story  are 
on  the  left  of  the  main  entrance,  and  are 
always  in  charge  of  the  door-keeper  and 
his  assistants,  whose  business  it  is  to  see 
that  no  improper  characters  find  access  to 
the  private  portion  of  the  house. 


THE   WHITE    HOUSE.  37 

The  north  front  has  six  rooms,  which  are 
used  as  chambers  by  the  famil}^  of  tlie  Presi- 
dent, and  the  south  front  has  seven  rooms — 
the  ante-chamber,  audience-room,  cabinet- 
room,  private  office  of  the  President,  the 
ladies'  parlor,  and  two  others,  used  for  vari- 
ous purposes. 

THE  LADIES'  PARLOR 

is  situated  immediately  over  the  Bed  Eoom, 
and  is  of  tlie  same  size  and  shape.  It  is 
for  the  private  use  of  the  ladies  of  the  Pres- 
ident's family,  and  is  the  handsomest  and 
most  tastefully  furnished  apartment  in  the 
house. 

There  are  eleven  rooms  in  the  basement, 
which  are  used  as  kitchens,  pantries,  but- 
ler's room,  &c.  The  house  is  built  in  the 
old  style,  and  has  an  air  of  elegance  and 
comfort  extremely  pleasing  to  the  eye. 

FIRST  MISTRESS  OF  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Mrs.  John  Adams  came  to  Washington 
with  her  husband  in  November,  1800,  and 
at  once  took  possession  of  the  Executive 
Mansion.  Her  impressions  of  it  are  thus 
described  by  herself  in  a  letter  to  her 
daughter,  written  soon  after  her  arrival. 
She  says : 

''The  house  is  upon  a  grand  and  superb 
scale,   requiring   about    thirty   servants   to 


38  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

attend  and  keep  the  apartments  in  proper 
order,  and  perform  the  ordinary  business  of 
the  house  and  stables — an  establishment 
very  well  proportioned  to  the  President's 
salary.  The  lighting  the  apartments,  from 
the  kitchen  to  parlors  and  chambers,  is  a 
tax  indeed,  and  the  fires  we  are  obliged  to 
keep  to  secure  us  from  daily  agues  is  an- 
other very  cheering  comfort.  To  assist  us 
in  this  great  castle,  and  render  less  attend- 
ance necessary,  bells  are  wholly  wanting, 
not  one  single  one  being  hung  through  the 
whole  house,  and  promises  are  all  you  can 
obtain.  This  is  so  great  an  inconvenience, 
that  I  know  not  what  to  do  or  how  to  do. 
The  ladies  from  Georgetown  and  in  the 
€ity  have  many  of  them  visited  me.  Yes- 
terday I  returned  fifteen  visits.  But  such 
a  place  as  Georgetown  ai)pears !  Why,  our 
Milton  is  beautiful.  But  no  comparisons; 
if  they  put  me  up  bells,  and  let  me  have 
wood  enough  to  keep  fires,  I  design  to  be 
pleased.  But,  surrounded  with  forests,  can 
you  believe  that  wood  is  not  to  be  had;  be- 
cause people  cannot  be  found  to  cut  and 
cart  it?  .  .  .  We  have  indeed,  come  into 
a  neiv  country. 

"The  house  is  made  habitable,  but  there 
is  not  a  single  apartment  finished,  and  all 
within-side,  except  the  plastering,  has  been 
done  since  B.  came.     We  have  not  the  least 


THE    WHITE   HOUSE.  39 

fence.,  yard,  or  convenience  without,  and  the 
great  unfinished  audience-room  I  make  a 
drying-room  of,  to  hang  up  the  clothes  in. 
.  .  .If  the  twelve  years,  in  which  this 
place  has  been  considered  as  the  future  seat 
of  government,  had  been  improved,  as  they 
would  have  been  in  New  England,  very 
many  of  the  present  inconveniences  would 
have  been  removed.  It  is  a  beautiful  spot, 
capable  of  any  improvement,  and  the  more 
I  view  it,  the  more  I  am  delighted  with  it." 

OLD  TIMES  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Mr.  Cooper  thus  describes  a  dinner  at  the 
White  House,  to  which  he  was  invited, 
during  its  occupancy  by  Mr.  Monroe : 

"  On  this  occasion,  we  were  honored  with 
the  presence  of  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  two  or 
three  of  her  female  relatives.  Crossing  the 
hall,  we  wei'e  admitted  to  a  drawing-room, 
in  which  most  of  the  company  were  already 
assembled.  The  hour  was  six.  By  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  guests  were  men,  and 
perhaps  two-thirds  were  members  of  Con- 
gress. .  .  .  There  was  very  great  gravity 
of  mien  in  most  of  the  company,  and  neither 
any  very  marked  exhibition,  nor  any  posi- 
tively striking  want  of  grace  of  manner. 
The  conversation  was  commonplace,  and  a 
little  sombre,  though  two  or  three  men  of  the 
world  got  around  the  ladies,  where  the  bat- 


40  THE    WHITE    HOUSE. 

tie  of  words  was  iimintained  witli  sufficient 
spirit.  ...  To  me  the  entertainment  had 
rather  a  cold  than  a  formal  air.  When  dinner 
was  announced,  the  oldest  Senator  present 
(there  were  two,  and  seniority  of  service  is 
meant)  took  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  led  her  to 
the  table.  The  rest  of  the  party  followed 
without  much  order.  The  President  took  a 
lady,  as  usual,  and  preceded  the  rest  of  the 
guests. 

"The  drawing-room  was  an  apartment  of 
good  size,  and  of  just  proportions.  It  might 
have  been  about  as  large  as  the  better  sort 
of  Paris  salon  in  a  private  hotel.  It  was 
furnished  in  a  mixed  style,  partly  English 
and  partly  French.  ...  It  was  neat, 
sufficiently  rich,  ^N'ithout  being  at  all  mag- 
nificent, and,  on  the  whole,  was  very  much 
like  a  similar  apartment  in  the  house  of  a 
man  of  rank  and  fortune  in  Europe.  The 
dining-room  was  in  a  better  taste  than  is 
common  here,  being  quite  simple,  and  but 
little  furnished.  The  table  was  large  and 
rather  handsome.  The  service  was  in  china, 
as  is  nniformly  the  case,  plate  being  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  if  at  all  used.  There  was, 
however,  a  rich  plateau,  and  a  great  abun- 
dance of  the  smaller  articles  of  table-plate. 
The  cloth,  napkins,  &c.,  &c.,  were  fine  and 
beautiful. 

"The  dinner  was  served  in  the  French 


THE   WHITE    HOUSE.  41 

style,  a  little  Americanized.  Tlie  ditshes 
were  handed  round,  though  some  of  the 
guests,  appearing  to  prefer  their  o\Yn  cus- 
toms, coolly  helped  themselves  to  what  they 
found  at  hand.  Of  attendants  there  were  a 
good  many.  They  were  neatly  dressed,  out 
of  livery,  and  sufficient.  To  conclude,  the 
whole  entertainment  might  have  passed  lot 
a  better  sort  of  European  dinner-party,  at 
which  the  guests  were  too  numei'ous  for 
general  or  very  agreeable  discourse,  and 
some  of  them  too  new  to  be  entirely  at  their 
ease.  Mrs.  Monroe  arose,  at  the  end  of  the- 
dessert,  and  withdrew,  attended  by  two  or 
three  of  the  most  gallant  of  the  company.. 
No  sooner  was  his  wife's  back  turned^  than 
the  President  reseated  himself,  inviting  his 
guests  to  imitate  the  action.  After  allowing 
his  guests  sufficient  time  to  renew,  in  a  few 
glasses,  the  recollections  of  similar  enjoy- 
ments of  their  own,  he  arose  himself,  giving 
the  hint  to  his  company,  that  it  was  time  to 
rejoin  the  ladies.  In  the  drawing-room, 
coffee  was  served,  and  everybody  left  the 
house  before  nine." 

AN  OLD-TIME  LEVEE. 

**0n  the  succeeding  Wednesday,  Mrs. 
Monroe  opened  her  doors  to  all  the  world. 
No  invitation  was  necessary,  it  being  the 
usage  for  the  wife  of  the  Piesident  to  receive 

34 


42  THE   WHITE    HOUSE. 

coinp.any  once  a  fortnight  during  the  session, 
witliout  distinction  of  persons. 

"We  reached  the  White  Honse  at  nine. 
The  court  (or  rather  the  grounds)  was  filled 
with  carriages,  and  the  company  was  arriv- 
ing in  great  numbers.  On  this  occasion  two 
or  three  additional  drawing-rooms  were 
opened,  though  the  frugality  of  Congress  has 
prevented  them  from  finishing  the  principal 
reception-room  of  the  building.  I  will  ac- 
knowledge the  same  sort  of  surprise  I  felt  at 
the  Castle  Garden /e^e,  at  finding  the  assem- 
blage so  respectable  in  air,  dress  and  de- 
portment. 

"The  evening  at  the  White  House,  or 
drawing-room,  as  it  is  sometimes  pleasantly 
called,  is,  in  fact,  a  collection  of  all  classes 
of  })eople,  w^ho  choose  to  go  to  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  appearing  in  dresses  suited 
to  an  ordinary  evening  party.  I  am  not  sure 
that  even  dress  is  much  regarded;  for  I  cer- 
tainly saw  a  good  many  there  in  boots.  The 
females  were  all  neatly  and  properly  attired, 
though  few  were  ornamented  with  jewelry. 
Of  course,  the  poor  and  laboring  classes  of 
the  community  would  find  little  or  no  pleas- 
ure in  such  a  scene.  They  consequently  stay 
away.  The  infamous,  if  known,  would  not 
be  admitted;  for  it  is  a  peculiar  consequence 
-of  the  high  tone  of  morals  in  this  country, 
tthat   grave   and   notorious  offenders   rarely 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  43 

presume  to  violate  the  public  feeling  by  in- 
vading society.* 

"  Squeezing  through  the  crowd,  we  achieved 
a  passage  to  a  part  of  the  room  where  Mrs. 
Monroe  was  standing,  surrounded  by  a  bevy 
of  female  friends.  After  making  our  bow 
here,  we  sought  the  President.  The  latter 
had  posted  himself  at  the  top  of  the  room, 
where  he  remained  most  of  the  evening, 
shaking  hands  with  all  who  approached. 
Near  him  stood  all  the  Secretaries  and  a 
great  number  of  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  the  nation.  Individuals  of  importance 
from  all  parts  of  the  Union  were  also  here, 
and  were  employed  in  the  manner  usual  to 
such  scenes. 

"Besides  these,  one  meets  here  a  great 
variety  of  people  in  other  conditions  of  life. 
I  have  known  a  cartman  to  leave  his  horse 
in  the  street,  and  go  into  the  reception-room 
to  shake  hands  with  the  President.  He 
offended  the  good  taste  of  all  present,  be- 
cause it  was  not  thought  decent  that  a 
laborer  should  come  in  a  dirty  dress  on  such 
an  occasion;  but  while  he  made  a  trifling 
mistake  in  this  particular,  he  proved  how 
well  he  understood  the  difference  between 
government  and  society.  He  knew  the  levee 
was  a  sort  of  homage  paid  to  political  equal- 
ity in  the  person  of  the  first  magistrate,  but 

*  Thifi  was  over  sixty  years  ago.—  Author . 


44  THE    WHITE    HOUSE. 

he  would  not  have  presumed  to  enter  the 
house  of  the  same  person  as  a  private  indi- 
vidual, without  being  invited,  or  without  a 
reasonable  excuse  in  the  way  of  business. 

"There  are,  no  doubt,  individuals  who  mis- 
take the  character  of  these  assemblies,  but 
the  great  majority  do  not.  They  are  a  sim- 
ple, periodical  acknowledgment  that  there  is 
no  legal  barrier  to  the  advancement  of  any 
one  to  the  first  association  in  the  Union. 
You  perceive,  there  are  no  masters  of  cere- 
monies, no  ushers,  no  announcings,  nor,  in- 
deed, any  let  or  hindrance  to  the  ingress  of 
all  who  please  to  come;  and  yet  how  few,  in 
comparison  to  the  whole  number  who  might 
enter,  do  actually  appear.  If  there  is  any 
man  in  Washington  so  dull  as  to  suppose 
equality  means  a  right  to  thrust  himself  into 
any  company  he  pleases,  it  is  probable  he 
satisfies  himself  by  boasting  that  he  can  go 
to  the  White  House  once  a  fortnight,  as  well 
as  a  governor  or  anybody  else." 

ETIQUETTE. 

The  social  observances  of  the  White  House 
are  prescribed  with  the  utmost  exactness. 
At  the  commencement  of  Washington's  ad- 
ministration, the  question  of  how  to  regulate 
such  matters  was  discussed  with  great  earn- 
estness. It  was  agreed  that  the  exclusive 
rules  by  which  European  courts  were  gov- 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  45 

erned  would  uot  entirely  suit  the  new  Re- 
public, as  there  were  no  titled  personages  in 
America,  and  as  the  society  of  our  country 
was  organized  on  a  professed  basis  of  equal- 
ity. TVashington  caused  the  following  arti- 
cles to  be  drawn  up: 

"In  order  to  bring  the  members  of  society 
together  in  the  first  instance,  the  custom  of 
the  country  has  established  that  residents 
shall  pay  the  first  yisit  to  strangers,  and, 
among  strangers,  first  comers  to  later  comers, 
foreign  and  domestic ;  the  character  of  stran- 
ger ceasing  after  the  first  yisit.  To  this  rule 
there  is  a  single  exception.  Foreign  minis- 
ters, from  the  necessity  of  making  them- 
selyes  known,  pa}'  the  first  yisit  to  the 
[cabinet]  ministers  of  the  nation,  which  is 
returned. 

"When  brought  together  in  society,  all  are 
perfectly  equal,  whether  foreign  or  domestic, 
titled  or  untitled,  in  or  out  of  office. 

"All  other  obseryances  are  but  exempli- 
fications of  these  two  principles. 

"The  families  of  foreign  ministers,  arriying 
at  the  seat  of  goyernment,  receiye  the  fir>t 
yisit  from  those  of  the  national  ministers,  as 
from  all  other  residents. 

"Members  of  the  legislatui-e  and  of  the 
judiciary,  independent  of  their  oflices,  haye 
a  right,  as  strangers,  to  receiye  the  first 
visit. 


46  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 

"No  title  being  admitted  here,  those  of 
foreigners  give  no  precedence. 

"  Differences  of  grade  among  the  diplo- 
matic members  give  no  precedence. 

"  At  public  ceremonies  to  which  the  gov- 
ernment invites  the  presence  of  foreign  min- 
isters and  their  families,  a  convenient  seat 
or  station  will  be  provided  for  them,  with 
any  other  strangers  invited,  and  the  families 
of  the  national  ministers,  each  taking  place 
as  they  arrive,  and  without  any  precedence. 

"To  maintain  the  principle  of  equality,  or 
of  j9e/e  mele,  and  prevent  the  growth  of  pre- 
cedence out  of  courtesy,  the  members  of  the 
executive  will  practise  at  their  own  houses 
and  recommend  an  adherence  to  the  ancient 
usage  of  the  country,  of  gentlemen  in  mass 
giving  precedence  to  the  ladies  in  mass,  in 
passing  from  one  apartment  where  they  are 
assembled  into  another." 

These  rules  w^ere  too  arbitrary  and  exact- 
ing to  give  satisfaction,  and  society  was  not 
disposed  to  acknowledge  so  genuine  an 
equality  amongst  its  members.  For  some 
years,  disputes  and  quarrels  were  frequent 
and  bitter.  In  the  winter  of  1819,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  then  Secretary  of  State,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,,  the 
Vice-President,  stating  that  he  had  been 
informed  that  the  members  of  the  Senate 
had  agreed  amongst  themselves  to  pay  no 


THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  47 

first  visits  to  any  person  except  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  He  dechired 
that  he  repudiated  the  claim  on  tlie  part  of 
the  Senators,  and  that  he  Avould  pay  no  first 
calls  himself  as  being  due  from  him  or  his 
family.  Mr.  Adams  was  severely  criticised 
for  his  aristocratic  views,  and  the  contro- 
versy went  on  as  warmly  as  before.  The 
result,  a  few  years  later,  was,  that  all 
parties  interested  agreed  upon  a  code,  which 
is  now  in  force,  and  which  may  be  stated  as 
follows,  as  far  as  the  White  House  is  con- 
cerned : 

THE  CODE. 

The  title  of  the  Executive  is  Mr.  Pres- 
ident. It  is  not  proper  to  address  him  in 
conversation  as  Your  Excellency. 

The  President  receives  calls  upon  matters 
of  business  at  any  hour,  if  he  is  unengaged. 
He  prefers  that  such  visits  should  be  made 
in  the  morning.  Stated  times  are  appointed 
for  receiving  persons  who  wish  to  pay  their 
respects  to  him.  One  morning  and  one 
evening  in  each  week  are  usually  set  apart 
for  this  purpose. 

During  the  winter  season,  a  public  recep- 
tion, or  levee,  is  held  once  a  week,  at  which 
guests  are  expected  to  appear  in  full  dress. 
They  are  presented  by  the  Usher  on  such 
occasions,  and  have  the   honor  of  shaking 


48  THE    WHITE   HOUSE. 

hands  with  tlie  President,  These  receptions 
hist  from  eight  until  ten  o'clock. 

On  the  1st  of  January  of  each  year,  the 
President  holds  a  public  reception,  at  which 
Hie  Foreign  Ministers  present  in  the  city 
appear  in  full  court  dress,  and  tlie  officers 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  in  full  uniform.  The 
Heads  of  Departments,  Governors  of  States, 
and  Members  of  Congress  are  received  first, 
then  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  then  the  officeis 
of  the  Army  and  Navy,  and  then  the  doors 
are  thrown  open  to  the  public  generally  for 
the  s|)ace  of  two  hours. 

The  Pi'esident,  as  such,  must  not  be  in- 
vited to  dinner  by  any  one,  and  accepts  no 
such  invitations,  and  pays  no  calls  or  visits 
of  ceremony.  He  may  visit  in  his  private 
capacity,  however,  at  pleasure. 

An  invitation  to  dine  at  the  White  House 
takes  precedence  of  all  others,  and  a  pre- 
vious engagement  must  not  be  pleaded  as 
an  excuse  foi*  declining  it.  Such  an  invita- 
tion must  be  promptly  accepted  in  writing. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  RECEPTIONS. 

The  levees  held  by  the  President  differ  in 
nothing  from  those  of  Mr.  Monroe's  time, 
described  a  few  pages  back,  except  that  the 
East  Eoom  is  now  finished,  and  the  whole 
magnificent  suite  of  apartments  is  used. 
The  elite  of  the  land  are  present,  but  tlie 


THE    WHITE    HOUSE.  49 

infamous  are  also  there  in  the  persons  of 
those  who  live  bj  plundering  the  public 
treasury. 

The  President  stands  in  one  of  the  smaller 
parlors,  generally  in  the  Red  or  Blue  Room. 
He  is  surrounded  by  his  Cabinet,  and  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  the  land.  Near 
him  stands  his  wife,  daughter,  or  some 
relative  representing  the  mistress  of  the 
mansion.  Visitors  enter  from  the  hall,  and 
are  presented  to  tlie  President  by  the  Usher, 
who  first  asks  their  names,  residences,  and 
avocations.  The  President  shakes  each  one 
by  the  liand  cordially,  utters  a  few  pleasant 
words  in  reply  to  the  greeting  of  his  guest, 
and  the  visitor  passes  on  into  the  next  room, 
to  make  way  for  those  behind  him.  Before 
doing  so,  however,  he  is  presented  to  the 
lady  of  the  house,  to  whom  he  pays  his  re- 
spects also.  This  regular  routine  goes  on 
for  the  space  of  two  hours,  when  it  is 
brought  to  an  end,  the  President  devoutly 
thankino;  Heaven  that  it  does  not  last  all 
niglit. 

These  levees  are  no  doubt  very  interesting 
to  the  guests,  but  they  are  the  bugbears  of 
tlie  President  and  his  family.  The  former  is 
jbliged  by  custom  to  shake  hands  with 
every  man  piesented  to  him,  and  when  the 
levee  is  over,  his  right  hand  is  often  bruised 
and  swollen.     It  is   said  that  some  of  the 


50  THE    WHITE    HOUSE. 

Presidents  have  suffered  severely  from  this 
species  of  torture,  and  that  General  Har- 
rison's death  was  to  some  degree  hastened 
by  it. 

President  Arthur  being  a  widower,  and 
having  no  grown-up  daughter,  his  sister, 
Mrs.  McEh-oy,  acted  as  lady  of  the  White 
House,  and  her  amiable  way  of  making 
everybody  at  home,  even  at  the  recejjtions 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  distinguished 
foreigners,  will  be  gratefully  remembered 
by  all  who  have  been  honored  by  an  invi- 
tation. 

The  semi-annual  receptions  of  the  Pres- 
ident— ^ew  Year's  Day  and  the  Fourth  of 
July — are  brilliant  affairs.  At  a  little  before 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  Executive  Mansion  are 
thronged  with  the  spend  id  equipages  of  the 
various  Cabinet  officers  and  Foreign  Minis- 
ters. The  entrance  at  such  times  is  by  the 
main  door,  and  the  exit  through  one  of  the 
large  north  windows  of  the  East  Koom,  in 
front  of  which  a  temporary  platform  is 
erected.  The  customs  upon  such  occasions 
vary  slightly  with  each  administration.  In 
the  description  given  here,  the  order  ob- 
served at  the  reception  of  the  President, 
January  1,  1884,  is  followed. 

The  East  Koom  and  the  other  parlors  are 
handsomely    decorated     with    flowers    and 


THE   WHITE    HOUSE.  51 

other  ornaments,  the  full  Marine  Band  is 
in  attendance  to  furnish  music  for  the 
promenaders  in  the  East  Room,  and  a 
strong  police  force  is  present  to  pi'eserve 
order  when  the  people  are  admitted  en 
masse. 

At  a  few  minutes  before  eleven  o'clock, 
the  President  and  the  ladies  of  the  White 
House,  in  full  dress,  take  their  places  in 
the  Blue  Room,  the  President  standing  near 
the  door  leading  into  the  Red  Room,  and 
the  ladies  in  the  centre  of  the  Blue  Room. 
The  President  is  attended  by  either  the 
Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  or  the 
Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  present  the  guests  to  him.  A 
gentleman  is  also  appointed  to  attend  the 
ladies  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  the 
guests  to  them. 

Precisely  at  eleven  o'clock  the  doors  are 
thrown  open,  and  the  reception  begins.  The 
Cabinet  Ministers  and  their  families  are  ad- 
mitted first,  and  after  they  have  passed  on 
into  the  East  Room,  through  the  Green  Par- 
lor, the  Secretary  of  State  remains  and  pre- 
sents the  Foreign  Ministers  and  their  fami- 
lies. They  are  followed  by  the  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  their  families.  Then 
come  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  and  their  families.  The  next  in 
order  are  the  officers  of  the  Armv,  then  the 


52  THE    WHITE    HOUSE. 

officers  of  the  Navy  and  Marine  Corps,  in 
fall  uniform,  and  then  the  officials  of  the 
District  of  Columbia.  These  personages 
generally  occupy  the  first  hour.  The  doors 
are  then  opened  to  the  public,  and  the  next 
two  hours  are  devoted  to  receiving  them. 
Several  thousand  persons  are  presented 
during  this  period.  They  say  a  few  pleas- 
ant words  to  the  President,  receive  a  brief 
re})ly,  and  pass  on. 

The  promenaders  in  the  East  Room  often 
linger  in  that  apartment  during  the  whole 
reception.  The  scene  is  brilliant,  the  toi- 
lettes are  magnificent,  the  uniforms  and  court 
dresses  attractive,  and  the  music  fine.  At  a 
little  after  two  o'clock  the  parlors  are  de- 
serted, and  the  gay  throng  has  sought  other 
attractions. 

Besides  these  public  levees,  the  ladies  of 
the  White  House  hold  receptions  at  stated 
periods,  to  which  invitations  are  regularly 
issued.  The  President  sometimes  appears 
upon  these  occasions,  but  is  under  no  obli- 
gation to  do  so. 

During  tlie  first  two  years  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  always  selected  a 
lady  to  join  the  promenade  with  him  at  his 
evening  receptions,  thus  leaving  his  wife  free 
to  choose  an  escort  from  the  distin2:uished 
throng  which  always  surrounded  her  on  such 
occasions.     This  custom  did  not  please  Mrs. 


THE    WHITE   HOUSE.  53 

Lincoln,  who  resolved  to  put  a  stop  to  it. 
She  declared  the  practice  absurd.  "On  such 
occasions,"  said  she,  "our  guests  recognize 
the  position  of  the  President  as  first  of  all ; 
consequently  he  takes  the  lead  in  every- 
thing ;  well,  now,  if  they  recognize  his  posi- 
tion, they  should  also  recognize  mine.  I  am 
his  wife,  and  should  lead  with  him.  And 
yet  he  offers  his  arm  to  any  other  lady  in  the 
room,  making  her  first  with  him,  and  placing 
me  second.  The  custom  is  an  absurd  one, 
and  I  mean  to  abolish  it.  The  dignity  that 
I  owe  to  my  position,  as  Mrs.  President,  de- 
mands that  I  should  not  hesitate  any  longer 
to  act." 

The  spirited  lady  kept  her  word.  Ever 
after  this,  she  either  led  the  promenade  with 
the  President,  or  that  dignitary  walked  alone 
or  in  company  with  some  gentleman. 

It  has  long  been  the  custom  for  the  Presi- 
dent to  give  a  series  of  State  dinners  during 
the  session  of  Congress,  to  which  the  various 
members  of  that  body,  the  higher  Govern- 
ment officials,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  are 
invited.  In  order  to  be  able  to  entertain 
each  one  of  these  celebrities  it  is  necessary 
to  give  about  two  dinners  per  week.  The 
custom  was  not  much  observed  during  Mj-. 
Lincoln's  administration,  though  it  has  been 
revived  by  his  successor. 


54  THE   WHITE   HOUSE. 


IMPERTINENT  GOSSIP. 

The  President  and  his  family  are  much 
annoyed  by  the  impertinent  curiosity  of 
which  they  are  the  objects.  There  are  scores 
of  persons  in  Washington,  some  of  whom  are 
doubtless  well-meaning  people,  who  are  so 
ignorant  of  the  common  decencies  of  society, 
as  to  seek  to  lay  bare  before  the  public  every 
incident  of  the  private  life  of  the  family  at 
the  White  House.  The  whole  city  rings  with 
gossip  upon  this  topic,  much  of  which  finds 
its  way  into  the  columns  of  the  newspaper 
press  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  to  the 
great  annoyance  of  its  victims.  There  are 
people  who  can  tell  you  how  the  President 
gets  out  of  bed  in  the  morning,  how  he 
dresses,  breakfasts,  picks  his  teeth,  what  he 
talks  about  in  the  privacy  of  his  family,  and 
a  thousand  and  one  other  such  private  de- 
tails, until  30U  turn  from  your  informant 
with  the  most  intense  disgust.  It  is  said 
that  much  of  this  comes  from  the  servants 
employed  in  the  Executive  Mansion,  who 
seem  to  think  it  adds  to  their  importance  to 
retail  such  scandal.  Every  year  this  goes 
on,  and  every  new  occupant  of  the  White 
House  is  subjected  to  such  persecution. 


Appendix  C. 


RESULT  OF  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS 
IN  EACH  STATE  OF  THE  UNION. 

The  reader  will  find  in  the  following  pages  the 
names  of  the  candidates  for  President  that  each 
State  has  voted  for  at  every  Presidential  election. 
Taking  the  Federalist  party  as  the  root  of  the 
Republican  party,  it  is  traced  through  the  Loose 
Constructionist,  National  Republican  and  Whig 
parties  to  1856,  when  the  present  Republican 
party  presented  Fremont,  its  first  Presidential 
candidate.  Taking  the  Republican  party,  as  or- 
ganized by  Jefferson,  as  the  root  of  the  Democratic 
party,  it  is  traced  through  the  Strict  Construction- 
ist party  to  1828,  when  the  present  Democratic 
party  presented  Jackson,  its  first  Presidential  can- 
didate. 

Alabama. — First  Presidential  election,  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 
Constructionist  (Dem.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat. 
1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk, 
Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce, 
Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  under  military 
rule,  no  election.    1868,  Grant,  Republican.    1872, 

(w 


I  APPENDIX   C. 

Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat. 

Arkansas. — First  Presidential  election,  1836, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Demo- 
crat. 1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Demo- 
crat. 1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan, 
Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864, 
no  election.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat. 

California. — First  Presidential  election,  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat. 
1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Repub- 
lican. 1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant, 
Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat. 

Colorado. — First  Presidential  election,  1876, 
Hayes,  Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Connecticut. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams,  Federal- 
ist (Rep.)  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep).  1804, 
Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1808,  Pinckney,  Fed- 
eralist (Rep.)  1812,  De  Witt  Clinton,  Federalist 
(Rep.)  1816,  King,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1820, 
Mon»roe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  J.  Q.  Adams, 
Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.)  1828,  J.  Q.  Adams, 
National  Republican  (Rep.)  1832,  Henry  Clay, 
National  Republican  (Rep.)  1836,  Van  Buren, 
Democrat.     1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.j     1844, 


APPENDIX    C.  3 

Henry  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  185G,  Fremont, 
Republican.  18G0,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864, 
Lincoln,  Republican,  1868,  Grant,  Republican. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Delaicare. — One  of  the  original  States.  1789, 
Wa.^hington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1792,  Washington, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1804, 1808,  Pinci^- 
ney,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1812, DeWittClinton,  Feder- 
alist (Rep.)  1816,  King,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Deni.)  1824,  Crawford,  Strict 
Constructionist  (Dem.) ;  Adams  received  one  of 
the  three  electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1828,  J.  Q. 
Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.)  1832,  Clay, 
National  Republican  (Rep.)  1836,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Clay, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor,  Whi-g  (Rep.)  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat. 
1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1S64,  McClellau, 
Democrat.  1868,  Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Grant, 
Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 

Florida. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Tay- 
lor, Whig  (Rep.)  1852.  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1864,  no  election.  1868,  no  election. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Repub- 
lican (electoral  commission  decision).  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 
35 


4  APPENDIX   C. 

Georgia. — One  of  the  original  States.  1789, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1792,  Washington, 
FederaHst  (Rep.)  179G,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1804, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Madison,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1812,  Madison, Republican  (Dem.) 
1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Crawford,  Strict  Con- 
structionist (Dem.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat. 
1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  White,  Anti-Van 
Buren  Democrat.  1840,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk, 
Democrat.  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat. 
1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  no  election. 
1868,  Se3-mour,  Democrat.  1872,  Greeley,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock, 
Democrat. 

Illinois.  —  First  Presidential  election,  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 
Constructionist  (Dem.),  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Con- 
str.uctionist  (Rep.),  receiving  one  of  the  three 
electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1828,  Jackson,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat. 
1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,'  Cass,  Democrat. 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Demo- 
crat. 1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican. 
1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 


APPENDIX   C.  § 

Indiana. — First  Presidential  election,  1816, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Construction- 
ist (Dem.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832, 
Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.) 
1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk,  Demo- 
crat. 1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Demo- 
crat. 1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Garfield,  Repub- 
lican. 

Iowa. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fre- 
mont, Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Kansas. — First  Presidential  election,  1864,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican. 
1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Kentucky. — First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Jefferson, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.),  one  electoral  vote 
not  cast.  1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.) 
1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.)     1824,  Clay,  Loose  Construe- 


6  APPENDIX    C. 

tionist  (Rep.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat  (Dem.) 
1832,  Clay,  National  Republican  (Rep.)  1836, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.)  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Bell,  Constitutional 
Union.  1864,  McClellan,  Democrat.  1868,  Sey- 
mour, Democrat.  1872,  Greeley,  Democrat.  At 
the  meeting  of  the  electoral  college,  Mr.  Greeley 
having  died  meantime,  the  electoral  vote  of  the 
State  was  cast :  eight  for  HendriclvS  and  four  for 
Brown.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock, 
Democrat. 

Louisiana. — First  Presidential  election,  1812, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.)  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.),  re- 
ceived two  of  the  five  electoral  votes  of  the  State. 
1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Demo- 
crat. 1836,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Tay- 
lor.  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Demo- 
crat. 1864,  no  election.  1868,  Seymour,  Demo- 
crat. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican — decision  electoral  commission.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat. 

Maine. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Mon- 
roe, Republican  (Dem.)     1824,  Adams,  Loose  Con- 


APPENDIX    C.  7 

structionist  (Rep.)  1828,  Adams,  National  Re- 
publican (Rep.)  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.),  received  one  of  the  eight  electoral  votes  of 
the  State.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.) 
1814,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat. 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republi- 
can. 1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican. 
1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Maryland. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  six 
of  the  eight  electoral  votes  of  the  State,  two  not 
cast.  1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796, 
Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1800,  the  ten  electoral 
votes  of  the  State  were  divided  equally  between 
Jefferson  and  Burr,  both  Republicans  (Dems.) 
1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  Pinckney, 
Federalist  (Rep.),  received  two  of  the  eleven  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  State.  1808,  Madison,  Republi- 
can (Dem.)  Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.),  again 
received  two  of  the  eleven  electoral  votes  of  the 
State.  1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  De 
Witt  Clinton,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  five  of 
the  eleven  electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1816, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.) ;  three  votes  were  not 
cast,  Monroe  receiving  eight  of  the  eleven.  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 
Constructionist    (Dem.),   received  seven;    Adams, 


8  APPENDIX    C. 

Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.),  three,  and  Cravv^tord, 
Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.),  one  of  the  electoral 
votes  of  the  State.  1828,  Adams,  National  Re- 
publican (Rep.),  received  six  of  the  electoral  votes 
of  the  State,  and  Jackson,  Democrat,  five.  1832, 
Clay,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.),  received  five  of 
the  electoral  votes  of  the  State,  and  Jackson,  Dem- 
ocrat, three.  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.) 
1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Demo- 
crat. 1856,  Fillmore,  Know  Nothing.  1860, 
Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republi- 
can. 1868,  Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Greeley, 
Democrat.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 

Massachusetts. — First  Presidential  election,  1816, 
King,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republi- 
can (Dem.)  1824,  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist 
(Rep.)  1828,  Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.) 
1832,  Clay,  National  Republican  (Rep.)  1836, 
Webster,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.)  1856, 
Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republi- 
can. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Re- 
publican.    1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Michigan. — First  Presidential  election,  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.) 
1844,    Polk,    Democrat.      1848,    Cass,    Democrat. 


APPENDIX   C.  9 

1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republi- 
can. 1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican,  1876,  Hajes,  Republican. 
1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Minnesota. — First  Presidential  election,  1860, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republi- 
can. 1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield, 
Republican. 

Mississippi. — First  Presidential  election,  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.),  one  electoral  vote  not 
cast.  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.) 
1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Demo- 
crat. 1886,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Har- 
rison, Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848, 
Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Demo- 
crat. 1864,  no  election.  1868,  no  election.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Missouri.  —  First  Presidential  election,  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Clay,  Loose 
Constructionist  (Rep.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat. 
1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren, 
Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844, 
Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat. 
1860,  Douglas,  Democrat.  1864,  Lincoln,  Re- 
publican.   1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Greeley, 


10  APPENDIX   C. 

Democrat.  In  the  electoral  college  the  vote  of  the 
State  was  cast:  for  Hendricks,  9;  Brown,  8;  David 
Davis,  1.  1876,  Tiklen,  Democrat.  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 

Nebraska.  —  First    Presidential   election,    1868, 
Grant,    Republican.       1872,    Grant,    Republican. 
1876,   Hayes,    Republican.       1880,    Garfield,    Re 
publican. 

Nevada. — First  Presidential  election,  1864,  Lin- 
coln, Republican ;  one  of  the  three  votes  not  cast. 
1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republi- 
can. 1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Hancock, 
Democrat. 

New  Hampshire. — One  of  the  original  thirteen 
States.  1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Pinck- 
ney.  Federalist  (Rep.)  1812,  DeWitt  Clinton, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  J.  Q. 
Adams,  Loose  Constructionist,  received  one  of  the 
eight  electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1824,  Adams, 
Loose  Constructionist.  1828,  Adams,  National  Re- 
publican (Rep.)  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Demo- 
crat. 1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Demo- 
crat. 1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont, 
Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864, 
Lincoln,  Republican.      1868,    Grant,   Republican. 


APPENDIX    C.  11 

1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republi- 
can.    1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

New  Jersey. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams,  Federalist 
(Rep.)  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1804, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Deni.)  1808,  Madison,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1812,  DeWitt  Clinton,  Federalist 
(Rep.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1820^ 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 
Constructionist  (Dem.)  1828,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Na- 
tional Republican  (Rep.)  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat. 
1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840,  Harrison, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1S44,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848, 
Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat. 
1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln,  Re- 
publican, received  four  of  tlie  electoral  votes  of  the 
State,  and  Douglas,  Democrat,  three;  the  latter 
had  a  majority  of  4,477  on  the  popular  vote  of  the 
State.  1864,  McClellan,  Democrat.  1868,  Sey- 
mour, Democrat.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Tilden,  Democrat.     1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Neio  Yoi'k. — First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  George  Clinton,  Re- 
publican (Dem.),  received  six  of  the  nineteen  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  State.  1812,  DeWitt  Clinton, 
Federalist     (Rep.)       1816,    Monroe,    Republican 


12  APPENDIX    C. 

(Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824, 
J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.),  received 
sixteen  of  the  twenty-six  electoral  votes  of  the 
State;  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.),  re- 
ceived one;  Crawford,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.), 
received  five,  and  Clay,  Loose  Constructionist 
(Rep.),  four.  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat,  received 
twenty,  and  J.  Q.  Adams,  National  Republican 
(Rep.),  sixteen  electoral  votes.  1832,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk,  Democrat. 
1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Demo- 
crat. 1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Garfield,  Republi- 
can. 

North  Carolina. — First  Presidential  election, 
1792,  Washington,  FederaUst  (Rep.)  1796,  Jeffer- 
son, Republican  (Dem.) ;  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.), 
received  one  of  the  twelve  electoral  votes.  1800, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.);  xldams.  Federalist 
(Rep.),  received  four  of  the  twelve  electoral  votes. 
1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Madi- 
son, Republican  (Dem.);  Pinckney,  Federalist 
(Rep.),  received  three  of  the  fourteen  votes.  1812, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.) 
1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.)  1828, 
Jackson,    Democrat.       1832,    Jackson,   Democrat. 


APPENDIX    C.  13 

1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848, 
Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat. 
1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge, 
Democrat.  1864,  no  election.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden, 
Democrat.     1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Ohio. — First  Presidential  election,  1804,  Jeffer- 
son, Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Madison,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.)  1812,  one  vote  not  cast,  Madison, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824, 
Clay,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.)  1828,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fre- 
mont, Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

Oregon. — First  Presidential  election,  1860,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1868,  Seymour,  Democrat,  1872,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield, 
Republican. 

Pennsylvania.  —  One  of  the  thirteen  original 
States.  1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Jef- 
ferson,   Republican    (Dem.)  ;    Adams,    Federalist 


14  APPENDIX   C. 

(Rep.),  received  one  vote.  1800,  Jefferson,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.),  received  eight  of  the  fifteen  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  State,  and  Adams  seven.  1804, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Madison, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1812,  Madison,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1820, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.) ;  one  vote  not  cast. 
1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.) 
1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Demo- 
crat. 1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Har- 
rison, Whig  (Rep.)  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848, 
Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat. 
1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln,  Re- 
publican. 1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Re- 
publican. 

Rliode  Island. — First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1796,  Adams, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808,  Pinck- 
ney.  Federalist  (Rep.)  1812,  De  Witt  Clinton, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824, 
J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.)  1828, 
J.  Q.  Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.)  1832, 
Henry  Clay,  National  Republican  (Rep.)  1836, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig    (Rep.)       1852,   Pierce,    Democrat.      1856, 


i 


APPENDIX   C.  16 

Fremont,  Eepublican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 

South  Carolina. — One  of  the  original  thirteen 
States.  Presidential  electors  elected  by  State  Leg- 
islature until  1868.  1789,  Washington,  Federalist 
(Rep.)  1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1796,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1800,  Jeffer- 
son, Republican  (Dem.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.)  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.) 
1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.)  1820,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.)  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  John 
Floyd,  Democrat.  1836,  Mangum,  Democrat. 
1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk,  Demo- 
crat. 1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Dem- 
ocrat.    1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.     1860,  . 

1864,  no  election.  1868,  Grant,  Republican. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Repub- 
liean.     1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Tennessee. — First  Presidential  election  1796,  Jef- 
ferson, Republican  (Dem.)  1800,  Jefferson,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1812, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.),  one  vote  not  cast.  1820,  Mon- 
roe, Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 
Constructionist  (Dem.)     1828,  Jackson,  Democrat. 


16  APPENDIX   C. 

1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Hugh  L.  White, 
Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1844, 
Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.) 
1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.)  1856,  Buchanan,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1860,  Bell,  Constitutional  Union.  1864,  no 
election.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Greeley, 
Democrat.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 

Texas. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Bu- 
chanan, Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat. 
1864,  no  election.  1868,  no  election.  1872, 
Greeley,  Democrat.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Vermont.  —  First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.),  one  vote  not  cast. 
1796,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.)  1800,  Adams, 
Federalist  (Rep.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1812, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1816.  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1824,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Con- 
structionist. 1828,  J.  Q.  Adams,  National  Repub- 
lican. 1832,  William  Wirt,  Anti-Masonic.  1836, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.)  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep.)  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig  (Rep.)  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.)  1856, 
Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 


APPENDIX   C.  17 

Virginia. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.),  two  votes 
not  cast.  1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.) 
1796,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.);  Adams,  Fed- 
eralist, received  one  of  the  twenty-two  electoral 
votes  of  the  State.  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.)  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.)  1808, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.)  1812,  Madison,  Re- 
publican (Dem.)  1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.) 
1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.)  1824,  Craw- 
ford, Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.)  1828,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat. 
1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat. 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Demo- 
crat. 1860,  Bell,  Constitutional  Union.  1864, 
no  election.  1868,  no  election.  1872,  Grant,  Re- 
publican. 1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Han- 
cock, Democrat. 

West  Virginia. — First  Presidential  election,  1864, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 

Wisconsin. — First  Presidential  election,  1848. 
Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
can.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.     1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 


Appendix  D. 


THE   PRESIDENTS  AND   THEIR 
CABINETS. 

The  Postmaster-General  was  not  recognized'  as  a 
cabinet  officer  until  1829.  Those  preceding  this 
date  are,  however,  included  in  the  cabinets  to  show 
when  they  were  appointed. 

First  Adniinistratio7i — Washington,  1789-1795: 

President,  George  Washington,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia ;  Secire-. 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  Alex.  Hamilton,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts', 
Attorney-General,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia; 
Postmaster-General,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Penn« 
sylvania. 

Second  Administration —  Washington,,  1793- 1 797- 

President,  George  AVashington,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  to 
January,  1794,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to 
December,  1795,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Alexander 
36  (1) 


2  APPENDIX   D. 

Hcamilton,  of  New  York,  to  February,  1795,  Olivei 
Wolcott,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  War,  Henry 
Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1795,  Timothy 
Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1796, 
James  McHenry,  of  Mary  hind;  Attorney-General, 
Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to  January,  1794, 
William  Bradford,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December, 
1795,  Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster-General, 
Joseph  Habersham,  of  Georgia. 

Third  Administration — Adams,  1 797- 1 8o  I . 

President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts ;  Vice> 
President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  State,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1800,  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Oliver  Wolcott,  of  Massachusetts, 
to  January,  1801;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Mc- 
Henry, of  Maryland,  to  May,  1800,  Roger  Gris- 
wold,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Cabot,  of  Massachusetts,  to  March,  1798, 
Benj.  Stoddert,  of  Maryland;  Attorney-General, 
Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia,  to  February,  1801,  Theo, 
Parsons,  of  Massachusetts;  Postmaster-General, 
Gideon  Granger,  of  Connecticut. 

Fourth  Administration — jfefferson,  1 801-1805. 

President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York ;  Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania ; 


APPENDIX   D.  3 

Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Robert  Smith, 
of  Maryland ;  Attorney-General,  Levi  Lincoln,  of 
Massachusetts. 

Fifth  Administration — jFefferson,  1 805-1 809. 

President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia ;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ;  Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Jacob  Crownin- 
shield,  of  Massachusetts ;  Attorney-General,  Robert 
Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1805,  John  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  to  January,  1807,  Csesar  A. 
Rodney,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sixth  Administration — Madison^  1809-18 13. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  April, 
1811,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Secre- 
tary of  War,  William  Eustis,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
January,  1813,  John  Armstrong,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Paul  Hamilton,  of  South 
Carolina,  to  January,  1813,  William  Jones,  of 
Pennsylvania ;  Attorney-General,  Caesar  A.  Rod- 
ney, of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1811,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland. 


4  APPENDIX  D. 

Seventh  Adfninistration — Madison,  1 8 1 3- 1 8 1 7. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1814,  George  W.  Campbell,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  October,  1814,  Alex.  James  Dallas,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  October,  1816,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Monroe, 
to  August,  1815,  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  P.  Jones,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  December,  1814,  B.  W.  Crowninshield, 
of  Massachusetts;  Attorney -General,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland,  to  February,  1814,  Richard 
Rush,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Postmaster-General,  Return 
J.  Meigs,  of  Ohio. 

Eighth  Administration — Monroe,  1 8 1 7- 1 8  2 1 . 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  Isaac 
Shelby,  of  Kentucky,  to  April,  1817,  George 
Graham,  of  Virginia,  to  October,  1817,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
B.  W.  Crowninshield,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1818,  Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York;  Attor- 
ney-General, Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
November,  1817,  Wm.  Wirt,  of  Virginia. 


APPENDIX   D.  5 

Ninth  Administration — Monroe,  1 8  2 1  - 1 8  2  5 . 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  II. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia ;  Secretary  of  War,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  to  September, 
1823,  Samuel  L.  Southarcl,  of  New  Jersey ;  Attor- 
ney-General, William  Wirt,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, John  McLean,  of  Ohio. 

Tenth  Administration — jt.  Q.  Adams,  1 825-1 829. 

President,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts; 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky ; 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Richard  Rush,  of  Penn- 
sylvania; Secretary  of  War,  James  Barbour,  of 
Virginia,  to  May,  1828,  Peter  B.  Porter,  of  New 
York  ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Samuel  L.  Southard, 
of  New  Jersey ;  Attorney-General,  William  Wirt, 
of  Virginia. 

Eleventh  Admiiiistration — jfackson,  1 8 29- 1833. 
President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee ;  Vice- 
President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Martin  Van  Buren,  to  May, 
1831,  Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Samuel  D.  Ingham,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  August,  1831,  Louis  McLane,  of  Dela- 


b  APPENDIX  D. 

ware ;  Secretary  of  War,  John  H.  Eaton,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  August,  1831,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  John  Branch,  of  North 
CaroHna,  to  May,  1831,  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New 
Hampshire;  Attorney-General,  John  M.  Berrien, 
of  Georgia,  to  July,  1831,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of 
Maryland ;  Postmaster-General,  William  T.  Barry, 
of  Kentucky. 

Twelfth  Administration — yackson,  1833-183 7, 

President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee  ;  Vice- 
President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York ;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Louis  McLane,  of  Delaware,  to 
June,  1834 ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William 
J.  Duane,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September,  1833, 
Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  June,  1834,  Levi 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire ;  Secretary  of  War, 
Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Louis 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire,  to  June,  1834, 
Mahlon  Dickerson.  of  New  Jersey;  Postmaster- 
General,  William  T.  Barry,  of  Kentucky,  to  May, 
1835,  Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky;  Attorney- 
General,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1833,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York. 

Thirteenth  Administration — Va7i  Bur  en,  1 837-1 841. 

President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York; 
Vice-President,  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky ; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Forsyth,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary   of  the   Treasury,  Levi  Woodbury,  of 


APPENDIX   D.  7 

New  Hampshire;  Secretary  of  War,  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  New  York,  to  March,  1837,  Joel  K. 
Poinsett,  of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Mahlon  Dickerson,  of  New  Jersey,  to  June, 
1838,  James  K.  Paulding,  of  New  Jersey;  Post- 
master-General, Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky,  to 
May,  1840,  John  M.  Niles,  of  Connecticut;  At- 
torney-General, Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York, 
to  July,  1838,  Felix  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  to 
January,  1840,  Henry  D.  Gilpin,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Fourteenth  Administration — Harrison,   Tyler,   1 841-1845. 

President,  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio ; 
Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia ;  Secretary 
of  State,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1843,  Hugh  S.  Legare,  of  South  Carolina,  to 
July,  1843,  Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  March, 
1844,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  June,  1844,  George  M.  Bibb,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  War,  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  March,  1843,  James  M.  Porter,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1844,  then  William  Wilkens,  of 
Pennsjdvania ;  Secretary  of  tlie  Navy,  George  E. 
Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  to  September,  1841, 
Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1843,  Daniel 
Henshaw,  of  Massachusetts,  to  February,  1844, 
Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  of  Virginia,  to  March,  1844, 


"8  APPENDIX   D. 

then  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster- 
General,  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1841,  then  Charles  A.  Wickliffe,  of  Ken- 
tucky; Attorney-General,  John  J.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  to  September,  1841,  Hugh  S.  Legare, 
uf  South  Carolina,  to  July,  1843,  then  John  Nel- 
t<on,  of  Maryland. 

Fifteenth  Administration — Polk,  1 845-1 849. 

President,  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee ;  Vice- 
President,  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi ;  Secretary  of  War,  William 
L.  Marcy,  of  New  York ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  to  September, 
1846,  then  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ;  At- 
torney-General, John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  to 
October,  1846,  Nathan  Clifford,  of  Maine,  to  June, 
1848,  then  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut. 

Sixteenth  Administration — Taylor,  Fillmore,    1849-185 3. 

President,  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana ;  Vice- 
President,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York ;  Secre- 
tary  of  State,  John  M.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  to 
July,  1850,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
December,  1852,  then  Edward  Everett,  of  Massar 
chusetts ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  M. 
Meredith,  to  July,  1850,  then  Thomas  Corwin,  of 


APPENDIX   D.  9 

Ohio ;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  Crawford,  of 
Georgia,  to  July  20,  1850,  Edward  Bates,  of  Mis- 
souri, to  July  23,  1850,  Winfield  Scott,  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  August,  1850,  then  Charles  M.  Conrad, 
of  Louisiana ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  B. 
Preston,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1850,  William  A. 
Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  to  July,  1852,  then 
John  P.  Kennedy,  of  Maryland  ;  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to  July,  1850, 
James  A.  Pierce,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1850, 
Thomas  M.  T.  McKennan,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
September,  1850,  then  Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart,  of 
Virginia;  Postmaster-General,  Jacob  Collamer,  of 
Vermont,  to  July,  1850,  Nathan  K.  Hall,  of  New 
York,  to  August,  1852,  then  Samuel  D.  Hubbard, 
of  Connecticut;  Attorney-General,  Reverdy  John- 
son, of  Maryland,  to  July,  1850,  then  John  J. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky. 

Seventeenth  Administration — Pierce,   185 3-1 85 7. 

President,  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire ; 
Vice-President,  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  L.  Marcy,  of  New 
York ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  James  Guthrie, 
of  Kentucky ;  Secretary  of  War,  Jefferson  Davis, 
of  Mississippi;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  James  C. 
Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina ;  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior, Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan;  Post- 
master-General, James  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Attorney-General,  Caleb  Cushiug,  of  Massachusetts. 


10  APPENDIX   D. 

Eighteenth  Administration — Buchanan,  1 857-1861. 

President,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania-, 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  State,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  to 
March,  1857,  then  Jeremiah  Black,  of  Pennsylva- 
nia ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  of 
Georgia,  to  December,  1860,  Phillip  F.  Thomas, 
of  Maryland,  to  January,  1861,  then  John  A.  Dix, 
of  New  York;  Secretary  of  War,  John  B.  Floyd, 
of  Virginia,  to  January,  1861,  then  Joseph  Holt, 
of  Kentucky ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Isaac 
Toucey,  of  Connecticut ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Jacob  Thompson ;  Postmaster-General,  Aaron  V. 
Brown,  of  Tennessee,  to  March,  1859,  Joseph 
Holt,  of  Kentucky,  to  February,  1861,  then  Hora- 
tio King,  of  Maine;  Attorney-General,  Jeremiah 
S-  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1860,  then 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Nineteenth  Administration — Lincoln,  1 861-1865. 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Vice- 
President,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine ;  Secretary 
of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York ;  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio, 
to  July,  1864,  then  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  of 
Maine ;  Secretary  of  War,  Simon  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  January,  1862,  then  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  to  January, 


APPENDIX   D.  XI 

1863,  then  John  P.  Usher,  of  Indiana;  Postmaster- 
General,  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1864,  then  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio; 
Attorney-General,  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  to 
June,  1863,  T.  J.  Coffey,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  De- 
cember, 1864,  then  James  Speed,  of  Kentucky. 

Twentieth  Administration — Lincoln,  Johnson,  1 865-1 869. 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Vice- 
President,  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York ; 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Hugh  McCuUoch,  of 
Indiana;  Secretary  of  War,  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  August,  1867,  U.  S.  Grant,  of 
Illinois,  to  February,  1868,  Lorenzo  Thomas,  of 
Delaware,  to  May,  1868,  then  John  M.  Schofield, 
of  Illinois;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Gideon  Welles, 
of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  John  P. 
tlsher,  of  Indiana,  to  May,  1865,  James  Harlan, 
of  Iowa,  to  July,  1866,  then  0.  H.  Browning,  of 
Illinois;  Postmaster-General,  William  Dennison, 
of  Ohio,  to  July,  1866,  then  Alexander  W.  Ran- 
dall, of  Wisconsin;  Attorney-General,  James  Speed, 
of  Kentucky,  to  July,  1866,  Henry  Stanberry,  of 
Ohio,  to  July,  1868,  then  William  M.  Evarts,  of 
New  York. 

Twenty-first  Administration — Grant,  1 869-1 873. 
President,  U.  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Schuyler  Colfax^  of  Indiana;  Secretary  of 


12  APPENDIX   D. 

State,  E.  B.  "Washburne,  of  Illinois,  to  March, 
1869,  then  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secre-  * 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts; Secretary  of  War,  John  A.  Rawlins, 
of  Illinois,  to  September,  1869,  then  William  T. 
Sherman,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1869,  then  William 
W.  Belknap,  of  Iowa;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  June,  1869, 
then  George  M.  Robeson,  of  New  Jersey;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  to  No- 
vember, 1870,  then  Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio; 
Postmaster-General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Mary- 
land; Attorney-General,  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  to  June,  1870,  Amos  T.  Akerman, 
of  Georgia,  to  December,  1861,  then  George  H. 
Williams,  of  Oregon. 

Twenty-second  Administration — Grant,   1 873-1 877. 

President,  U.  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts;  Secretary 
of  State,  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  William  A.  Richardson,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  June,  1874,  Benjamin  F.  Bristow, 
of  Kentucky,  to  June,  1876,  then  Lot  M.  Morrill, 
of  Maine;  Secretary  of  War,  William  W.  Belknap, 
of  Iowa,  to  March,  1876,  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio, 
to  May,  1876,  then  Donald  Cameron,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  M.  Robe- 
son, of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1875,  then 


APPENDIX  D.  13 

Zachariah  Chandler,  of  Michigan;  Postmaster- 
General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  to 
August,  1874,  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  to 
July,  1876,  then  James  M.  Tyner,  of  Indiana; 
Attorney-General,  George  H.  Williams,  of  Oregon, 
to  April,  1875,  Edward  Pierrepont,  of  New  York, 
to  May,  1876,  then  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio. 

Twenty-third  Administration — Hayes,  1 877- 1 88 1 . 

President,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  M.  Evarts,  of  New 
York;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  John  Sherman, 
of  Ohio;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  McCrary, 
of  Iowa,  to  December,  1879,  then  Alexander 
Ramsey,  of  Minnesota;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  to  January, 
1881,  then  Nathan  Goff,  of  West  Virginia;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri; 
Postmaster-General,  David  McKey,  of  Tennessee, 
to  August,  1880,  then  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennes- 
see; Attorney-General,  Charles  Devens,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Twenty-fourth  Adtninisiration — Garfield,  Arthur, 
1881-1885. 

President,  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  to 
September,  1881,  then  Frederick  Frelinghuysen, 


14  APPENDIX   D. 

of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Wil- 
liam Windom,  of  Minnesota,  to  September,  1881, 
then  Charles  Folger,  of  New  York;  Secretary  of 
War,  Kobert  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  William  L.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  to 
April,  1882,  then  William  Chandler,  of  New 
Hampshire ;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Samuel  J, 
Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  to  April,  1882,  then  Henry  F. 
Teller,  of  Colorado ;  Postmaster-General,  Thomas 
L.  James,  of  New  York,  to  October,  1881,  Timothy 
0.  Howe,  of  Wisconsin,  to  October,  1883,  then 
Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana ;  Attorney-General, 
Wayne  McVeagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September, 
1881,  then  Benjamin  H.  Brewster,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 


Appendix  E. 


THE   ELECTORAL   COLLEGE. 

From   1789   to  and  including  1880. 


Washington  and  Adams,   1789. 

Washington  had  the  votes  of  all  the  States,  viz. : 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, South  Carolina,  and  Georgia;  total,  69  votes. 

Adams  had  all  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, 5  of  the  7  of  Connecticut,  1  of  the  6  of 
New  Jersey,  8  of  the  10  of  Pennsylvania,  5  of  the 
10  of  Virginia;  total,  34. 

Washington  and  Adams,  1793. 

Washington  had  the  votes  of  all  the  States,  viz. : 
New  Hampshire,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia ; 
total,  132. 

Adams  carried  all  these  States  with  the  excep- 
tion of  New  York,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  North 
Carolina,  and  Georgia;  total,  77. 

Adams  and  Jefferson,  1797. 
Adams  had  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  Mas- 

ii'i 


Z  APPENDIX   E. 

sachusetts,  Khode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  1  of  the  15  of 
Pennsylvania,  1  of  the  20  of  Virginia,  1  of  the  12 
of  North  Carolina,  and  7  of  the  11  of  Maryland ; 
total,  71. 

Thomas  Jefferson  had  14  of  the  15  votes  of 
Pennsylvania,  4  of  the  11  of  Maryland,  20  of  the 
21  of  Virginia,  Kentucky,  11  of  the  12  of  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  Georgia,  and  South  Carolina; 
total,  68. 

Jefferson  and  Burr,  i8oi. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  State  of  New  York,  8  of 
the  15  of  Pennsylvania,  5  of  the  10  of  Maryland, 
Virginia,  Kentucky,  8  of  the  12  of  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia;  total,  73. 
House  decided  Jefferson  President,  and  Burr,  Vice- 
President. 

Adams  and  Pinckney. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Khode  Island,  Connecticut,  Ver- 
mont, New  Jersey,  7  of  the  15  of  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  5  of  the  10  of  Maryland,  and  4  of  the 
12  of  North  Carolina;  total,  65. 

Jefferson  and  Clinton,  1805. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennes- 
see, Kentucky,  and  Ohio;  total,  162. 


APPENDIX   E.  5 

Pinck7iey  and  King. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  Connecticut,  Dela- 
ware, and  2  of  the  11  of  Maryland;  total,  14. 

Madison  and  Clinton,   1809. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  9  of  the  11  of  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  11  of  the  14  of  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
and  Ohio;  total,  122. 

Pinckney  and  King. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  New  York,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  2 
of  the  11  of  Maryland,  and  3  of  the  14  of  North 
Carolina;  total,  47. 

Madison  and  Geary,  181 3. 

Carried  Vermont,  Pennsylvania,  6  of  the  11  of 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  and 
Louisiana;  total,  128. 

Clinton  and  Ingersoll. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  5  of  the  11  of 
Maryland;  total,  89. 

Monroe  and  Tompkins,  18 17. 

Had  the  votes  of  States  of  New   Hampshire, 
37 


4  APPENDIX   E. 

Rhode  Island,  Vermont,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Ohio,  Louisiana  and  Indiana;  total,  183. 

King  and  Howard. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut  and  Delaware ;  total,  34. 

Monroe  and  Tompkins,  1821. 
Had  the  votes  of  every  State  in   the  Union ; 
total,  231. 

Adams  and  Stockton. 

Adams  had  1  vote  of  the  8  of  New  Hampshire, 
and  Stockton  8  of  the  15  of  Massachusetts. 

Adams  and  Calhoun,   1825, 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, Vermont,  26  of  the  36  of  New  York,  1  of 
the  3  of  Delaware,  3  of  the  11  of  Maryland,  2  of 
the  5  of  Louisiana,  and  1  of  the  3  of  Illinois; 
total,  84  for  Adams.  Calhoun  for  Vice-President 
carried  several  States  that  Adams  did  not  carry, 
and  had  a  total  of  182  votes. 

Crawford. 

Had  5  of  the  36  votes  of  New  York,  2  of  the 
3  of  Delaware,  and  1  of  the  11  of  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia and  Georgia;  total,  41, 


APPENDIX    E.  5 

jFackson. 

Had  1  of  the  36  votes  of  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  7  of  the  11  of  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  3  of  the  5  of 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Ala- 
bama ;  total,  99. 

Clay. 

Had  4  of  the  36  votes  of  New  York,  Kentucky, 
Ohio  and  Missouri ;  total,  37. 

No  choice  b\^  the  electoral  college,  it  devolving 
upon  House  of  Representatives.  A  choice  was 
reached  on  first  ballot  as  follows  :  Adams — Con- 
necticut, Illinois,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maine, 
Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Missouri,  New  Hamp- 
shire, New  York,  Ohio,  Rhode  Island  and  Ver- 
mont;  13  States.  Jackson  —  Alabama,  Indiana, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  South  Caro- 
lina and  Tennessee ;  7  States.  Crawford — Dela- 
ware, Georgia,  North  Carolina  and  Virginia.  4 
States. 

yackson  and  Calhoun,  1829. 

Had  1  of  the  votes  of  the  9  of  Maine,  20  of 
the  36  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  5  of  the  11 
of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama  and  Mis- 
souri; total,  178. 


6  APPENDIX  "E. 

Adams  and  Rusk. 
Had    8   of  the  9  votes  of  Maine,  New  Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts,  Rhode   Island,  Connecticut, 
Vermont,  16  of  the  36  of  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  and  6  of  the  11  of  Maryland;  total,  83. 

jfackson  and  Van  Bur  en,  1833. 
Had  the  votes  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  3  of  the  8  of 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illi- 
nois, Alabama  and  Missouri ;  total,  219. 

Clay   and  Sergeant. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  5  of  the  8  of 
Maryland  and  Kentucky ;  total,  49. 

Van  Btiren  and  Johnson,  1837. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas 
and  Michigan;  total,  170. 

Harrison  and  Granger. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio  and 
Indiana;  total,  73. 

Harrison  and  Tyler,  1841. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  Massa- 


APPENDIX   E.  !f 

chusetts,  Ehode  Island,  Connecticut, Vermont,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennes- 
see, Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana  and 
Michigan;  total,  234. 

Van  Buren. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  New  Hampshire, 
Virginia,  South  Carolina,   Illinois,  Alabama,  Mis- 
souri and  Arkansas;  total,  60. 

Polk  and  Dallas,  1845. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New  Hamp- 
shire, New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas  and  Mich- 
igan;  total,  170. 

Clay  and  Frelinghuysen. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Ehode  Island, 
Connecticut,    Vermont,     New    Jersey,    Delaware, 
Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Tennessee 
and  Ohio;  total,  105.  ^ 

Taylor  and  Fillmore,  1849. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Massachusetts, 
Khode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Louisiana  and  Florida ;  total,  163. 

Cass  and  Butler. 
Had  the   votes   of  the   States  of  Maine,    New 


8  APPENDIX   E. 

Hampshire,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Ohio,  Mis- 
sissippi, Indiana,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri, 
Arkansas,  Michigan,  Texas,  Iowa  and  Wisconsin; 
total,  127. 

Pierce  and  King,  1853. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan,  Florida, 
Texas,  Iowa,  Wisconsin  and  California;  total,  254. 

Scott  and  Graham, 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Massachusetts, 
Vermont,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee ;  total,  42. 

Buchanan  and  Breckinridge,  1857. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Alabama, 
Missouri,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Texas  and  California; 
total,  174. 

Fremont  and  Dayton, 
Had   the   votes   of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, Vermont,   New  York,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin ;  total  114. 


APPENDIX   E.  9 

Fillmore  and  Donelson. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  8. 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  1861. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, Vermont,  New  York,  4  of  the  7  of  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota 
and  Oregon  ;  total,  180. 

Breckinridge  a?td  Lane. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida 
and  Texas ;  total  72. 

Douglas  and  yohnson. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Missouri,  and  3  of 
the  7  of  New  Jersey;  total,  12. 

Bell  and  Everett. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Virginia,  Ken- 
tucky and  Tennessee;  total,  39. 

Lincoln  and  yohnson,  1865. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, Vermont,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Mary- 
land, Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Michigan, 
Wisconsin,  Iowa,  California,  Minnesota,  Oregon, 
Kansas,  West  Virginia  and  Nebraska;  total,  212. 


10  appended:  e. 

McClellan   and  Pendleton. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  New  Jersey,  Del- 
aware and  Kentucky  ;   total,  21. 

Eleven  States  did  not  vote,  viz. :  Alabama,  Arkan- 
sas, Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North 
and  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas  and  Virginia. 

Grant  and  Colfax,  1869. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Isl- 
and, Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  North  Carolina. 
South  Carolina,  Alabama,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  In- 
diana, Illinois,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan, 
Florida,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota, 
Kansas,  "West  Virginia,  Nevada  and  Nebraska ; 
total,  214. 

Seymour  and  Blair. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Georgia,  Louisiana, 
Kentucky  and  Oregon  ;  total,  80. 

Grant  and  ]Vilso7i,  1873. 

Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Vermont.  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Ahibama,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Mis- 
sissippi, Michigan,  Florida,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Cali- 
fornia, Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas,  West  Virginia, 
Nebraska  and  Nevada;  total,  286. 


APPENDIX   E.  11 

Hayes  and  Wheeler,  1877, 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Pennsylvania,  South  Carolina,  Ohio,  Louisiana, 
Illinois,  Michigan,  Florida,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Cali- 
fornia, Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas,  Nevada, 
Nebraska  and  Colorado ;  total,  185. 

TUden  atid  Hendricks. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Indiana,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Missis- 
sippi, Texas  and  West  Virginia;  total,  184. 

Garfield  and  Arthur,  1881. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  Maine,  New 
Hampshire, Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  In- 
diana. Illinois,  Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  1  of  the 
6  of  California,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas, 
Nebraska  and  Colorado ;  total,  214. 

Hancock  a^id  English. 
Had  the  votes  of  the  States  of  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Mississippi, 
Florida,  Texas,  5  of  the  6  of  California.  West 
Virginia  and  Nebraska ;  total,  155. 


12  APPENDIX   F. 


Appendix  F. 


HOW  STATES  WERE  REPRESENTED  IN 
PRESIDENTIAL   AND   CABINET    OFFICES. 

The  subjoined  statement  shows  the  Presidential 
and  Cabinet  offices  held  by  the  different  States  of 
the  Union  from  the  organization  of  the  government 
to  the  present  time. 

Alabama. 
One  Vice-President — King. 

Colorado. 
One  Secretary  of  Interior — Teller. 

Connecticut. 
One  Secretary  of  Treasury — Wolcott;  One  Sec- 
retary of  War  —  Griswold  ;  Two  Secretaries  of 
Navy — Toucey  and  Welles ;  One  Attorney-General 
— Toucey;  Four  Postmasters-General  —  Granger, 
Niles,  Hubbard  and  Jewell. 

Delaware. 
Two  Secretaries  of  State — McLane  and  Clayton; 
One  Secretary  of  Treasury — McLane ;  One  Secre- 
tary of  War — Thomas. 

Georgia. 
One  Secretary  of  State — Forsyth;  Two  Secre 


APPENDIX   F.  13 

taries  of  Treasury — Crawford  and  Cobb ;  One  Sec- 
retary of  War — Crawford ;  Two  Attorneys-General 
— Berrien  and  Akerman ;  One  Postmaster-General 
— Habersham. 

Illinois. 

Two  Presidents — Lincoln  and  Grant ;  One  Sec- 
retary of  State — Washburne  ;  Four  Secretaries  of 
War — Grant,  Schofield,  Rawlins  and  Robert  Lin- 
coln ;  One  Secretary  of  Interior — Browning. 
Ifidiana. 

One  Vice-President — Colfax  ;  One  Secretary  of 

Treasury — McCulloch  ;  One  Secretary  of  Navy — 

Thompson;    Two    Secretaries  of  Interior — Smith 

and  Usher ;  Two  Postmasters-General — Tyner  and 

Gresham. 

Iowa. 

Two  Secretaries  of  War — Belknap  and  McCrary ; 
Secretaries  of  Interior  —  Harlan   and   Kirkwood, 
Kentucky. 

Two  Vice-Presidents  —  Johnson  and  Breckin- 
ridge ;  One  Secretary  of  State — Clay ;  Three  Sec- 
retaries of  Treasury — Bibb,  Guthrie  and  Bristow  ? 
Two  Secretaries  of  War — Shelby  and  Holt ;  Three 
Attorneys-General — Breckinridge,  Crittenden  and 
Speed ;  Four  Postmasters-General — Barry,  Kendall, 
Wickliffe  and  Holt. 

Louisiana. 

One  President — Taylor;  One  Secretary  of  State — 
Livingston  ;  One  Secretary  of  War — Conrad ;  One 
Secretary  of  Navy — Hunt. 


14  APPENDIX   P. 

Maine. 
One   Vice-President  —  Hamlin  ;  One   Secretary 
of  State — Blaine  ;  Two  Secretaries  of  Treasury — 
Fessenden  and  Morrill ;  One  Attorney-General — 
Clifford;  One  Postmaster-General — King. 

Maryland. 
One  Secretary  of  State — Smith;  Two  Secreta- 
ries of  Treasury — Taney  and  Thomas;  Two  Sec- 
retaries of  War  —  Mc Henry  and  Stoddard;  Two 
Secretaries  of  Navy — Smith  and  Kennedy ;  Five 
Attorneys-General — Smith,  Pinkney,  Taney,  John 
Nelson,  and  Johnson ;  One  Secretary  of  Interior — 
Pearce  •  Postmasters-General — Blair  and  Creswell. 

Massachusetts. 

Two   Presidents  —  Adams    and    John    Qumcy 

Adams ;  Three  Vice-Presidents  —  Adams,    Gerry 

and  Wilson ;  Five  Secretaries  of  State — Pickering, 

John  Quincy  Adams,  Webster,  Marcy  and  Everett; 

Four  Secretaries  of  Treasury  —  Wolcott,  Dexter, 

Boutwell  and  Richardson  ;  Five  Secretaries  of  War 

— Knox,  Pickering,  Dexter,  Dearborn  and  Eustis ; 

Five  Secretaries  of  Navy — Cabot,  J.  Crowninshield, 

B.  W.  Crowninshield,  Henshaw  and  Bancroft;  Five 

Attorneys-General  —  Parsons,    Lincoln,    Cushing, 

Hoar   and    Devens ;    One   Postmaster-General  — 

Osgood 

Michigan. 

One  Secretary  of  State — Cass;  Two  Secretaries 
of  Interior — McClelland  and  Chandler. 


APPENDIX    F.  1$ 

Minnesota. 
One  Secretary   of  Treasury  —  Windom ;    One 
Secretary  of  War — Ramsey. 

Mississippi. 
One  Secretary  of  Treasury — Walker  ;  One  Sec- 
retary of  War — Davis  ;  One  Secretary  of  Interior 
— Thompson. 

Missouri. 
One  Secretary  of  War — Bates;  One  Attorney- 
General — Bates;  Secretary   of  Interior  —  Schurz. 

New  Hampshire. 
One  President — Pierce ;  One  Secretary  of  Treas- 
ury — Woodbury;  Two  Secretaries  of  Navy — Wood- 
bury and  Chandler. 

New  Jersey. 
One  Secretary  of  State — Frelinghuysen  ;  Three 
Secretaries   of   Navy  —  Southard,    Dickerson  and 

Eobeson. 

New  York. 

Three  Presidents  —  Van  Buren,  Fillmore  and 
Arthur ;  Seven  Vice-Presidents  —  Burr,  Clinton, 
Tompkins,  Van  Buren,  Fillmore,  Wheeler  and 
Arthur ;  Four  Secretaries  of  State — Van  Buren, 
Seward,  Fish  and  Evarts ;  Four  Secretaries  of 
Treasury  —  Hamilton,  Spencer,  Dix  and  Folger ; 
Five  Secretaries  of  War — Armstrong,  Porter,  B. 
F.  Butler,  Spencer  and  Marcy ;  Two  Secretaries  of 
Navy — Thompson  and  Paulding;  Three  Attorneys- 


16  APPENDIX   F. 

General  —  B.  P.   Butler,  Evarts  and  Pierrepont; 
Postmasters-General — Granger,  Hall    and   James. 

North   Carolina. 
Four   Secretaries   of   Navy  —  Branch.  Badger, 
Graham  and  Dobbin. 

Oregon. 
One  Attorney-General — Williams. 

Ohio. 
Three  Presidents — Harrison,  Hayes  and  Garfield; 
Four  Secretaries  of  Treasury  —  Ewing,  Corwin, 
Chase  and  Sherman ;  Four  Secretaries  of  War — 
Cass,  John  McLean,  Sherman  and  Taft ;  Two  At- 
torneys-General— Stanbery  and  Taft ;  Three  Sec- 
retaries of  Interior  —  Ewing,  Cox  and  Delano  ; 
Three  Postmasters-General — Meigs,  McLean  and 
Dennison. 

Pennsylvania. 

One  President — Buchanan  ;  One  Vice-President 
— Dallas ;  Two  Secretaries  of  State  —  Buchanan 
and  Black  ;  Seven  Secretaries  of  Treasury — Gal- 
latin, Dallas,  Rush,  Ingham,  Duane,  Forward  and 
Meredith ;  Five  Secretaries  of  War  —  Porter, 
Wilkins,  Simon  Cameron,  Stanton  and  Don  Cam- 
eron ;  Two  Secretaries  of  Navy — Jones  and  Borie ; 
Nine  Attorneys-General — Bradford,  Rodney,  Rush, 
Gilpin,  Black,  Stanton,  Coffey,  McVeagh  and 
Brewster;  One  Secretary  of  Interior — McKennan; 
Postmasters-General  —  Pickering  and  Campbell. 


APPENDIX   P.  17 

South  Carolina. 

One  Vice-President — Calhoun  ;  Two  Secretaries 

of  State — Legare  and  Calhoun ;  Two  Secretaries 

of  War — Calhoun  and  Poinsett ;  One  Secretary  of 

Navy — Hamilton;  One  Attorney-General — Legare. 

Tennessee. 
Three  Presidents — Jackson,  Polk  and  Johnson ; 
One  Vice-President — Johnson  ;  One  Secretary  of 
Treasury — Campbell ;  Two  Secretaries  of  War — 
Eaton  and  Bell ;  One  Attorney-General — Grundy ; 
Four  Postmasters-General — Cave  Johnson,  Brown, 
Key  and  Maynard. 

Vermont. 
One  Postmaster-General — Collamer. 

Virginia. 
Five  Presidents — Washington,  Jefferson,  Madi- 
son, Monroe  and  Tyler;  Two  Vice-Presidents — 
Jefferson  and  Tyler ;  Seven  Secretaries  of  State — 
Jefferson,  Randolph,  Marshall,  Madison,  Monroe, 
Upshur  and  Stuart ;  Six  Secretaries  of  War — 
Monroe,  Graham,  Barbour,  Mason,  Scott  and 
Floyd ;  Four  Secretaries  of  Navy — Upshur,  Gilmer, 
Mason  and  Preston ;  Four  Attorneys-General — 
Randolph,  Lee,  Wirt  and  Mason. 

West  Virginia. 

One  Secretary  of  Navy — Goflf. 

Wisconsin. 
Two  Attorneys -General — Randall  and  Howe. 


Appendix  G. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

The  Presidential  election  will  take  place  on 
Tuesday,  November  4,  1884.  The  Constitution 
prescribes  that  each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such 
manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a 
number  of  electors  equal  to  the  whole  number  of 
Senator:;  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State 
may  be  entitled  in  Congress.  For  the  election  this 
year,  the  electors  by  States  will  be  as  follows : 


States.  Electoral 

Vote. 

Alabama 10 

Arkansas 7 

California 8 

Colorado 3 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware 3 

Florida 4 

Georgia 12 

Illinois 22 

Indiana 15 

Iowa 13 

Kansas 9 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 8 

Maine 6 

Maryland 8 

Massachusetts 14 

Michigan 13 

Minnesota 7 

Mississippi 9 

Necessary  to  a  choice,  201. 


states.  Electoral 

Tote. 

Missouri 16 

Nebraska 5 

Nevada 3 

New  Hampshire 4 

New  Jersey 9 

New  York 36 

North  Carolina 11 

Ohio 23 

Oregon 3 

Pennsylvania 30 

Rhode  Island 4 

South  Carolina 9 

Tennessee 12 

Texas 13 

Vermont 4 

Virginia 12 

West  Virginia 6 

Wisconsin 11 

Total 401 

(18) 


APPENDIX   G.  19 

No  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding 
an  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  an  elector.      In  all  the  States,  the  laws 
thereof  direct  that  the  people  shall  choose  the  elec- 
tors.    The  Constitution  requires  that  the  day  when 
electors  are  chosen  shall  be  the  same  throughout 
the  United  States.    The  electors  shall  meet  in  their 
respective  States  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  Decem- 
ber, and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, one  of  whom  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  State  with  themselves.      They 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  a» 
President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted! 
for  as  Vice-President;  and  they  shall  make  dis-^- 
tinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,,  and 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of 
the  number  of  votes  for  each;  which  lists,  they 
shall   sign   and    certify  and  transmit,  sealed,   to 
Washington,  directed  to  the  President  of  the- Sen- 
ate, before  the  first  Wednesday  in  January..     On 
the  second  Wednesday  in  February,  the  President 
of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certifi- 
cates, and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.     The 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  Presi- 
dent shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  shall  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ; 
and  if  no  person  have  such  a  majority,  then  from 
the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  ex- 
ceeding three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as 
38 


20  APPENDIX   G. 

President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
choose,  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But 
in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote  shall  be  taken 
by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State 
having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds 
of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President  when- 
ever the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them, 
before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following, 
then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as 
in  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disa- 
bility. The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majorit}^,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on 
the  list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President; 
a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds 
of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority 
(^  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 
No  person,  except  a  natural-born  citizen  or  a  citi- 
zen of  the  United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the 
office  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person  be 
eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained: 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years.  The  qualifications 
for  Vice-President  are  the  same. 


APPENDIX   H. 


Appendix  H 


POPULAR  VOTE. 

For  Presidential  candidates  from  1824  to  and  in- 
cluding 1880.  Prior  to  1824  electors  were  chosen 
by  the  Legislatures  of  the  diflferent  States. 

In  1824  John  Quincy  Adams  had  105,321  to 
155,872  for  Jackson,  44,282  for  Crawford  and  46,- 
587  for  Clay.  Jackson  over  Adams,  50,551. 
Adams  less  than  combined  vote  of  others,  140,869. 
Of  the  whole  vote  Adams  had  29.92  per  cent. 
Jackson  44.27,  Clay  13.23,  Crawford  13.23.  Adams 
elected  by  House  of  Representatives. 

In  1828  Andrew  Jackson  had  647,231  to  509,- 
097  for  J.  Q.  Adams.  Jackson's  majority,  138,134. 
Of  the  whole  vote  Jackson  had  55.97  per  cent. 
Adams  44.03. 

In  1832  Jackson  had  687,502  to  530,189  for 
Clay,  and  33,108  for  Floyd  and  Wirt  combined. 
Jackson's  majority,  124,205.  Of  the  whole  vote 
Jackson  had  54.96  per  cent.,  Clay  42.39,  and  the 
others  combined  2.65. 

In  1836  Van  Buren  had  761,549  to  736,656, 
the  combined  vote  for  Harrison,  White,  Webster 
and  Maguin.     Van  Buren's  majority,  24,893.     Of 

(1) 


2  APPENDIX   H. 

the  whole  vote  Van  Buren  had  50.83  per  cent.,  and 
the  others  combined,  49.17. 

In  1840  Harrison  had  1,275,017  to  1,128,702  for 
Van  Buren,  and  7,059  for  Birney.  Harrison's 
majority,  139,256.  Of  the  whole  vote  Harrison  had 
52.89  per  cent..  Van  Buren  46.82,  and  Birney  .29. 

In  1844  Polk  had  1,337,243  to  1,299,068  for 
Clay,  and  62,300  for  Birney.  Polk  over  Clay, 
38,175.  Polk  less  than  others  combined,  24,125. 
Of  the  whole  vote  Polk  had  49.55  per  cent,.  Clay 
48.14,  and  Birney  2.21. 

In  1848  Taylor  had  1,360,101  to  1,220,544  for 
Cass,  and  291,263  for  Van  Buren.  Taylor  over 
Cass,  139,567.  Taylor  less  than  others  combined, 
151,706.  Of  the  whole  vote  Taylor  had  47.36 
per  cent.,  Cass  42.50,  and  Van  Buren  10.14. 

In  1852  Pierce  had  1,601,474  to  1,386,578  for 
Scott,  and  156,149  for  Hale.  Pierce  over  all,  58,-' 
747.  Of  the  whole  vote  Pierce  had  50.90  per 
cent.,  Scott  44.10,  and  Hale  4.97. 

In  1856  Buchanan  had  1,838,169  to  1,341,264 
for  Fremont,  and  874,534  for  Fillmore.  Buchanan 
over  Fremont  496,905l.  Buchanan  less  than  com- 
bined vote  of  others,  377,629.  Of  the  whole  vote 
Buchanan  had  45.34  per  cent.,  Fremont  33.09,  and 
Fillmore  21.57. 

In  1860  Lincoln  had  1,866,352  to  1,375,157  for 
Douglas,  845,763  for  Breckinridge  and  589,581  for 
Bell.  Lincoln  over  Breckinridge,  491,195.  Linr 
coin  less  than  Douglas  and  Breckinridge  combined, 


APPENDIX   b.  t 

354,568.  Lincoln  less  than  combined  vote  of  all 
others,  944,149.  Of  the  whole  vote  Lincoln  had 
39.91  per  cent.,  Douglas  29.40,  Breckinridge  18.08 
and  Bell  12.61. 

In  1864  Lincoln  had  2,216,067  to  1,808,725  for 
McClellan.  (Eleven  States  not  voting,  viz. : 
Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas  and  Virginia.)  Lincoln's  majority, 
408,342.  Of  the  whole  vote  Lincoln  had  55.06 
per  cent,  and  McClellan  44.94. 

In  1868  Grant  had  3,015,071  to  2,709,613  for 
Seymour.  (Three  States  not  voting,  viz. :  Missis- 
sippi, Texas  and  Virginia.)  Grant's  majority, 
305,458.  Of  the  whole  vote  Grant  had  52.67  per 
cent,  and  Seymour  47.33. 

In  1872  Grant  had  3,597,070  to  2,834,079  for 
Greeley,  29,408  for  O'Connor,  and  5,608  for  Black. 
Grant's  majority,  729,975.  Of  the  whole  vote 
Grant  had  55.63  per  cent.,  Greeley  43.83,  O'Connor 
.15,  Black  .09. 

In  1876  Hayes  had  4,033,950  to  4,284,885  for 
Tilden,  81,740  for  Cooper,  9,522  for  Smith,  and  2,- 
636  scattering.  Tilden's  majority  over  Hayes, 
250,935.  Tilden's  majority  of  the  entire  vote  cast 
157,037.  Hayes  less  than  the  combined  vote  of 
others,  344,833.  Of  the  whole  vote  cast  Hayes  had 
47.95  per  cent.,  Tilden  50.94  per  cent..  Cooper  .97 
per  cent.,  Smith  .11  per  cent.,  scattering  .03. 

In  1880  Garfield  had  4,449,053  to  4,442,035  for 


4  APPENDIX   H. 

Hancock,  307,306  for  Weaver,  and  12,576  scatter- 
ing. Garfield  over  Hancock,  7,018.  Garfield  less 
than  the  combined  vote  for  others,  313,864.  Of 
the  popular  vote  Garfield  had  48.26  per  cent., 
Hancock  48.25,  Weaver  3.33,  scattering,  .13. 

Summary.  —  Of  the  Presidents,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Federalist;  Polk,  Democrat;  Taylor,  Whig; 
Buchanan,  Democrat;  Lincoln,  Hayes  and  Garfield, 
Republican,  did  not  receive  a  majority  of  the  pop- 
ular vote.  The  highest  percentage  of  popular 
vote  received  by  any  President  was  55.97  for 
Jackson,  Democrat,  in  1828,  and  the  lowest,  29.92, 
for  Adams,  Federalist,  in  1824.  Lincoln,  Repub- 
lican, next  lowest,  with  39.91.  Hayes,  with  the 
exception  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  who  was  chosen 
by  House  of  Representatives,  was  the  only  Presi- 
dent ever  elected  who  did  not  have  a  majority 
over  his  principal  competitor,  and  Tilden  the  only 
defeated  candidate  who  had  a  majority  over  the 
President-elect,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast. 


Appendix  I. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
OF  AMERICA. 

We  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  in- 
sure domestic  Tranquility,  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  promote  the  general  Welfare,  and 
secure  the  Blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  Posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this 
Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

Article  I. 

Section  1.  All  legislative  Powers  herein  granted 
shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives, 

Sec.  2.  1  The  House  of  Representatives  shall 
be  composed  of  Members  chosen  every  second  year 
by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  Elec- 
tors in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications 
requisite  for  Electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch 
of  the  State  Legislature. 

2  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall 
not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years 
and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant 
of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

(1) 


2  APPENDIX 

3  Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  shall  be  ap- 
portioned among  the  several  States  which  may  be 
included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  re- 
spective numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by 
adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  includ- 
ing those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and 
excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other 
persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made 
within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every 
subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as 
they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  Number  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  30,000, 
but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Represen- 
tative; and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made, 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to 
choose  three;  Massachusetts,  eight;  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantation,  one ;  Connecticut,  five; 
New  York,  six;  New  Jersey,  four;  Pennsylvania, 
eight ;  Delaware,  one  ;  Maryland,  six  ;  Virginia, 
ten ;  North  Carolina,  five ;  South  Carolina,  five ; 
and  Georgia,  three. 

4  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  Representation 
from  any  State,  the  executive  authority  thereof 
shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

5  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose 
their  Speaker  and  other  officers ;  and  shall  have 
the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Sec.  3.  1  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  composed  of  two   senators   from   each    State, 


APPENDIX  S 

chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six  years: 
and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in 
consequence  of  the  first  election,  they  shall  be 
divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of 
the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year, 
and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth 
year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every  second 
year ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or* 
otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of 
any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make 
temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of 
the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3  No  person  shall  be  a  senator  who  shall  not 
have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been 
nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who 
shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  President  of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote, 
unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5  The  Senateshall  choose  their  other  officers,  and 
also  a  President  pro-tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the 
Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try 
all  impeachments.  When  sitting  for  that  purpose, 
they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.     When  the 


4  APPENDIX 

President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief 
justice  shall  preside:  And  no  person  shall  be  con- 
victed without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

7  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not 
extend  further  than  to  removal  from  office,  and  dis- 
qualification to  hold  and  enjoy  any  oflice  of  honor, 
trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States;  but  the 
party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and 
subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment  and  punish- 
ment, according  to  law. 

Sec.  4.  1  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  hold- 
ing elections  for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall 
be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  legislature 
thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law 
make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the 
places  of  choosing  senators. 

2  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in 
ever}'  year,  and  such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first 
Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law 
appoint  a  different  day. 

Sec.  5.  1  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of 
the  election,  returns  and  qualifications  of  its  own 
members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a 
quorum  to  do  business  ;  but  a  smaller  number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized 
to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members,  in 
such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
House  may  provide. 

2  Each  House   may  determine  the  rules  of  its 


APPENDIX  5 

proceedings,  punish  its  members  for  disorderly 
behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds, 
expel  a  member. 

3  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, and  from  time  to  time  publish  the  same, 
excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  theirjudgment  require 
secrecj' ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of 
one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4  Neither  House  during  the  session  of  Congress, 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for 
more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than 
that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Sec.  6.  1  The  senators  and  representatives  shall 
receive  a  compensation  for  their  services,  to  be 
ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except 
treason,  felony  and  breach  of  peace,  be  privileged 
from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of 
their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  return- 
ing from  the  same;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any 
other  place. 

2  No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the 
time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any 
civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such 
time ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  House 
durinsc  his  continuance  in  office. 


6  APPENDIX 

Sec.  7.  1  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  but  the 
Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments 
as  on  other  bills. 

2  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it 
becomes  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but 
if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that 
House  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who 
shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal 
and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  recon- 
sideration two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to 
pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the 
objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which  it  shall 
likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two- 
thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But 
in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be 
determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of 
the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be 
entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively. 
If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall 
have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law, 
in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the 
Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return, 
in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3  Every  order,  resolution  or  vote  to  which  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives may  be  necessary  (except  a  question  of 


APPENDIX  7 

adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall 
take  effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  dis- 
approved by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in 
the  case  of  a  bill. 

Sec.  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power 

1  To  laj^  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and 
excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States ; 

3  To  regulate  commerce  wnth  foreign  nations, 
and  among  the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian 
tribes ; 

4  To  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization, 
and  uniform  laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies 
throughout  the  United  States ; 

6  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof, 
and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures; 

6  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeit- 
ing the  securities  and  current  coin  of  the  United 
States ; 

7  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

8  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful 
arts,  by  securing  for  limited  times  to  authors  and 


8  APPENDIX 

inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective 
writings  and  discoveries ; 

9  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme 
Court ; 

10  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  seas,  and  offences  against 
the  law  of  nations ; 

11  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning  captures  on 
land  and  water; 

12  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appro- 
priation of  money  to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer 
term  than  two  years ; 

13  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy ; 

14  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regu- 
lation of  the  land  and  naval  forces  ; 

15  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to 
execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrec- 
tions and  repel  invasions ; 

16  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  dis-^ 
ciplining  the  militia,  and  for  governing  such  ^^art 
of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively, 
the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority 
of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline 
prescribed  by  Congress ; 

17  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten 
miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the 


APPENDIX  9 

seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased 
by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
^vhicll  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful 
buildings ;  and 

18  To  make  all  laws  -which  shall  be  necessary 
and  proper  for  carr^dng  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers,  an,d  all  other  powers  vested  by  this 
Constitution,  in  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof 

/Seed.  1  The  migration  or  importation  of  such 
persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall 
think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by 
the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  im- 
posed on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dol- 
lars for  each  person. 

2  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  haheas  corpus  shall 
not  be  suspended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion 
or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 

3  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall 
be  passed. 

4  No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax,  shall  be 
laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census  or  enumera- 
tion herein  before  directed  to  be  taken. 

5  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  ex- 
ported from  any  State. 

6  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regula- 
tion of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one 


JO  APPENDIX 

State  over  those  of  another;  nor  shall  vessels  bound 
to,  or  from  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or 
pay  duties  in  another. 

7  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury, 
but  in  consequence  of  appropriations  made  by  law; 
and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall 
be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the 
United  States :  And  no  person  holding  any  office 
of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from 
any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Sec.  10,  1  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty, 
alliance,  or  confederation  ;  grant  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit  bills  of  credit ; 
make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender 
in  payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex 
post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of 
contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or 
exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary 
for  executing  its  inspection  laws;  and  the  net  pro- 
duce of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State 
on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the 
Congress. 


APPENDIX  11 

3  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Con- 
gress, lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops,  or 
ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agree- 
ment or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a 
foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually 
invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not 
admit  ot  delay. 

Article  II. 

Sec.  1.  1  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested 
in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four 
years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen 
for  the  same  term,  be  elected,  as  follows : 

2  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as 
the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of 
electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators 
and  representatives,  to  which  the  State  may  be 
entitled  in  the  Congress:  but  no  senator  or  repre- 
sentative, or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or 
profit  under  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector. 

[*The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective 
States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom 
one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same 
State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number 
of  votes  for  each  ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and 
certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  govern- 

*  This  clause  within  brackets  has  been  superseded  aud  annulled  l>y  the 
twelfth  amendment. 

39 


12  APPENDIX 

ment  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  Presi- 
dent  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the 
votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than 
one  vi^ho  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal 
number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of 
them  for  President;  and  if  no  person  have  a  ma- 
jority, then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the 
said  House  shall,  in  like  manner,  choose  the  Presi- 
dent. But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes 
shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from 
each  State  having  one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  pur- 
pose shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the 
States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every 
case^  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  elec- 
tors, shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there 
should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes, 
the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot,  the 
Vice-President.] 

3  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of 
choosing  the  electors,  and  the  day  on  which  they 
shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  chall  be  the  same 
throu2;hout  the  United  States. 


APPENDIX  13 

4  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to 
the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person 
be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years  and  been  fourteen 
years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

5  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from 
office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  dis- 
charge the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the 
same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring  what 
officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be 
removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

6  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive 
for  his  services,  a  compensation,  which  shall  neither 
be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for 
which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not 
receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument 
from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

7  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office, 
he  shall  take  the  following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will 
faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States." 


14  APPENDIX 

Sec.  2.  1  The  President  shall  be  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States; 
he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the 
principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of 
their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to 
grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the 
United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2  He  shall  have  power  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  pro- 
vided two-thirds  of  the  senators  present  concur; 
and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambas- 
sadors, other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 
lished by  law  ;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the 
appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think 
proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law, 
or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all 
vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire 
at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sec.  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  the 
Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and 
recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 


APPENDIX  16 

he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may, 
on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses, 
or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement 
between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjourn- 
ment, he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he 
shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors 
and  other  public  ministers  ;  he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commis- 
sion all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President  and  all 
civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  removed 
from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and  conviction  of, 
treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors. 

Article  III. 

Sec.  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  A^ested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such 
inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to 
time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the 
supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times, 
receive  for  their  service  a  compensation,  which 
shall  not  be  dnninished  during  their  continuance 

in  office. 

Sec.  2.  1  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all 
cases,  in  law  and  equity,  arising  under  this  Consti- 
tution, the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treaties 
made, or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority; 
to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  min- 


16  APPENDIX 

isters  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and 
maritime  jurisdiction ;  to  controversies  to  which 
the  United  States  shall  be  a  party ;  to  controver- 
sies between  two  or  more  States ;  between  a  State 
and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of 
different  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State 
claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign 
States,  citizens  or  subjects. 

2  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers  and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State 
shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original 
jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned, 
the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction, 
both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

3  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment, shall  be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall 
be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall 
have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed 
within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or 
places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Sec.  3.  1  Treason  against  the  United  States 
shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or 
in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and 
comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason 
unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the 
same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the 
punishment  of  treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason 


APPENDIX  17 

shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

Article    IV. 

Sec.  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in 
each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial 
proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Con- 
gress may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner 
in  which  such  acts,  records  and  proceedings  shall 
be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Sec.  2.  1  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be 
entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens 
in  the  several  States. 

2  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,, 
felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice, 
and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall  on  demand  of 
the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the 
State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

3  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  an- 
other, shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regula- 
tion therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the 
party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Sec.  3.  1  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the 
Congress  into  this  Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall 
be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
other  State;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junc- 
tion of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  with- 


18  APPENDIX 

out  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States 
concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect- 
ing the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to 
the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitu- 
tion shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Sec.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to 
every  State  in  this  Union  a  Kepublican  form  of 
government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or 
of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be 
.convened)  against  domestic  violence. 

Article  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both 
Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose 
amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  appli- 
cation of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  shall  call  a  Convention  for  proposing 
amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution, when  ratified  :by  the  Legislatures  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in 
three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode 
of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress; 
Provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made 
prior  to  the  year  1808  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of 


APPENDIX  19 

the  first  article;  and  that  no  State,  without  its 
consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in 
the  Senate. 

Article  VI. 

1  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered 
into,  before  the  adoption  of  this  Coustitution,  shall 
be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this 
Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof: 
and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  the  Judges  in 
every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in 
the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding. 

3  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  men- 
tioned, and  the  members  of  the  several  State  Legis- 
latures, and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall 
be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation,  to  support  this 
Constitution;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be 
required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public 
trust  under  the  United  States. 

Article  VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine 
States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establishment  of 
this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying 
the  same. 


20  APPENDIX 

Done  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  States  present  the  17th  day  of  Septem- 
ber in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have 
hereunto  subscribed  our  names, 

Geo.  Washington, 
President  and  deputy  from  Vii-ginia. 

New  Hampshire. 
John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 

Massachusetts. 
Nathaniel  Gorham,     Rufus  King. 

Connecticut. 
Wm.  Saml.  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

Neio  York. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

Neiv  Jersey. 
Wil.  Livingston,  David  Brearley, 

William  Paterson,       Jonathan  Dayton. 

Pemisylva7iia. 
B.  Franklin,  Thomas  Mifflin, 

Robert  Morris,  George  Clymer, 

Thomas  Fitzsimons,    Jared  Ingersoll, 
James  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morris. 

Delaware. 
George  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jun'r, 

John  Dickinson,      Richard  Basse tt. 
Jacob  Broom, 


APPENDIX  21 

Maryland. 
James  M'Henry,      Dan.  of  St.  Thos.  Jenifer. 
Daniel  Carroll, 

Virginia. 

John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina. 
William  Blount,      Richard  Dobbs  Spaight. 
Hugh  Williamson, 

South  Carolina. 
J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 

Charles  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 

Gkorgia. 
William  Few,  Abr.  Baldwin. 

Attest :  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 


Articles  in  Addition  to,  and  Amendment  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Proposed  by  Congress  and  ratified  by  the  Legisla- 
tures of  the  several  States,  pursuant  to  the  fifth 
article  of  the  original  Constitution. 

Article  I. 
Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estab- 
lishment of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press ;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to 
assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  re- 
dress of  grievances. 


22  APPENDIX 

Article  IT. 

A  well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the 
security  of  a  free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to 
keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

Article  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered 

in  any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner, 

nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed 

by  law. 

Article  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  per- 
sons, houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreason- 
able searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated, 
and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable 
cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particu- 
larly describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the 
person  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital, 
or  otherwise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  present- 
ment or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except  in 
cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or 
public  danger ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for 
the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  crimi- 
nal case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 


APPENDIX  23 

process  of  law ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken 
for  public  use,  without  just  compensation. 

Article  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall 
enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an 
impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein 
the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district 
shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  ac- 
cusation ;  to  be  confronted  with  tlie  witnesses 
against  him  ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtain- 
ing witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance 
of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  con- 
troversy shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of 
trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried 
by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any 
court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  common  law. 

Article  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  exces- 
sive fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punish- 
ments inflicted. 

Article  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain 
rights,  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage 
others  retained  by  the  people. 


24  APPENDIX 

Article  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 

by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 

State,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to 

the  people. 

Article  XL    ' 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not 
be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity, 
commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United 
States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens 
or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

Article  XH. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States, 
and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant 
of  the  same  State  with  themselves ;  they  shall 
name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Presi- 
dent, and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
Vice-President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the 
number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall 
sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  seaied  to  the  seat  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to 
the  President  of  the  Senate  ;  the  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and 
the  votes  shall  then  be  counted ;  the  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall 


APPENDIX  25 

be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if 
no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the 
persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding 
three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President, 
the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immedi- 
ately, by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
the  representation  from  each  State  having  one 
vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a 
member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States, 
and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary 
to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of 
choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth 
day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the 
President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person 
have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers 
on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of 
two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  senators,  and  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary 
to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  in- 
eligible to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible 
to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


Appendix  J. 
Convention  and  Platform  of  1880. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  for  the 
nomination  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  met  at  Chicago,  June  2d,  and  was  in 
session  six  days.  It  was  called  to  order  by  Sen- 
ator J.  Donald  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Chair- 
man of  the  National  Committee,  and  Senator 
George  F.  Hoar  was  chosen  both  as  temporary  and 
permanent  chairman.  Several  days  were  spent  in 
settling  questions  of  contested  seats,  and  the  first 
ballot  was  had  on  Monday,  June  7th,  and  during 
that  day  and  evening  twenty-eight  ballots  were 
taken.  On  the  succeeding  day  James  A.  Garfield,, 
of  Ohio,  was  nominated  for  President  on  the 
thirty-sixth  ballot.  Ciiester  A.  Arthur,  of  New 
York,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  on  the 
first  ballot. 

Following  are  the  several  ballots  taken  for  can- 
didate for  President : 

BALLOTS  OF  THE  CONVENTION  OP  1880. 

Ballot.        Grant  Blaine.       Sherman.   Edmunri«.  Washburne.  Windom.  Garfield. 

1 304  284  93  34  30  10 

2 305  282  94  32  31  10 

3 305  282  93  32  31  10    1 

4 305  281  95  32  30  10    1 

5 305  281  95  32  30  10    1 

6 305  281  95  31  31  10    2 

7 305  281  94  32  31  10    2 

40     ^  1 


2        CONVENTION   AND   PLATFORM   OF    1880. 
BALLOTS  OF  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1880 — Continued. 

Ballot.         Grant.  Blaine.  Sherman.   Edmunds.  Washburue.  Windom.  Garfield. 

8 306  284  91    31    32  10  1 

9 308  282  90    31    32  10  2 

10 305  282  92    31    32  10  2 

11 306  281  92    31    32  11  2 

12 304  283  92    31    33  10  1 

13 305  285  89    31    32  10  1 

14 305  285  89    31    35  10 

15 309  281  88    31    36  10 

16 306  283  88    31    36  10 

17 303  284  90    31    36  10 

18 305  283  91    31    35  10 

19 305  279  96    31    32  10  1 

20 308  276  93    31    35  10  1 

21 305  276  96    31    35  10  1 

22 305  275  97    31    35  10  1 

23 304  275  97    31    36  10  2 

24 305  279  93    31    35  10  2 

25 302  281  94    31    35  10  2 

26 303  280  93    31  .36  10  2 

27 306  277  93    31    36  10  2 

28 307  279  91    31    35  10  2 

29 305  278  116    12    35  7  2 

30 306  279  120    11    33  4  2 

31 308  276  119    11    31  3  1 

32 309  270  117    11    44  3  1 

33 309  276  110    11    44  4  1 

34 312  275  107    11    30  4  17 

35 313  257  99    11    23  3  50 

36 306  42  3    ...     5  ...  399 

Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana,  received  1  vote 
on  the  3d  and  loth  ballots;  John  F.  Hartranft,  of 

Pennsylvania,  received  1  vote  on  the  19th,  20th, 


CONVENTION   AND   PLATFORM  OF   1880.  3 

21st  and  22d  ballots;  R.  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  1  vote 
on  the  11th  and  12th  ballots;  Geo.  ^Y.  McCrary, 
of  Iowa,  1  vote  on  the  13th  ballot ;  E.  J.  Davis,  of 
Texas,  1  vote  on  the  17th  ballot;  Gen.  Philip 
Sheridan,  1  vote  on  the  30th  ballot,  and  Roscoe 
Conkling,  of  New  York,  1  vote  on*the  31st  ballot. 

Edwards  Pierrepont,  of  New  York,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  reported  the  follow- 
ing platform,  which  was  adopted  without  dissent: 

The  Republican  party  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  since  the 
Federal  Government  was  first  committed  to  its 
charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
this  brief  report  of  its  administration.  It  sup- 
pressed rebellion  which  had  armed  nearly  a  million 
of  men  to  subvert  the  national  authority.  It 
reconstructed  the  "union  of  the  States  with  freedom 
instead  of  slavery  as  its  corner-stone.  It  trans- 
formed four  million  human  beings  from  the  like- 
ness of  things  to  the  rank  of  citizens.  It  relieved 
Congress  from  the  infamous  work  of  hunting  fugi- 
tive slaves  and  charged  it  to  see  that  slavery  does 
not  exist.  It  has  raised  the  value  of  our  currency 
from  thirty-eight  per  cent,  to  the  par  of  gold.  It 
has  restored  upon  a  solid  basis  payment  in  coin  for 
all  the  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a 
currency  absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part 
of  our  extended  country.  It  has  lifted  the  care 
of  the  nation  from  the  point  from  where  6  per 
cent,  bonds  sold  at  86  to  that  where  4  per  cent. 


4  CONVENTION   AND   PLATFORM   OF   1880. 

bonds  are  eagerly  sought  at  a  premium  under  its 
administration ;  railways  have  increased  from 
31,000  miles  in  1860  to  more  than  82,000  miles  in 
1879  ;  our  foreign  trade  has  increased  from  $700,- 
000,000  to  $1,150,000,000  in  the  same  time,  and 
our  exports,  which  were  $20,000,000  less  than  our 
imports  in  1860,  were  $264,000,000  more  than 
our  imports  in  1879.  Without  resorting  to  loans 
it  has,  since  the  war  closed,  defrayed  the  ordi- 
nary expenses  of  government,  besides  the  accruing 
interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  disbursed  annually 
more  than  $30,000,000  for  soldiers'  pensions.  It 
has  paid  $888,000,000  of  the  public  debt,  and  by 
refunding  the  balance  nt  lower  rates  has  reduced 
the  annual  interest  charges  from  nearly  $151,000,- 
000  to  less  than  $89,000,000.  All  the  industries 
of  the  country  have  revived,  labor  is  in  demand, 
wages  have  increased,  and  throughout  the  entire 
country  there  is  evidence  of  a  coming  prosperity 
greater  than  we  have  ever  enjoyed.  Upon  this 
record  the  Republican  party  asks  for  the  continued 
confidence  and  support  of  the  people,  and  this 
convention  submits  for  their  approval  the  following 
statements  of  the  principles  and  purposes  which 
will  continue  to  guide  and  inspire  its  efforts : 

First.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  last 
twenty-one  years  has  been  such  as  to  commend 
itself  to  the  favor  of  the  nation,  and  that  the  fruits 
of  the  costly  victory  which  we  have  achieved 
through  immense  difficulties  should  be  preserved; 


CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM   OF    1880.  5 

after  that  the  peace  regained  should  be  cherished  • 
that  the  dissevered  Union  now  happily  restored 
should  be  perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberty  secured 
to  this  generation  should  be  transmitted  undimin- 
ished to  future  generations ;  that  the  order  estab- 
lished and  the  credit  acquired  should  never  be 
impaired;  that  the  pensions  promised  should  be 
extinguished  by  the  full  payment  of  every  dollar 
thereof;  that  the  reviving  industries  should  be 
further  promoted,  and  that  the  commerce,  already 
so  great,  should  be  steadily  encouraged. 

Second.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  supreme  law  and  not  a  mere  contract.  Out  of 
confederated  States  it  made  a  sovereign  nation. 
Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  nation,  while  others 
are  denied  to  the  States,  but  the  boundary  between 
the  powers  delegated  and  those  reserved  is  to  be 
determined  by  the  national  and  not  by  the  State 
tribunals. 

Third.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  left  to 
the  care  of  the  several  States,  but  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  National  Government  to  aid  that  work  to  the 
extent  of  its  Constitutional  duty.  The  intelligence 
of  the  nation  is  but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelligence 
of  the  several  States,  and  the  destiny  of  the  nation 
must  not  be  guided  by  the  genius  of  any  one  State, 
but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

Fourth.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Con- 
gress to  make  any  law  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the  nation 


6        CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM    OF    1880. 

can  be  protected  against  the  influence  of  sectari- 
anism while  each  State  is  exposed  to  its  domina- 
tion. We,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  Consti- 
tution be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same  prohibition 
upon  the  Legislature  of  each  State  and  to  forbid 
the  appropriation  of  public  funds  to  the  support 
of  sectarian  schools. 

Fifth.  We  affirm  the  belief  avowed  in  1876,  that 
the  duties  levied  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should 
so  discriminate  as  to  favor  American  labor.  That 
no  further  grant  of  the  public  domain  should  be 
made  to  any  railway  or  other  corporation  ;  that 
slavery  having  perished  in  the  States,  its  twin 
barbarity,  polygamy,  must  die  in  the  Territories. 
That  everywhere  the  protection  accorded  to  citi- 
zens of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens 
by  American  adoption,  and  that  we  esteem  it  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  develop  and  improve  our 
water-courses  and  harbors,  but  insist  that  further 
subsidies  to  private  persons  or  corporations  must 
cease ;  that  the  obligations  of  the  Republic  to  the 
men  who  preserved  its  integrity  in  the  hour  of 
battle  are  undiminished  by  the  lapse  of  fifteen 
years  since  their  final  victory  ;  to  do  them  personal 
honor  is  and  shall  forever  be  the  grateful  privilege 
and  sacred  duty  of  the  American  people. 

Sixth.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigra- 
tion and  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and 
foreign  nations  rests  with  Congress,  or  with  the 
United  States  and  its  treaty-making  power,  the  Re- 


CONVENTION   AND   PLATFORM   OF    1880.  7 

publican  party,  regarding  the  unrestricted  emigra- 
tion of  Chinese  as  an  evil  of  great  magnitude,  in- 
voke the  exercise  of  those  powers  to  restrain  and 
limit  that  immigration  by  the  enactment  of  such 
just,  humane  and  reasonable  provisions  as  will  pro- 
duce that  result. 

Seventh.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  wliich 
characterized  the  early  career  of  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  in  peace  and  war,  and  which  guided  the 
thoughts  of  our  immediate  predecessors  to  him  for 
a  Presidential  candidate,  have  continued  to  inspire 
him  in  his  career  as  Chief  Executive,  and  that  his- 
tory wnll  accord  to  his  administration  the  honors 
which  are  due  to  an  efficient,  just  and  courteous  dis- 
charge of  the  public  business,  and  will  honor  his 
interpositions  between  the  people  and  proposed 
partisan  laws. 

Eighth.  We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party  the 
habitual  sacrifice  of  patriotism  and  justice  to  a  su- 
preme and  insatiable  lust  of  office  and  patronage ; 
that  to  obtain  possession  of  the  National  and  State 
Governments  and  the  control  of  place  and  position 
they  have  obstructed  all  effijrt  to  promote  the  purity 
and  to  conserve  the  freedom  of  sulTrage  and  have 
devised  fraudulent  certifications  and  returns,  have 
labored  to  unseat  lawfully-elected  members  of  Con- 
gress to  secure  at  all  hazards  the  vote  of  a  majority 
of  the  States  in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  have 
endeavored  to  occupy  by  force  and  fraud  the  places 
of  trust  given  to  others  by  the  people  of  Maine  and 


8         CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM    OF    1880. 

rescued  by  the  courage  in  action  of  Maine's  patriotic 
Bons ;  have  by  methods  vicious  in  principle  and 
tyrannical  in  practice  attached  partisan  legislation 
to  bills  upon  whose  passage  the  very  movements  of 
government  depend ;  have  crushed  the  rights  of  in- 
dividuals, have  advocated  the  principle  and  sought 
the  favor  of  rebellion  against  the  nation,  and  have 
endeavored  to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  of  the 
war  and  to  overcome  its  inestimable  valuable  results 
of  nationality,  personal  freedom  and  individual 
equality.  The  equal,  steady  and  complete  enforce- 
ment of  laws  and  the  protection  of  all  our  citizens 
in  the  enjoyment  of  all  privileges  and  imtnunities 
guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  are  the  first  duties 
of  the  nation.  The  dangers  of  a  solid  South  can  only 
be  averted  by  a  faithful  performanceof  every  promise 
which  the  nation  has  made  to  the  citizens;  the  exe- 
cution of  the  laws  and  the  punishment  of  all  those 
who  violate  them  are  the  only  safe  methods  by 
which  an  enduring  peace  can  be  secured  and  gen- 
uine prosperity  established  throughout  the  South. 
Whatever  promises  the  nation  makes  the  nation 
must  perform,  and  the  nation  cannot  with  safety 
delegate  this  duty  to  the  States.  The  solid  South 
must  be  divided  by  the  powerful  agencies  of  the 
ballot,  and  all  opinions  must  there  find  free  ex- 
pression, and  to  this  end  the  honest  voters  must  be 
protected  against  terrorism,  violence  or  fraud,  and 
we  affirm  it  to  be  the  duty  and  the  purpose  of  the 
Republican  party  to  use  every  legitimate  means  to 


CONVENTION    AND   PLATFORM   OF    1880.  9 

restore  all  the  States  of  this  Union  to  the  most  per- 
fect harmony  as  may  be  practicable  ;  and  we  submit 
to  the  practical,  sensible  people  of  the  United  States 
to  say  whether  it  would  not  be  dangerous  to  the 
dearest  interests  of  our  country  at  this  time  to  sur- 
render the  administration  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment to  a  party  which  seeks  to  overthrow  the  exist- 
ing policy  under  which  we  are  so  prosperous,  and 
thus  bring  distrust  and  confusion  where  there  is  now 
order,  confidence  and  hope. 

The  following  resolution  was  added  to  the  plat- 
form : 

"  The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the  principles 
affirmed  by  its  last  National  Convention  of  respect 
for  the  Constitutional  rules  governing  appointment 
to  office,  adopts  the  declaration  of  President  Hayes 
that  the  reform  in  the  civil  service  shall  be  thorough, 
radical  and  complete.  To  that  end  it  demands  the 
co-operation  of  the  Legislative  with  the  Executive 
Departments  of  the  government,  and  that  Congress 
shall  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper 
practical  tests,  shall  admit  to  the  public  service." 

Having  completed  its  work,  the  Convention,  on 
Tuesday  evening,  June  8th,  adjourned  sine  die. 


James  A.  Garfield's  Letter  Accepting  the  Re- 
publican Nomination  for  President. 

Mentor,  0.,  July  lOth,  1880. 
Dear  Sir  :    On  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  June 
last  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  you,  in  the 


10        CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM   OF    1880. 

presence  of  the  committee  of  which  you  were  chair- 
man, the  official  announcement  that  the  Republi- 
can National  Convention  at  Chicago  had  that  day 
nominated  me  as  their  candidate  for  President  of 
the    United    States.       I   accept    the     nomination 
with  gratitude  for  the  confidence  it  implies  and 
with  a  deep  sense  of  the  responsibilities  it  imposes. 
I  cordially  indorse  the   principles  set  forth  in  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  convention.     On  nearly 
all  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats  my  opinions  are 
on  record  among  the  published  proceedings  of  Con- 
gress.    I  venture,  however,  to  make  special  men- 
tion   ot  some  of  the    principal    topics   which    are 
likely  to  become  subjects  of  discussion.     Without 
reviewing  the  controversies  which  have  been  set- 
tled during  the  last  twenty  years,  and  with  no  pur- 
pose or  wish  to  revive  the  passions  of  the  late  war, 
it  should  be  said  that  while  the  Republicans  fully 
recognize  and  will  strenuously  defend  all  the  rights 
retained  by  the  people  and  all  the  rights  reserved 
to  the  States,  they  reject  the  pernicious  doctrine  of 
State  supremacy  which  so  long  crippled  the  func- 
tions   of  the    National    Government,  and    at   one 
time  brought  the  Union  very  near  to  destruction. 
They  insist  that  the  United  States  is  a  nation  with 
ample  power  Of  self-preservation;  that  its  Constitu- 
tion and  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof  are 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land  ;  that  the  right  of  the 
nation  to  determine  the  method  by  which  its  own 
legislature  shall  be  created  cannot  be  surrendered 


CONVENTION    AND   PLATFORM   OF   1880.  11 

without  abdicating  one  of  the  fundamental  powers 
of  government ;  that  the  national  hiws  reLating  to 
the  election  of  representatives  in  Congress  shall 
neither  be  violated  nor  evaded ;  that  every  elector 
shall  be  permitted,  freely  and  without  intimida- 
tion, to  cast  his  lawful  ballot  at  such  election  and 
have  it  honestly  counted,  and  that  the  potency  of 
his  vote  shall  not  be  destroyed  by  the  fraudulent 
vote  of  any  other  person.  The  best  thoughts  and 
energies  of  our  people  should  be  directed  to  those 
great  questions  of  national  well-being  in  which  all 
have  a  common  interest.  Such  efforts  will  soonest 
restore  to  perfect  peace  those  who  were  lately  in 
arms  against  each  other,  for  justice  and  good- will 
will  outlast  passion.  But  it  is  certain  that  the 
wounds  of  the  war  cannot  be  completely  healed 
and  the  spirit  of  brotherhood  cannot  fully  pervade 
the  whole  country  until  every  citizen,  rich  or  poor, 
white  or  black,  is  secure  in  the  free  and  equal  en- 
joyment of  every  civil  and  political  right  guaran- 
teed by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  Wherever 
the  enjoyment  of  these  rights  is  not  assured  dis- 
content will  prevail,  immigration  will  cease,  and 
the  social  and  industrial  forces  will  continue  to  be 
disturbed  by  the  migration  of  laborers  and  the 
consequent  diminution  of  prosperity.  The  Na- 
tional Government  should  exercise  all  its  constitu- 
tional authority  to  put  an  end  to  these  evils,  for 
all  the  people  and  all  the  States  are  members  of 
one  body,  and  no  member  can  suffer  without  in- 


12        CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM    OF    1880. 

jury  to  all.  The  most  serious  evils  whicli  now 
afflict  the  South  arise  from  the  fact  that  there  is 
not  such  freedom  and  toleration  of  political  opinion 
and  action  that  the  minority  party  can  exercise  an 
effective  and  wholesome  restraint  upon  the  party  in 
power.  Without  such  restraint  party  rule  becomes 
tyrannical  and  corrupt.  The  prosperit}^  which  is 
made  possible  in  the  South  by  its  great  advantages 
of  soil  and  climate  will  never  be  realized  until 
uvery  voter  can  freely  and  safely  support  any  party 
he  pleases.  Next  in  importance  to  freedom  and 
justice  is  popular  education,  without  which  neither 
justice  nor  freedom  can  be  permanently  main- 
tained. Its  interests  are  intrusted  to  the  States 
and  to  the  voluntary  action  of  the  people.  What- 
ever help  the  nation  can  justly  afford  should  be 
generously  given  to  aid  the  States  in  supporting 
common  schools,  but  it  would  be  urjust  toour-peo- 
ple  and  dangerous  to  our  institutions  to  apply  any 
portion  of  the  revenues  of  the  nation  or  of  the 
States  to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools.  The 
separation  of  the  Church  and  the  State  in  every- 
thing relating  to  taxation  should  be  absolute.  On 
the  subject  of  national  finance  my  views  have  been 
so  frequently  and  fully  expressed  that  little  is 
needed  in  the  way  of  additional  statement.  The 
public  debt  is  now  so  well  secured  and  the  rate  of 
annual  interest  has  been  so  reduced  by  refunding 
that  rigid  economy  in  expenditures  and  the  faith- 
ful application  of  our  surplus  revenues  to  the  pay- 


CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM   OF    1880.  13 

ment  of  the  principal  of  the  debt  will  gradually 
but  certainly  free  the  people  from  its  burdens,  and 
close  with  honor  the  financial  chapter  of  the  war. 
At  the  same  time  the  government  can  provide  for 
all  its  ordinary  expenditures,  and  discharge  its 
sacred  obligations  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Union,  and 
to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  fell  in  its 
defense.  The  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
which  the  Republican  party  so  courageously  and 
successfully  accomplished,  has  removed  from  the 
field  of  controversy  many  questions  that  long  and 
seriously  disturbed  the  credit  of  the  government 
^rid  the  business  of  the  country.  Our  paper  cur- 
rency is  now  as  national  as  the  flag,  and  resumption 
has  not  only  made  it  everywhere  equal  to  coin, 
but  has  brought  into  use  our  store  of  gold  and 
silver.  The  circulating  medium  is  more  abundant 
than  ever  before,  and  we  need  only  to  maintain  the 
equality  of  all  our  dollars  to  insure  to  labor  and 
capital  a  measure  of  value  from  the  use  of  which 
no  one  can  suffer  loss.  The  great  prosperity  which 
the  country  is  now  enjojang  should  not  be  endan- 
gered by  any  violent  changes  or  doubtful  financial 
experiments.  In  reference  to  our  custom  laws  a 
policy  should  be  pursued  which  will  bring  revenues 
to  the  Treasury,  and  will  enable  the  labor  and  capi- 
tal employed  in  our  great  industries  to  compete  fairly 
in  our  own  markets  with  the  labor  and  capital  of 
foreign  producers.  We  legislate  for  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  not  for  the  whole  world,  and  i^ 


14        CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM   OF    1880. 

is  our  glory  that  the  American  laborer  is  more 
intelligent  and  better  paid  than  his  foreign  compet- 
itor. Our  country  cannot  be  independent  unless 
its  people,  with  their  abundant  natural  resources, 
possess  the  requisite  skill  at  any  time  to  clothe, 
arm  and  equip  themselves  for  war  and  in  time  of 
peace  to  produce  all  the  necessary  implements  of 
labor.  It  was  the  manifest  intention  of  the 
founders  of  the  government  to  provide  for  the 
common  defense,  not  by  standing  armies  alone,  but 
by  raising  among  the  people  a  greater  army  of 
artisans  whose  intelligence  and  skill  should  power- 
fully contribute  to  the  safety  and  glory  of  the 
nation. 

Fortunately,  for  the  interests  of  commerce,  there 
is  no  longer  any  formidable  opposition  to  appropria- 
tions for  the  improvement  of  our  harbors  and  great 
navigable  rivers,  provided  that  the  expenditures 
for  that  purpose  are  strictly  limited  to  works  of 
national  importance.  The  Mississippi  river,  with 
its  great  tributaries,  is  of  such  vital  importance 
to  so  many  millions  of  people  that  the  safety  of  its 
navigation  requires  exceptional  consideration.  In 
order  to  secure  to  the  nation  the  control  of  all  its 
waters.  President  Jefferson  negotiated  the  purchase 
of  a  vast  territory  extending  from  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  wisdom  of 
Congress  should  be  invoked  to  devise  some  plan  by 
which  that  great  river  shall  cease  to  be  a  terror  to 
those  who  dwell  upon  its  banks,  and  by  which  its 


CONVENTION   AND   PLATFORM   OF    1880.  15 

shipping  may  safely  carry  the  industrial  products 
of  25,000,000  of   people.     The  interests  of  agri- 
culture,  which    is   the   basis    of  all   our   material 
prosperity,   and    in   which  seven-twelfths   of  our 
population  are  engaged,  as  well  as  the  interests  of 
manufacturers    and   commerce,   demand  that  the 
facilities  for  cheap  transportation  shall  be  increased 
by   the  use  of  all  our  great  water-courses.      The 
material  interests  of  this  country,  the  traditions  of 
its  settlement  and  the  sentiment  of  our  people  have 
led  the  government  to  offer  the  widest  hospitality 
to   emigrants   who   seek  our  shores  for  new  and 
happier  homes,  willing  to  share  the  burdens  as 
well  as  the  benefits  of  our  society,  and  intending 
that   their    posterity    shall    become    an    undistin- 
guishable    part   of  our   population.      The    recent 
movement   of  the    Chinese    to   our    Pacific  coast 
partakes  but  little  of  the  qualities  of  such  an  emi- 
gration either  in  its  purposes  or  its  result.      It  is 
too   much   like   an   importation  to  be   welcomed 
without  restriction;  too  much  like  an  invasion  to 
he   looked  upon  without  solicitude.     We  cannot 
consent  to  allow  any  form  of  servile  labor  to  be 
introduced  among  us  under  the  guise  of  immigra- 
tion.    Recognizing  the  gravity  of  this  subject,  the 
present  administration,  supported  by  Congress,  hns 
sent  to  China  a  commission  of  distinguished  citi- 
zens for  the  purpose  of  securing  such  a  modification 
of  the  existing  treaty  as  will  prevent  the  evils 
likelv  to  arise  from  the  present  situation.     It  is 


16        CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM   OF    1880. 

confidently  believed  that  these  diplomatic  negotia- 
tions will  be  successful  without  the  loss  of  com- 
mercial intercourse  between  the  two  powers,  which 
promises  a  great  increase  of  reciprocal  trade  and 
the  enlargement  of  our  markets.  Should  these 
efforts  fail  it  will  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to 
mitigate  the  evils  already  felt  and  prevent  their 
increase  by  such  restrictions  as,  without  violence 
or  injustice,  will  place  upon  a  sure  foundation  the 
peace  of  our  communities  and  the  freedom  and 
dignity  of  labor. 

The  appointment  of  citizens  to  the  various  exe- 
cutive and  judicial  offices  of  the  government  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  difficult  of  all  duties  which  the 
Constitution  has  imposed  on  the  Executive.  The 
convention  wisely  demands  that  Congress  shall 
co-operate  with  the  Executive  department  in 
placing  the  civil  service  on  a  better  basis.  Experi- 
ence has  proved  that  with  our  frequent  changes 
of  administration  no  system  of  reform  can  be  made 
effective  and  permanent  without  the  aid  of  legisla- 
tion. Appointments  to  the  military  and  naval 
service  are  so  regulated  by  law  and  custom  as  to 
leave  but  little  ground  for  complaint.  It  may  not 
be  wise  to  make  similar  regulations  by  law  for  the 
civil  service.  But,  without  invading  the  authority 
or  necessary  discretion  of  the  Executive,  Congress 
should  devise  a  method  that  will  determine  the 
tenure  of  office  and  greatly  reduce  the  uncertainty 
which  makes  that  service  so  uncertain  and  unsat- 


CONVENTION    AND    PLATFORM    OF    1880.  17 

isfactory.  Without  depriving  any  officer  of  his 
rights  as  a  citizen,  the  government  should  require 
him  to  discharge  all  his  official  duties  with  intelli- 
gence, efficiency  and  faithfulness. 

To  select  wisely  from  our  vast  population  those 
who  are  best  fitted  for  the  many  offices  to  be  filled 
requires  an  acquaintance  far  beyond  the  range  of 
any  one  man.  The  Executive  should,  therefore, 
seek  and  receive  the  information  and  assistance  of 
those  whose  knowledge  of  the  communities  in 
which  the  duties  are  to  be  performed  best  qualifies 
them  to  aid  in  making  the  wisest  choice. 

The  doctrines  announced  by  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention are  not  the  temporary  devices  of  a  party 
to  attract  votes  and  carry  an  election ;  they  are 
deliberate  convictions,  resulting  from  a  careful 
study  of  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  the  events  of 
our  history  and  the  best  impulses  of  our  people. 
In  my  judgment  these  principles  should  control 
the  legislation  and  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment. In  any  event  they  will  guide  my  conduct 
until  experience  points  out  a  better  way.  If 
elected  it  will  be  my  purpose  to  enforce  strict 
obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  to 
promote,  as  best  I  may,  the  interest  and  honor  of 
the  whole  country,  relying  for  support  upon  the 
intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  people.  With 
great  respect,  I  am,  very  truly,  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 
To  Hon.  Geo.  F.  Hoar,  Chairman  of  Committee. 
41 


Appendix  K. 
Notable  Speeches. 


R.  G.  Ingersoll,  of  Illinois,  in  the  National 
Republican  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  June,  1876, 
in  nominating  James  G.  Blaine  for  the  Presidency  : 

"  Massachusetts  may  be  satisfied  with  the  loyalty 
of  Benjamin  H.  Bristow;  so  am  I;  but  if  any 
man  nominated  by  this  convention  cannot  carry 
the  State  of  Massachusetts,  I  am  not  satisfied  with 
the  loyalty  of  that  State.  If  the  nominee  of  this 
-convention  cannot  carry  the  grand  old  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts  by  seventy-five  thousand 
majority,  I  would  advise  them  to  sell  out  Faneuil 
Hall  as  a  Democratic  headquarters. 

"  The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand 
as  their  leader  in  the  great  contest  of  1876  a  man 
of  intelligence,  a  man  of  integrity,  a  man  of  well- 
known  and  approved  political  opinions.  They 
demand  a  reformer  after  as  well  as  before  the 
election.  They  demand  a  politician  in  the  highest, 
broadest  and  best  sense — a  man  of  superb  moral 
courage.  They  demand  a  man  acquainted  with 
public  afiairs,  with  the  wants  of  the  people;  with 
not  only  the  requirements  of  the  hour;  but  with 
the  demands  of  the  future.  They  demand  a  man 
broad  enough  to  comprehend  the  relations  of  this 
government    to   the    other   nations   of  the  earth. 

18 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  19 

They  demand  a  man  well  versed  in  the  powers, 
duties,  and  prerogatives  of  each  and  every  depart- 
ment of  this  government.  They  demand  a  man 
who  will  sacredly  preserve  the  financial  honor  of 
the  United  States,  one  who  knows  enough  to  know 
that  the  national  debt  must  be  paid  through  the 
prosperity  of  this  people;  one  who  knows  enough 
to  know  that  all  the  financial  theories  in  the  world 
cannot  redeem  a  single  dollar;  one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  all  the  money  must  be  made, 
not  by  law,  but  by  labor;  one  who  knows  enough 
to  know  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  have 
the  industry  to  make  the  money  and  the  honor  to 
pay  it  over  just  as  fast  as  they  make  it. 

"  The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand 
a  man  who  knows  that  prosperity  and  resumption, 
■when  they  come,  must  come  together ;  that  when 
they  come,  they  will  come  hand  in  hand  through 
the  golden  harvest  fields;  hand  in  hand  by  the 
whirling  spindles  and  the  turning  wheels ;  hand 
in  hand  past  the  open  furnace  doors  ;  hand  in  hand 
by  the  flaming  forges;  hand  in  hand  by  the  chim- 
neys filled  with  eager  fire — greeted  and  grasped  by 
the  countless  sons  of  toil. 

"This  money  has  to  be  dugout  of  the  earth. 
You  cannot  make  it  by  passing  resolutions  in  a 
political  convention. 

•'  The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  want  a 
man  w^ho  knows  that  this  Government  should  pro- 
tect every  citizen  at  home  and  abroad ;  who  knows 


20  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

that  any  government  that  will  not  defend  its  de- 
fenders, and  protect  its  protectors,  is  a  disgrace  to 
the  map  of  the  world.  They  demand  a  man  who 
believes  in  the  eternal  separation  and  divorcement 
of  Church  and  School.  They  demand  a  man 
whose  political  reputation  is  spotless  as  a  star;  but 
they  do  not  demand  that  their  candidate  shall 
have  a  certificate  of  moral  character  signed  by  a 
Confederate  Congress.  The  man  who  has  in  full, 
heaped  and  rounded  measure,  all  these  splendid 
qualifications,  is  the  present  grand  and  gallant 
leader  of  the  Republican  party — James  G.  Blaine. 

"Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  mar- 
velous achievements  of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a 
man  worthy  of  the  past  and  prophetic  of  her 
future ;  asks  for  a  man  who  has  the  audacity  of 
genius ;  asks  for  a  man  who  is  the  grandest  combi- 
nation of  heart,  conscience  and  brain  beneath  her 
flag.     Such  a  man  is  James  G.  Blaine. 

"  For  the  Republican  host,  led  by  this  intrepid 
man,  there  can  be  no  defeat. 

"  This  is  a  grand  year — a  year  filled  with  the 
recollections  of  the  Revolution ;  filled  with  proud 
and  tender  memories  of  the  past ;  with  the  sacred 
legends  of  liberty ;  a  year  in  which  the  sons  of  free- 
dom will  drink  from  the  fountains  of  enthusiasm ; 
a  year  in  which  the  people  call  for  a  man  who  has 
preserved  in  Congress  what  our  soldiers  won  upon 
the  field ;  a  year  in  which  they  call  for  the  man 
who  has  torn  from  the  throat  of  treason  the  tongue 


NOTABLE    SPEECHES.  21 

of  slander;  for  the  man  who  has  snatched  the 
mask  of  Democracy  from  the  hideous  face  of  re- 
bellion ;  for  the  man  who,  like  an  intellectual 
athlete,  has  stood  in  the  arena  of  debate  and  chal- 
lenged all  comers,  and  who  is  still  a  total  stranger 
to  defeat. 

"  Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed  knight, 
James  G.  Blaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the 
American  Congress,  and  threw  his  shining  lance 
full  and  fair  against  the  brazen  foreheads  of  the  de- 
famers  of  his  country  and  the  maligners  of  his  honor. 

"  For  the  Republican  party  to  desert  this  gallant 
leader  now,  is  as  though  an  army  should  desert 
their  general  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

"  James  G.  Blaine  is  now  and  has  been  for  years 
the  bearer  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Republican 
party.  I  call  it  sacred,  because  no  human  being 
can  stand  beneath  its  folds  without  becoming  free. 

"Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  in  the  name  of 
the  great  Republic,  the  only  Republic  that  ever 
existed  upon  this  earth ;  in  the  name  of  all  her 
defenders  and  of  all  her  supporters ;  in  the  name 
of  all  her  soldiers  living;  in  the  name  of  all  her 
soldiers  dead  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  in  the 
name  of  those  who  perished  in  the  skeleton 
clutch  of  ftimine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby, 
whose  sufferings  he  so  vividly  remembers,  Illinois 
. — Illinois  nominates  for  the  next  President  of  this 
country,  that  Prince  of  parliamentarians — that 
leader  of  leaders — James  G.  Blaine." 


22  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

RoscoE  CoNKLiNG,  of  New  York,  in  the  National 
Republican  Convention  at  Chicago,  June,  1880, 
nominating  Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  the  Presidency  : 

"  When  asked  whence  comes  our  candidate,  we 
say  from  Appomattox.  Obeying  instructions  I 
should  never  dare  to  disregard,  expressing,  also, 
my  own  firm  conviction,  I  rise  in  behalf  of  the 
State  of  New  York  to  propose  a  nomination  with 
which  the  country  and  the  Republican  party  can 
grandly  win.  The  election  before  us  will  be  the 
Austerlitz  of  American  politics.  It  will  decide 
whether  for  years  to  come  the  country  shall  be 
*  republican  or  Cossack.'  The  need  of  the  hour  is 
a  candidate  who  can  carry  doubtful  States,  North 
and  South  ;  and  believing  that  he  more  surely  than 
any  other  can  carry  New  York  against  any  op- 
ponent, and  carry  not  only  the  North,  but  several 
States  of  the  South,  New  York  is  for  Ulysses  S. 
Grant.  He  alone  of  living  Republicans  has  carried 
New  York  as  a  Presidential  candidate.  Once  he 
carried  it  even  according  to  a  Democratic  count,  and 
twice  he  carried  it  by  the  people's  vote,  and  he  is 
stronger  now.  The  Republican  party,  with  its 
standard  in  his  hand,  is  stronger  now  than  in 
1868  or  1872.  Never  defeated  in  war  or  in  peace, 
his  name  is  the  most  illustrious  borne  by  any  living 
man ;  his  services  attest  his  greatness,  and  the 
country  knows  them  by  heart.  His  fame  was  born 
not  alone  of  things  written  and  said,  but  of  the 
arduous  greatness  of  things  done,  and  dangers  and 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  23 

emergencies  will  search  in  vain  in  the  future,  as 
they  have  searched  in  vain  in  the  past,  for  any 
other  on  whom  the  nation  leans  with  such  confi- 
dence and  trust.  Standing  on  the  highest  emi- 
nence of  human  distinction,  and  having  filled  all 
lands  with  his  renown,  modest,  firm,  simple  and 
self-poised,  he  has  seen  not  only  the  titled  but  the 
poor  and  the  lowly  in  the  utmost  ends  of  the 
world  rise  and  uncover  before  him.  He  has 
studied  the  needs  and  defects  of  many  systems  of 
government,  and  he  comes  back  a  better  American 
than  ever,  with  a  wealth  of  knowledge  and  experi- 
ence added  to  the  hard  common  sense  which  so 
conspicuously  distinguished  him  in  all  the  fierce 
light  that  beat  upon  him  throughout  the  most 
eventful,  trying  and  perilous  sixteen  years  of  the 
nation's  history. 

*'  Never  having  had  'a  policy  to  enforce  against 
the  will  of  the  people,'  he  never  betrayed  a  cause 
or  a  friend,  and  the  people  will  never  betray  or 
desert  him.  Villified  and  reviled,  truthlessly 
aspersed  by  numberless  presses,  not  in  other  lands, 
but  in  his  own,  the  assaults  upon  him  have 
strengthened  and  seasoned  his  hold  on  the  public 
heart.  The  ammunition  of  calumny  has  all  been 
exploded ;  the  powder  has  all  been  burned  once, 
its  force  is  spent,  and  General  Grant's  name  will 
glitter  as  a  bright  and  imperishable  star  in  the 
diadem  of  the  Republic  when  those  who  have  tried 
to   tarnish  it  will   have   mouldered   in    forgotten 


24  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

graves  and  their  memories  and  epitaphs  have  van- 
ished utterly. 

"  Never  ehited  by  success,  never  depressed  by 
adversity,  he  has  ever  in  peace,  as  in  war,  shown 
the  very  genius  of  common  sense.  The  terms 
he  prescribed  for  Lee's  surrender  foreshadowed  the 
wisest  principles  and  prophecies  of  true  reconstruc- 
tion. 

"Victor  in  the  greatest  of  modern  wars,  he 
quickly  signalized  his  aversion  to  war  and  his  love 
of  peace  by  an  arbitration  of  international  disputes 
which  stands  as  the  wisest  and  most  majestic  ex- 
ample of  its  kind  in  the  world's  diplomacy.  When 
inflation,  at  the  height  of  its  popularity  and  frenzy, 
had  swept  both  houses  of  Congress,  it  was  the  veto 
of  Grant  which,  single  and  alone,  overthrew  ex- 
pansion and  cleared  the  way  for  specie  resumption. 
To  him,  immeasurably  more  than  to  any  other 
man,  is  due  the  fact  that  every  paper  dollar  is  as 
good  as  gold.  With  him  as  our  leader  we  shall 
have  no  defensive  campaign,  no  apologies  or  ex- 
planations to  make.  The  shafts  and  arrows  have 
all  been  aimed  at  him  and  lie  broken  and  harmless 
at  his  feet.  Life,  liberty  and  property  will  find 
safeguard  in  him.  When  he  said  of  the  black 
man  in  Florida,  '  Wherever  I  am  they  may  come 
also,'  he  meant  that,  had  he  the  power  to  help  it, 
the  poor  dwellers  in  the  cabins  of  the  South  should 
not  be  driven  in  terror  from  the  homes  of  their 
childhood  and  the  graves  of  their  murdered   dead. 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  25 

When  he  refused  to  receive  Denis  Kearney  he 
meant  that  lawlessness  and  communism,  although 
it  should  dictate  laws  to  a  whole  city,  would  every- 
where meet  a  foe  in  him,  and,  popular  or  unpopu- 
lar, he  will  hew  to  the  line  of  right,  let  the  chips 
fly  where  they  may. 

"  His  integrity,  his  common  sense,  his  courage 
and  his  unequaled  experience  are  the  qualities 
offered  to  his  country.  The  only  argument  against 
accepting  them  would  amaze  Solomon.  He  thought 
there  could  be  nothing  new  under  the  sun.  Hav- 
ing tried  Grant  twice  and  found  him  faithful,  we 
are  told  we  must  not,  even  after  an  interval  of 
years,  trust  him  again.  What  stultification  does 
not  such  a  fallacy  involve!  The  American  people 
exclude  Jefferson  Davis  from  public  trust.  Why  ? 
Because  he  was  the  arch  traitor  and  would  be  a 
destroyer.  And  now  the  same  people  are  asked 
to  ostracize  Grant  and  not  trust  him.  Why? 
Because  he  was  the  arch  preserver  of  his  country; 
because,  not  only  in  war,  but  afterward,  twice  as  a 
civic  magistrate,  he  gave  his  highest,  noblest  efforts 
to  the  Republic.  Is  such  absurdity  an  election- 
eering jugglery  or  hypocrisy's  masquerade? 

"There  is  no  field  of  human  activity,  responsi- 
bility or  reason  in  which  rational  beings  object  to 
Grant  because  he  has  been  weighed  in  the  balance 
and  not  found  wanting,  and  because  he  has  une- 
qualed experience,  making  him  exceptionally 
competent  and  fit.     From  the  man  who  shoes  your 


26  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

horse  to  the  lawyer  who  pleads  your  case,  the  offi- 
cers who  manage  your  railway,  the  doctor  into 
whose  hands  you  give  your  life,  or  the  minister 
who  seeks  to  save  your  souls,  what  now  do  you 
reject  because  you  have  tried  hi»n  and  by  his  works 
have  known  him  ?  What  makes  the  Presidential 
office  an  exception  to  all  things  else  in  the  common 
sense  to  be  applied  to  selecting  its  incumbent? 
Who  dares  to  put  fetters  on  the  free  choice  and 
judgment  which  is  the  birthright  of  the  American 
people  ?  Can  it  be  said  that  Grant  has  used 
official  power  to  perpetuate  his  plan  ?  He  has  no 
place.  No  official  power  has  been  used  for  him. 
Without  patronage  or  power,  without  telegraph 
wires  running  from  his  house  to  the  convention, 
without  electioneering  contrivances,  without  effiart 
on  his  part,  his  name  is  on  his  country's  lips,  and 
he  is  struck  at  by  the  whole  Democratic  party 
because  his  nomination  will  be  the  death-blow  to 
Democratic  success.  He  is  struck  at  by  others 
who  find  offence  and  disqualification  in  the  very 
service  he  has  rendered  and  in  the  very  experience 
he  has  gained.  Show  me  a  better  man.  Name 
one  and  I  am  answered.  But  do  not  point,  as  a 
disqualification,  to  the  very  facts  which  make  this 
man  fit  beyond  all  others.  Let  not  experience 
disqualify  or  excellence  impeach  him.  There  is 
no  third  term  in  the  case,  and  the  pretence  will  die 
with  the  political  dog-days  which  engendered  it. 
Nobody  is  really  worried  about   a  third   term  ex- 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  27 

cept  those  hopelessly  longing  for  a  first  term  and 
the  dupes  they  have  made.  Without  bureaus, 
committees,  officials  or  emissaries  to  manufacture 
sentiment  in  his  favor,  w^ithout  intrigue  or  effort 
on  his  part,  Grant  is  the  candidate  whose  sup- 
porters have  never  threatened  to  bolt.  As  they 
say,  he  is  a  Republican  who  never  wavers.  He  and 
his  friends  stood  by  the  creed  and  the  candidates 
of  the  Republican  party,  holding  the  right  of  a 
majority  as  the  very  essence  of  their  fiiith,  and 
meaning  to  uphold  that  faith  against  the  common 
enemy  and  the  charlatans  and  guerrillas  who  from 
time  to  time  deploy  between  the  lines  and  forage 
on  one  side  or  the  other. 

"  The  Democratic  party  is  a  standing  protest 
against  progress.  Its  purposes  are  spoils.  Its 
hope  and  very  existence  is  a  solid  South.  Its 
success  is  a  menace  to  prosperity  and  order. 

"  This  convention  is  master  of  a  supreme  oppor- 
tunitv,  can  name  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States  and  make  sure  of  his  election  and  his  peace- 
ful inauguration.  It  can  break  the  power  which 
dominates  and  mildews  the  South.  It  can  speed 
the  nation  in  a  career  of  grandeur  eclipsing  all 
past  achievements.  We  have  only  to  listen  above 
the  din  and  look  beyond  the  dust  of  an  hour  to 
behold  the  Republican  party  advancing  to  victory, 
with  its  greatest  marshal  at  its  head." 


James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  in  the  National 


28  NOTABLE    SPEECHES. 

Republican    Convention  at  Chicago,  June,   1880, 
nominating  John  Sherman  for  the  Presidency  : 

"  I  have  witnessed  the  extraordinary  scenes  of 
this  convention  with  deep  sohcitude.  No  emotion 
touches  my  heart  more  quickly  than  a  sentiment 
in  honor  of  a  great  and  noble  character.  But  as  I 
sat  on  these  seats  and  witnessed  these  demonstra- 
tions, it  seemed  to  me  you  were  a  human  ocean  in 
a  tempest.  I  have  seen  the  sea  lashed  into  a  fury 
and  tossed  into  a  spray,  and  its  grandeur  moves 
the  soul  of  the  dullest  man.  But  I  remember 
that  it  is  not  the  billows,  but  the  calm  level  of 
the  sea  from  which  all  heights  and  depths  are 
measured.  When  the  storm  has  passed  and  the 
hour  of  calm  settles  on  the  ocean,  when  sunlight 
bathes  its  smooth  surface,  then  the  astronomer  and 
surveyor  takes  the  level  from  which  he  measures 
all  terrestrial  heights  and  depths.  Gentlemen  of 
the  convention,  your  present  temper  may  not  mark 
the  healthful  pulse  of  our  people.  When  our  en- 
thusiasm has  passed,  when  the  emotions  of  this 
hour  have  subsided,  we  shall  find  the  calm  level 
of  public  opinion  below  the  storm  from  which  the 
thoughts  of  a  mighty  people  are  to  be  measured, 
and  by  which  their  final  action  will  be  determined. 
Not  here,  in  this  brilliant  circle  where  fifteen  thou- 
sand men  and  women  are  assembled,  is  the  destiny 
of  the  Republic  to  be  decreed ;  not  here,  where  I 
see  the  enthusiastic  faces  of  seven  hundred  and 
fifty-six  delegates  waiting  to  cast  their  votes  into 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  29 

■^he  urn  and  determine  the  choice  of  their  party; 
but  by  four  million  Republican  firesides,  where 
the  tlioughtful  fathers,  with  wives  and  children 
about  them,  with  the  calm  thoughts  inspired  by 
love  of  home  and  love  of  country,  with  the  history 
of  the  past,  the  hopes  of  the  future,  and  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  great  men  who  have  adorned  and 
blessed  our  nation  in  days  gone  by — there  God 
prepares  the  verdict  that  shall  determine  the  wis- 
dom of  our  work  to-night.  Not  in  Chicago  in  the 
heat  of  June,  but  in  the  sober  quiet  that  comes 
between  now  and  the  melancholy  days  of  Novem- 
ber in  the  silence  of  deliberate  judgment  will  this 
great  question  be  settled.  Let  us  aid  them  to- 
night. 

"  But  now,  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  what  do 
we  want?  Bear  with  me  a  moment.  Hear  me 
for  this  cause,  and  for  a  moment  be  silent,  that  you 
may  hear.  Twenty-five  years  ago  this  Republic 
was  wearing  a  triple  chain  of  bondage.  Long  fa- 
miliarity with  traffic  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men 
had  paral^'zed  the  consciences  of  a  majority  of  our 
people.  The  baleful  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty 
had  shocked  and  weakened  the  noblest  and  most 
beneficent  powers  of  the  National  Government,  and 
the  grasping  power  of  slavery  was  seizing  the  virgin 
territories  of  the  West  and  dragging  them  into  the 
den  of  eternal  bondage.  At  that  crisis  the  Repub- 
lican party  was  born.  It  drew  its  first  inspiration 
from  that  fire  of  liberty  which  God  has  lighted  in 


to  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

every  man's  heart,  and  which  all  the  powers  of  ig- 
norance and  tyranny  can  never  wholly  extinguish. 
The  Republican  party  came  to  deliver  and  save  the 
Eepublic.  It  entered  the  arena  when  the  be- 
leaguered and  assailed  territories  were  struggling 
for  freedom,  and  drew  around  them  the  sacred 
circle  of  liberty  which  the  demon  of  slavery  has 
never  dared  to  cross.  It  made  them  free  forever. 
Strengthened  by  its  victory  on  the  frontier,  the 
young  party,  under  the  leadership  of  that  great 
man  who,  on  this  spot,  twenty  years  ago,  was  made 
its  leader,  entered  the  national  capital  and  assumed 
the  high  duties  of  the  Government.  The  lisht 
which  shone  from  its  banner  dispelled  the  darkness 
in  which  slavery  had  enshrouded  the  capital,  and 
melted  the  shackles  of  every  slave,  and  consumed, 
in  the  fire  of  liberty,  every  slave-pen  within  the 
shadow  of  the  Capitol.  Our  national  industries, 
by  an  impoverishing  policy,  were  themselves  pros- 
trated, and  the  streams  of  revenue  flowed  in  such 
feeble  currents  that  the  Treasury  itself  was  well- 
nigh  empty.  The  money  of  the  people  was  the 
wretched  notes  of  two  thousand  uncontrolled  and 
irresponsible  State  banking  corporations,  which 
were  filling  the  country  with  a  circulation  that 
poisoned  rather  than  sustained  the  life  of  business. 
The  Republican  party  changed  all  this.  It  abolished 
the  babel  of  confusion,  and  gave  the  country  a 
currency  as  national  as  its  flag,  based  upon  the 
sacred  faith  of  the  people.     It  threw  its  protecting 


NOTABLE     SPEECHES.  31 

arm  around  our  great  industries,  and  they  stood 
erect  as  with  new  life.  It  filled  with  the  spirit  of 
true  nationality  all  the  great  functions  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. It  confronted  a  rebellion  of  unexampled 
magnitude,  with  slavery  behind  it,  and,  under  God, 
fought  the  final  battle  of  liberty  until  victory  was 
won.  Then,  after  the  storms  of  battle,  were  heard 
the  sweet,  calm  words  of  peace  uttered  by  the  con- 
quering nation,  and  saying  to  the  conquered  foe  that 
lay  prostrate  at  its  feet :  '  This  is  our  only  revenge, 
that  you  join  us  in  lifting  to  the  serene  firmament 
of  the  Constitution,  to  shine  like  stars  for  ever  and 
ever,  the  immortal  principles  of  truth  and  justice, 
that  all  men,  white  or  black,  shall  be  free  and 
stand  equal  before  the  law.' 

"  Then  came  the  question  of  reconstruction,  the 
public  debt,  and  the  public  faith.  In  the  settle- 
ment of  the  questions  the  Republican  party  has 
completed  its  twenty-five  years  of  glorious  exist- 
ence, and  it  has  sent  us  here  to  prepare  it  for  an- 
other lustrum  of  duty  and  of  victory.  How  shall 
we  do  this  great  work  ?  We  cannot  do  it,  my 
friends,  by  assailing  our  Republican  brethren.  God 
forbid  that  I  should  say  one  word  to  cast  a  shadow 
upon  an}'-  name  on  the  roll  of  our  heroes.  This 
coming  fight  is  our  Thermopylse.  We  are  standing 
upon  a  narrow  isthmus.  If  our  Spartan  hosts  are 
united,  we  can  withstand  all  the  Persians  that  the 
Xerxes  of  Democracy  can  bring  against  us.  Let 
us  hold  our  ground  this  one  year,  for  the  stars  in 


32  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

their  courses  fight  for  us  in  the  future.  The  census 
taken  this  year  will  bring  reinforcements  and  con- 
tinued power.  But  in  order  to  win  this  victory 
now,  we  want  the  vote  of  every  Republican,  of  every 
Grant  Republican  and  every  anti-Grant  Republican 
in  America,  of  every  Blaine  man  and  every  anti- 
Blaine  man.  The  vote  of  every  follower  of  every 
candidate  is  needed  to  make  our  success  certain ; 
therefore  I  say,  gentlemen  and  brethren,  we  are 
here  to  take  calm  counsel  together,  and  inquire 
what  we  shall  do.  We  want  a  man  whose  life  and 
opinions  embody  all  the  achievements  of  which  I 
have  spoken.  We  want  a  man  who,  standing  on 
a  mountain  height,  sees  all  the  achievements  of  our 
past  history,  and  carries  in  his  heart  the  memory 
of  all  its  glorious  deeds,  and  who,  looking  forward, 
prepares  to  meet  the  labor  and  the  dangers  to  come. 
We  want  one  who  will  act  in  no  spirit  of  unkind- 
ness  toward  those  we  lately  met  in  battle.  The 
Republican  party  offers  to  our  brethren  of  the  South 
the  olive  branch  of  peace,  and  wishes  them  to  re- 
turn to  brotherhood,  on  this  supreme  condition,  that 
it  shall  be  admitted  forever  and  foreverraore,  that 
in  the  war  for  the  Union,  we  were  right  and  they 
were  wrong.  On  that  supreme  condition  we  meet 
them  as  brethren,  and  on  no  other.  We  ask  them 
to  share  with  us  the  blessings  and  honors  of  this 
great  Republic. 

Now,  gentlemen,  not  to  weary  you,  I  am   about 
to  present  a  name  for  your  consideration — the  name 


NOTABLE    SPEECHES.  33 

of  a  man  who  was  the  comrade  and  associate  and 
friend  of  nearly  all  those  noble  dead  whose  faces 
look  down  upon  us  from  these  walls  to-night ;  a 
man  who  began  his  career  of  public  service  twenty- 
five  years  ago,  whose  first  duty  was  courageously 
done  in  the  days  of  peril  on  the  plains  of  Kansas, 
when  the  first  red  drops  of  that  bloody  shower  be- 
gan to  fall  which  finally  swelled  into  the  deluge  of 
war.  He  bravel}^  stood  by  young  Kansas  then, 
and,  returning  to  his  duty  in  the  National  Legisla- 
ture, through  all  subsequent  time  his  pathway  has 
been  marked  by  labors  performed  in  every  depart- 
ment of  legislation.  You  ask  for  his  monuments. 
I  point  you  to  twenty-five  years  of  national  statutes. 
Not  one  great  beneficent  statute  has  been  placed 
in  our  statute  books  without  his  intelligent  and 
powerful  aid.  He  aided  these  men  to  formulate 
the  laws  that  raised  our  great  armies  and  carried 
us  through  the  war.  His  hand  was  seen  in  the 
workmanship  of  those  statutes  that  restored  and 
brought  back  the  unity  and  married  calm  of  the 
States.  His  hand  was  in  all  that  great  legislation 
that  created  the  war  currency,  and  in  a  still  greater 
work  that  redeemed  the  promises  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  made  the  currency  equal  to  gold.  And 
when  at  last  called  from  the  halls  of  legislation 
into  a  high  executive  office,  he  displayed  that  ex- 
perience, intelligence,  firmness  and  poise  of  charac- 
ter which  has  carried  us  through  a  stormy  period 
of  three  years.  With  one-half  of  the  public  press 
42 


34  NOTABLE     SPEECHES. 

crying  '  crucify  him/  and  a  hostile  Congress  seeking 
to  prevent  success,  in  all  this  he  remained  unmoved 
until  victory  crowned  him.  The  great  fiscal  afi'airs 
of  the  nation,  and  the  great  business  interests  of 
the  country,  he  has  guarded  and  preserved,  while 
executing  a  law  of  resumption  and  efiecting  its 
object  without  ajar  and  against  the  false  prophesies 
of  one-half  of  the  press  and  all  the  Democracy  of 
this  continent.  He  has  shown  himself  able  to 
meet  with  calmness  the  great  emergencies  of  the 
Government  for  twenty-five  years.  He  has  trodden 
the  perilous  heights  of  public  duty,  and  against  all 
the  shafts  of  malice  has  borne  his  breast  unharmed. 
He  has  stood  in  the  blaze  of  ^  that  fierce  light  that 
beats  against  the  throne,'  but  its  fiercest  ray  has 
found  no  flaw  in  his  armor,  no  stain  on  his  shield. 
I  do  not  present  him  as  a  better  Eepublican  or  as 
a  better  man  than  thousands  of  others  we  honor,  but 
I  present  him  for  your  deliberate  consideration.  I 
nominate  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio.  " 


Appendix  L 
Republican  State  Platforms  of  1883. 

IOWA,  June  27. 

6.  That  stability  is  desirable  in  such  public 
policies  as  relate  to  and  affect  all  productive  indus- 
tries; and  we  condemn  the  threat  of  the  Iowa 
Democracy  to  disturb  and  keep  at  unrest  said  in- 
dustries and  the  capital  and  labor  employed  therein 
by  "  gradual  and  persistent  efforts "  to  so  change 
the  customs  laws  as  to  establish  free  trade ,;  and 
we  insist  upon  such  revenue  laws  as  will  encourage 
American  industries  and  protect  American  labor 
in  order  that  the  American  working  men  shall 
have  a  fair  day's  wages  for  a  fair  day's  work,  and 
tend  to  assure  permanent  employment. 

7.  That  the  inability  of  the  Democratic  party 
during  the  six  years  that  it  held  undisputed  con- 
trol of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Congress 
to  agree  on  legislation  for  the  revision  of  the  tariff 
and  the  reform  of  the  civil  service,  notwithstanding 
both  subjects  were  constantly  and  prominently 
present  in  its  platform  promises  and  campaign 
activities,  and  the  passage  of  laws  affecting  both 
of  said  objects  by  the  Republican  Congress  at  its 
late  session,  demonstrates  anew  the  incapacity  of 
the  former  to  deal  with  questions  of  great  public 
concern,  and  that  the  country  must  rely  on  the 
latter  for  practical  legislation. 


S6     REPUBLICAN    STATE    PLATFORMS   OF    1883. 

KENTUCKY. 

3.  That  we  favor  the  adjustment  of  a  tariff  that 
will  not  only  provide  a  revenue  sufficient  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  Government,  but  afford  a  just 
and  reasonable  protection  to  the  industrial  classes 
of  our  country  without  being  oppressive  to  the 
agricultural  and  other  interests  of  our  people. 

MASSACHUSETTS,  Sept.  19. 

We  believe  in  equal  rights  and  a  fairly  counted 
vote,  a  thoroughly  pure  and  reformed  Civil  Service 
beyond  the  reach  of  party  conflicts,  a  sound  cur- 
rency based  on  an  honest  specie  dollar,  a  liberal, 
but  in  nowise  extravagant  or  wasteful,  expendi- 
ture, a  largely  reduced  taxation,  and  wise  and  well- 
matured  laws  to  ^  protect  and  develop  American 
industry  and  enterprise,  both  at  home  and  on  the 
ocean. 

MINNESOTA,  June  28. 

We  believe  in  maintaining  a  system  of  internal 
revenue  levied  upon  articles  of  luxury,  such  as 
whiskey  and  tobacco,  together  with  a  system  of 
duties  on  imports,  so  applied  as  to  provide  reve- 
nue for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government, 
and  so  adjusted  as  to  encourage  the  development 
of  the  manufacturing  and  labor  interests  of  the 
whole  country. 

NEW  JERSEY,  Sept.  18. 
3.  We  congratulate  the  country  upon  the  sue- 


REPUBLICAN    STATE    PLATFORMS   OF    1883.        -37 

cessful  application  of  the  principles  of  genuine 
Civil  Service  Reform  in  the  National  Adminis- 
tration, and  favor  the  adoption  of  the  system  in  all 
branches  of  our  State  government. 

4.  We  believe  that  the  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  our  own  people  are  of  paramount  importance, 
and  therefore  we  insist  upon  a  tariff  so  adjusted 
as  to  give  full  protection  to  home  labor  and  indus- 
try, and  sufficient  to  develop  all  the  resources 
of  the  country,  and  favor  such  wise  and  proper 
State  legislation  as  will  protect  honest  labor  from 
unfair  competition. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  19. 

The  Republicans  of  New  York  in  State  Conven- 
tion hold  that  the  record  of  tha  Republican  party 
in  the  past  affords  the  best  guaranty  of  the  party's 
purposes  and  acts  in  the  future.  The  preservation 
of  the  Nation's  life,  the  extension  of  freedom  and 
equal  rights  to  embrace  all,  the  keeping  of  the 
National  faith,  the  promotion  of  the  National 
credit,  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  the  reduc- 
tion of  taxation,  the  protection  of  home  industries, 
the  elevation  of  labor,  the  purification  of  the  Civil 
Service,  and  in  fine,  the  administrative  policy 
based  upon  wise  legislation  that  has  given  unex- 
ampled prosperity  to  the  country  and  promoted 
the  happiness  and  progress  of  the  people,  are 
achievements  that  commend  the  Republican  party 
to  continued  popular  favor. 


38      REPUBLICAN    STATE    PLATFORMS   OF    1883. 

We  rejoice  in  the  wisdom  and  success  of  Presi- 
dent Arthur's  administration  of  the  affairs  of 
Government,  which  commands  universal  respect 
throughout  the  country,  and  has  the  confidence 
and  support  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  Our  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  have  our  thanks  for  their  part  in  the 
reduction  of  internal  taxation  to  the  extent  of 
$40,000,000,  while  the  National  credit  is  kept 
unsullied,  the  public  debt  is  being  steadily  reduced, 
and  the  defenders  of  the  National  life  are  justly 
the  recipients  of  a  grateful  republic's  bounty.  We 
approve  honesty  and  fidelity  in  Governmental 
expenditures,  the  reduction  of  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  the  payment  of  the  debt  as  rapidly 
as  may  be  without  unduly  burdening  the  people ; 
the  bringing  of  taxation  within  the  lowest  practi- 
cable limits ;  the  reduction  of  the  force  of  public 
officials  to  the  lowest  number  consistent  with  the 
requirements  of  the  service,  and  the  adoption  of 
every  practical  means  that  will  diminish  the  bur- 
dens of  taxation. 

We  rejoice  in  the  successful  inauguration  of 
Civil  Service  Reform,  a  result  of  Republican  agita- 
tion and  National  progress,  and  insist  that  the 
work  thus  auspiciously  begun  shall  be  prosecuted 
to  complete  success. 

We  favor  a  system  of  tariff  laws  under  which, 
while  revenue  for  the  Government  is  provided, 
American  producers  are  justly  protected,  American 


REPUBLICAN    STATE   PLATFORMS   OF    1883.         39 

labor  elevated,  and  home  markets  are  secured  to 
home  products  for  the  advantage  alike  of  the 
producer  and  laborer. 

We  favor  the  removal  of  all  unjust  burdens  upon 
American  shipping  and  the  awarding  of  ocean 
mail  contracts  to  the  lowest  bidders  among  owners 
of  American  vessels  after  open  competition. 

We  favor  the  establishment  by  Congress  of  a 
national  bureau  of  labor  statistics  with  the  object 
of  promoting  the  industrial,  social  and  sanitary 
conditions  of  the  people. 

We  favor  the  surrounding  of  the  primary  meet- 
ings as  well  as  the  popular  election  with  the 
security  of  honesty  and  purity,  as  indispensable 
requisites  to  correct  political  action. 

The  tendency  to  create  monopolies  requires, 
checking  by  adequate  legislation.  Unjust  discrimi- 
nation in  transportation  should  be  prohibited,  and; 
violation  of  chartered  privileges  justifies  the  inter- 
ference of  the  State  to  correct  the  evils  thus  en- 
gendered. 

Taxation  should  be  equalized,  and  its  burdens  be 
borne  proportionately  by  real  and  personal  prop- 
erty ;  and  the  policy  of  the  taxation  of  corpora- 
tions is  approved  on  the  test  of  its  practical  opera- 
tion. 

The  free  canal  policy  of  this  State  has  in  prac- 
tice justified  its  adoption,  by  restoring  the  canals 
to  their  usefulness,  by  bringing  to  the  State  in- 
creased commerce,  by  assuring  to  it  the  continuance 
of  commercial  supremacy. 


40      REPUBLICAN    STATE    PLATFORMS   OF    1883. 

"VVe  approve  the  plan  of  party  reorganization  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  recommend  that  it  be 
persisted  in  to  the  end  that  it  shall  embrace  all 
Republicans  in  the  city  on  equal  terms  and  footing. 

We  believe  in  the  wisdom  of  the  people  in  de- 
ciding all  questions  pertaining  to  the  public  wel- 
fare, and  would  accede  to  the  desire  of  a  large 
body  of  our  citizens  to  submit  to  the  voters  of  the 
State  a  constitutional  amendment  in  regard  to  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors. 

Democratic  incapacity  and  inability  to  admin- 
ister government  are  demonstrated  in  the  conduct 
of  the  late  Legislature,  where  a  two-thirds  Demo- 
cratic majority  was  false  to  its  pledges  and  to 
public  interests.  The  reckless  partisanship  and  in- 
satiate greed  for  office  of  the  Democratic  party 
brought  it  into  public  contempt.  Its  special  legis- 
lation to  make  places  for  partisans  and  its  increase 
of  the  salary  list  to  reward  favorites  brought  upon 
it  public  execration.  Its  utter  disregard  of  impor- 
tant public  interests  and  its  increase  of  State  taxa- 
tion are  offences  not  to  be  condoned.  The  course 
pursued  in  its  cowardly  attempt  to  evade  the  respon- 
sibility of  affirmative  action  on  the  convict  labor 
question,  and  to  shirk  the  issue  directly  presented 
in  the  platform  of  the  last  Democratic  State  Con- 
vention, has  earned  the  distrust  of  the  taxpayer 
and  the  contempt  of  the  workingman. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to  rescue  the  Legis- 
lature  from  the  control  of  an   incompetent  and 


REPUBLICAN    STATE    PLATFORMS   OF    1883.        41 

faithless  party  and  from  being  the  sport  of  place- 
hunters  and  spoilsmen,  and  to  secure  a  continuance 
of  economical,  efficient  and  satisfactory  adminis- 
tration of  State  departments  by  the  election  of  the 
ticket  or  State  officers  this  day  placed  in  nomina- 
tion. 

OHIO,  June  6. 

2.  That  the  Republican  party  believe  now,  as  in 
the  past,  in  the  maintenance  of  a  tariff  system 
which  will  provide  a  revenue  for  the  Government, 
and  at  the  same  time  will  protect  American  pro- 
ducers and  American  labor;  that  it  is  opposed  to 
the  Democratic  doctrine  of  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only,  because  such  a  doctrine,  if  indorsed,  would 
of  necessity  compel  American  workmen  to  accept 
the  unremunerative  wages  which  are  paid  their 
foreign  rivals.  It  looks  with  alarm  upon  the  pur- 
pose already  avowed  by  the  Democratic  leaders 
that  the  next  Congress  will  revise  the  tariff  by 
further  reducing  the  duties  on  imports. 

3.  That  the  wool  tariff  of  1876  should  be  re- 
stored at  the  first  possible  opportunity. 

10.  That  we  reiterate  the  declarations  of  pre- 
vious Republican  conventions  in  favor  of  Civil 
Service  Reform,  and  welcome  every  intelligent 
effort  to  make  that  measure  practical ;  and  we  es- 
pecially approve  the  provisions  made  by  a  Repub- 
lican Congress  for  giving  the  patriotic  soldiers  of 
the  late  war,  with  the  proper  qualifications,  the 
preference  for  all  places  under  the  Government. 


42       REPUBLICAN   STATE   PLATFORMS   OF   1883. 

PENNSYLVANIA,  July  11. 

1.  We  unqualifiedly  approve  and  demand  the 
continuance  of  that  system  of  protection  to  home 
industry  which  has  proved  itself  to  be  the  basis  of 
National  independence,  the  incentive  to  industrial 
skill  and  development,  and  the  guarantee  of  a  just 
and  adequate  scale  of  wages  for  labor;  and  we  de- 
nounce all  attempts  to  reduce  the  rates  of  the  tarifi" 
helow  the  level  which  will  accomplish  these  ob- 
jects. 

2.  That  any  surplus  in  the  public  Treasury 
arising  from  a  redundant  revenue  should,  after 
paying  the  National  debt  as  fast  as  its  conditions 
permit,  be  distributed  from  time  to  time  to  the 
several  States  upon  the  basis  of  population,  to  re- 
lieve them  from  the  burdens  of  local  taxation  and 
provide  means  for  the  education  of  their  people. 

7.  We  commend  every  effort  to  inaugurate 
thorough  and  correct  Civil  Service  reform  in  all 
the  departments  of  the  National  and  State  admin- 
istrations. "^ 


